AN 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


OF    THE 


STATE  OF  IRELAND, 

FROM    THE 

INVASION  OF  THAT  COUNTRY  UNDER  HENRY  II. 

TO    ITS 

UNION  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN 

ON    THE    FIRST    OF    JANUARY     1801. 

IN  FIVE  VOLUMES. 


BT  FRANCIS  PLOJVDEN,  Esq. 


VOL.  IL 


Pauci  priiJentia  honesta  ab  deterioribus,  utilia  ab  noxlls  discemunt :  plures 
aliorum  eventis  docentur.  Tac.  4.  Ann.  33. 

Few  are  qualified  by  their  own  reflection  to  mark  the  boundaries  between 
vice  and  virtue.  To  separate  the  useful  from  that  which  leads  to  destruction 
is  not  the  talent  of  every  man.  The  example  of  otliers  is  the  school  of 
'^'isdom.  Murphy's  Trans.  Vol.  i.  p.  273. 


PHILADELPHIA  : 


PRINTED     AND     PUBLISHED     BY     WILLIAM    F.     M'LAUGHLIN,     NO,    2S 

NORTH   SECOND    STREET,  AND   B ARTHOLOi^ME W  GRAVES,  NO, 

40    NORTH    FOURTH    STREET. 


'8«^-     4  2  8  5 


CONTENTS    ^ 


or    THE 


SECOND  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE    REIGN    OF    GEORGE    SECOND. 


THE  Catholics  present  an  address  of  congratulation  to  be  trans- 
mitted by  the  lords  justices — Never  answered — Boidter  con- 
tinues to  maintain  an  English  ascendency  in  Ireland  -  page  1 

Roman  Catholics  disfranchised — References  and  extracts  of 
Primate  Boulter's  letters  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle     -     -     2 

Boulter's  pride  to  support  the  English  interest         -         -  3 

The  address  causes  a  division  among  the  Catholics  -  4 

The  wretchedness  of  the  poor  and  accumulated  national 
debt 5 

The  commons  frame  various  resolutions,  such  as  a  national 
bank,  granaries,  &c. — Lord  Carteret's  administration     -       6 

First  coalition  between  Irish  Protestants  and  Catholics  dreaded 
by  government  -  -  ...  7 

The  disfranchising  clause  brought  in  by  stealth  -  7 

The  prime  minister  Boulter  only  occupied  in  encreasing  the 
wealth  of  the  church,  and  keeping  up  an  English  ascen- 
dency -----  .  g 

Boulter  acknowledges  that  the  Catholics  are  five  to  one  Protes- 
tant ------  9-10 

Broderick  appointed  to  a  commission  of  the  customs  in  Eng- 
land -  -  -  -  -  -  11 

Alarm  of  Boulter  upon  this  nomination — The  English  interest 
oppose  the  restoration  of  the  Clanricard  forfeitures — The 
same  interest  get  the  commons  of  Ireland  to  vote  an  address 
to  the  king  beseeching  him  to  withhold  his  disposition  of 
restoring  any  forfeitures  whatsoever  -  -  12 


iv  CONTENTS. 

Primate  Boulter  governs  in  reality  during  the  whole  of  Lord 

Carteret's  administration  -  -  -  13 

Boulter  gives  a  melancholy  picture  of  Ireland  and  enlarges  upon 

the  emigrations         -------        14 

Great  scarcity  in  the  North,  and  corn  purchased  in  Munster  for 

its  relief,  which  occasions  several  riots         -         -         -        15 

Great  emigrations  from  the  North — The  Dissenting  ministers 

present  a  memorial  -  -  -  -  16 

National  debt  of  Ireland  but    16,106/.   116-.  OA^'.— Continued 

poverty  of  Ireland  -  .  -  -  17 

The  patriots  gain  a  superiority  in  the  House  of  Commons   -   18 

The  Duke  of  Dorset's  administration  continued       -         -        18 

The  Duke's  testimony  of  the  peaceable  conduct  of  the  Irish  -  19 

Administration  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire — Primate  Boulter 

still  conducts  the  Irish  cabinet  -  -  -         21-2 

The  cries  against  Papists  and  Popery  in  Ireland  excited  by  the 

self-interest  of  a  few  individuals  -  •   -  -  23 

Prin^iate  Boulter's  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London  -  23 

The  Irish  cabinet  at  variance  with  the  English         -         -       24 

Lord  Clancarthy's  attainder  confirmed  -  -         -  25 

Earl  of  Chesterfield,  lord  lieutenant         -         -         -         -      26 

Irish  regiments  in  the  French  service  -  -  -  2/ 

Moderation  of  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield's  government       -       28 
Not  one   Catholic  in  Ireland  accused  of  rebellion  during  the 
commotions  of  1  r45  _  -  -  -  29 

Primate  Stone's  testimony  of  Irish  Catholic  loyalty        .  -         30 
Lord  Chesterneld  addresses  the  parliament         -  -         30-1 

He  orders  the  places  for  Catholic  worship  to  be  opened    -    32-3 
Union  of  all  sects  and  parties  under  his  administration     -       34 
The  good  eifects  of  abilities  in  the  government  exemplified     35 
Earl  of  Chesterfield  recalled  soon  after  the  battle  of  Culloden  35 
Earl  of  Harrington  appointed  lord  lieutenant— The   question 
about  the  privileges  of  the  corporation  of  Dublin  started      36 
Doctor  Lucas,  O'Connor,  &c.  publish  their  opinions        -       37 
Lucas  publishes  his  discoveries  -  -  -  38 

Lucas  declared  an  enemy  to  his  country  and  flies — Upon  a  new 
vacancy  for  Dublin  he  returns  and  is  elected — Stone,  Bishop 
of  Derry,  succeeds  Primate  Boulter         -         -  -  39 

This  prelate's  character  _  -  -  -  39 

Trade  of  the  country  encreased — Discussion  between  the  crown 
and  the  patriots  about  the  disposal  of  the  surplus  of  the  reve- 
nues ------  40 

The  patriots  carry  their  point — Dispose  of  the  surplus  after- 
wards yearly  in  public  M'orks,  &c.  without  the  consent  of  the 
crown — Bad  effects  of  this  policy — This  kind  of  vicious  ad- 
ministration removed  by  the  union         -         -         -  41 
The  Duke  of  Dorsets's  speech  from  the  throne         -         -       42 


CONTENTS.  V 

Mr.  Nevil,  Engineer  General,  accused  of  embezzlement  of  the 
public  monies,  convicted  and  cashiered         -         -         „       43 
Primate  Stone  unpopular  from  his  vices  and  policy — Lord  George 
Sackville  appointed  secretary — The  haughty  demeanour  of 
this  young  nobleman  -  -  -  -  44 

Discussions  of  tne  session,  1753         -         -         -  _  45 

All  servants  of  the  crown  who  joined  the  patriots  were  dismissed 
from  office  -  -  -  -  -  45 

The  Earl  of  Kildare  petitions  the  king  -  -  47 

The  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  promoted  to  a  peerage 
by  the  title  of  Earl  of  Shannon  -  -  -         48 

Primate  Stone  struck  off  the  list  of  the  council        -         -         49 
Duke  of  Devonshire   appointed   lord    lieutenant— Returns   to 
England,  1756,  the  ferment  subsides         -         -         -  50 

The  House  of  Commons  in  a  committee  consider  upon  the 
heads  of  a  bill  for  securing  the  freedom  of  that  house  against 
the  influence  of  the  crown  -  -  -  50 

Resolutions  of  the  said  committee  -  -  -  51 

Said  resolutions  presented  to  the  lord  lieutenant  -  52 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  appointed  lord  lieutenant — The  appre- 
hension of  further  persecutions  engage  some  Catliolic  gentle- 
men to  meet — Diversity  of  opinions  on  their  political  rights  53 
Declarations  of  the  principles  of  the  Catholics — A  first  m.eeting 
of  the  Catholics  where  a  committee  is  formed — Mr.  Wyse's 
plan  presented  -  -  -  -  ,  54 

Publication  of  Dr.  Curry's  Historical  Memoirs  -  55 

The  lord  lieutenant's  message  to  the  house         -         -  55-6 

The  Catholics  of  Dublin  address  the  lord  lieutenant         -         57 
The    address    graciously  received  and  read  at  the  bar  of  the 
House  of  Commons  by  orders  from  the  chair  -  58 

Similar  addresses  from  other  parts  of  the  kingdom — Mr.  Arthur 
Young's  portrait  of  Irish  landlords         -  -  .  59 

The  country  not  then  ripe  for  an  union  -  -  -  59-CO 
The  French  Brest  Fleet  vanquished  by  Admiral  Hawke  61 
ThurotlandsatCarrickfergusandtakes.it  -  -  61 

Plunders  the  tov/n — Re-embarks — Is  attacked  near  the  Isle  of 
Man  by  Captain  Elliot— Thurot  killed  -  -  62-3 

Thanks  of  the  commons  to  Colonel  Jennings  for  his  good  con- 
duct at  Carrickfergus  upon  the  landing  of  the  French     -     63 
Demise  of  King  George  the  Second,  25th  October,  1760,  aged 
77vears'  -  -  _      '    -  .  -  64 


vi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  REIGN  OF  GEORGE  THE  THIRD. 

THE  king's  speech  to  the  British  parliament         -         -        65 
General  state  of  Ireland  in  the  year  1760  -  -  66 

From  the  accession  of  the  Hanover  family  the  rigour  of  the  po- 
pery laws  slackened  by  degrees       -  -  -  67 
First  rising  in  the  south  of  Ireland — White  Boys             -         68 
Causes  of  the  miseries  of  the  people- — Disproportion  between 
the  price  of  provisions  and  that  of  labour           -           -          69 
Arthur  Young's  observations  on  these  insurgents       -         69-70 
Sir  Richard  Aston,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas, 
sent  upon  a  special  commission  to  try   the  insurgents — -His 
justice  and  humanity         ---._,  71 
An  account  of  the  trial  of  the  Rev.  Nicholas  Sheehy  acquitted  in 
Dublin,  condemned  in  Clonmel         -            -            ,            72-3 
Attempts  to  thrown  the   odium  of  the  riots  upon  the  Roman 
Catholics         ------..74 

The  House  of  Commons  appoint  a  c6mmittee  to  enquire  into 
the  progress  of  the  popish  insurrection — Rupture  with  Spain 
continued  -  -  -  -  -  75 

A  message  for  further  supplies — Granted — A  vote  of  credit 

for  500,000/.  -  .  -  .  -  76 

The  various  descriptions  of  insurgents  under  the  titles  of  Oak 

Boys^  Hearts  of  Steely  Peep-of-Day  Boys^  and  the  causes  of 

their  excesses  -  -  -  -  .77 

Lord  Halifax's  government  ended,  1762  -  -  7^ 

Change  of  the  cabinet  -  -  -  -  7g 

Mr,  Burke's  remarks  upon  the  change  of  ministry,  iVo^^  78  to  81 
The  merchants  of  Dublin  present  an  address  to  Mr.  Pitt  ex- 
pressive of  their  gratitude  -  -  -  79  to  81 
Doctor  Lucas  leads  the  patriots  of  Dublin— The  septennial  bill 
rejected — -the  patriots  lose  ground               -              _  82 
Resolutions  of  the  merchants  of  Dublin,  and  Resolutions  of  the 
''     House  of  Commons              -              ...  §3 
The  Earl  of  Northumberland  appointed  lord  lieutenant,  vice  the 
Earl  of  Hahlax,  recalled — His  speech  to  parliament      -       84 
The  insurgents  in  the  south  were  mostly  Catholic  labourers — 
The  various  denominations  of  insurgents  in  the  north  Pro- 
testant manufacturers  to  a  man — Every  motion  for  enquiry 
into  the  cause  of  the  troubles  rejected              -            -  85 
A  motion  for  regulating  the  pension  list  rejected         -  86 
Mr.  J.  Fitzgerald  leader  of  the  patriots  in  the  debates  on  the 
pension  and  civil  lists             -             -             ..             -  87 


CONTENTS.  vii 

The   court  party  accuse  him  of  an  attack  upon  the  preroga- 
tive        -  -         -  .  »         -         -  8r-8 
The  military  state  of  the  country  reported              »         -  88 
Pensions  lavishly  granted                .                .                -  89 
Remarkable  opinion  of  Mr.  Gore,  solicitor  general         -         9Q 
A  motion  for  an  address  to  the  throne  by   Mr.  Perry  for  a  di- 
minution of  expences              -              -              -          -           91-2 

A  statement  of  the  late  encrease  of  expences         -         -  9J 

Primate  Stone's  English  ascendency  supported  by  the  Irish  pu- 
ritans—Mr. Mason's  observations  upon  the  Papists  lending 
security   bills — Animadversions   upon  Sir   James  Caldwel's 
pamphlet  concerning  the  Papist  security  bill,  'vide  Note        9i 
Mr.  Bagnal  brings  in   heads  of  a  bill  for  better  securing  the 
liberties  of  the  subject  -  -  -  -         98 

Both  Primate  Stone  and  the  Earl  of  Shannon  die — The  Cheva- 
lier de   St.   George,  only  son  of  James  the  Second,  died  at 
Home  -  -     '         -  -  -  99-100 

Proofs  of  the  venality  of  the  Irish  parliament         -         -       101 
The  heads  of  the  bill  for  securing  the  freedom  of  parliament, 
&c.  stopped  by  the  English  privy  council         -        -  102-3 

An  adduess  to  his  majesty  is  carried  by  a  majority  of  two — 
The  address  answered  not  ver\' graciously  -  104-5 

Two  patriotic  bills  rejected    s  -  -  -  105 

Abriclged  statement  of  the  Irish  revenue         -         -         -      106 
Difference  in  point  of  law  between  an  English  proclamation  and 
an  Irish  one — Doctor  Lucas  addresses  the  city  of  Dublin  107 
Notwithstanding  the  alteration  made  in  the  bill  by  the  English 
privy  council,  the  bill  passes  -  -  -  108 

Doctor  Lucas  addresses  his  constituents         -  -  109-10 

Lord  Hertford  recalled  and  Lord  Townshend  appointed  lord 
lieutenant,  1767  -  -  -  -  111 

Great  changes  under  Lord  Townshend — The  leading  grandees 
govern  in  reality         -_-  --  -  112 

Primary  object  of  Lord  Townshend's  government         -         113 
Long  parliaments  considered  as  a  national  evil  -  113 

Septennial  bill  transmitted  and  returned  octennial — The  bill  for 
the  independence  of  judges  returned  v/ith  a  material  altera- 
tion, and  therefore  rejected  -  -  -  114 
Effects  of  Molyneux's  Ca^-e  o/'/rfte^             -             -  115 
Draper's   Letters — Faulkner's   imprisonment — Doctrine   of  li- 
bels            -             -             -             -             -             -  116 

Freeman's  Journal,  Hibernian  Journal,  Dublin  Mercury,  from 
these  papers  Bar  r  atari  ana  -  -  -  117 

His  majesty's  message  to  the  commons  -  -  118 

The  report  of  the  committee  in  answer  to  the  message  119 

The  first  limited  parliament  meet,  October,  1769  -  120 


viii  CONTENTS. 

Even  pensioners  resist  the  right  of  the  English  privy  council  to 
make  money  bills  originate  with  them         -  -  120-1 

A  bill  01  certain  duties  rejected  because  it  was  altered  in  Eng- 
land -  -  -  -  -  -  122 

The  lord  lieutenant  enters  a  protest  on  the  journals  of  the  upper, 
house,  which  produces  a  serious  debate  -  -  122. 

Woodfall's  libel  upon  the  Irish  patriots  -  -  123 

Sir  Charles  Bingham's  report  from  the  pension  committee     124 
Address  of  the  commons  to  his  excellency  -  -  125 

Answer  delivered  by  Sir  George  Mac  Cartney  the  secretary — - 
Parliament  prorogued  -  -  -  -       125-6 

The   Honourable   Boyle  Walsingham's   motion  in  the  British 
House  of  Commons  on  the  prorogation  of  the  Irish  parlia-. 
ment         -  -  -  •   -  -  -  127 

Lord  North  replies  ...  -  128 

Encrease  of  the  national  debt  -  .  -  129 

The  lord  lieutenant  meets  parliament,  26th  of  February,  ITTl— 
Mr.  Edmund  Saxton  Perry,  speaker         -  -  J  30 

Resignation  of  the  chair  by  P»ir.  J.  Ponsonby  -  130 

A  motion  in  the  House  of  Commons  for  an  address  to  his  ma- 
jesty, lost  -  -  -  -  -  131 

Both  houses  address  the  king  -  -  -  132 

Protest  of  sixteen  peers  -         ^    -  -  -  133. 

Names  of  the  protesting  peers  -     .        -  -  134 

Extract  from  the  lord  lieutenant's  speech,  1771  -    .        135 

An  insurgent  rescued  from  the  barracks  of  Belfast  by  the  Steel 
Boys  -  -  -  -  --136 

None  of  the  insurgents  convicted  either  in  Carrickfergus  or 
Dublin  -  -  -  -  -  -         lar- 

The  conduct  of  the  Protestants  •  -  -         138. 

An  additional  bounty  to  Popish  prieLts  converted         -  189 

An  act  for  the  reclaiming  unprofitable  bogs  -  140-1 

Lord  Harcourt  appointed,  October,  1772  -  -  142 

He  meets  parliament,  12th,  1773  -  -  142 

Perry  the  speaker,  speech  at  the  bar  of  the  lords  -  143 

Lord  Harcourt  adopts  more  moderation  than  his  predecessor  144 
An  absentee  tax  proposed  by  government  rejected  -  145-6 
The  plan  of  tontine  for  raising  the  sum  of  650,000/.  -  147 
Stamp  duties  introduced  -  -  -  148 

Heads  of  a  bill  for  securing  the  repayment  of  monies  advanced 
-  by  Papists  to  Protestants — Heads  of  a  bill  for  granting  leases  of 
lives  to  Papists — Both  plans  remain  v/ithout  any  progress   148 
A  bill  passes  both  houses  entitling  all  and  every  of  his  ranjesty's 
subjects  to  testify  their  allegiance  -  -  149 

Mr.  iVigby,  Master  of  the  Rolls  in  Ireland,  opinion  concerning 
the  right  of  England  to  tax  Ireland  -  -  150 

The  eficcts  of  an  embargo  upon  commerce  -  151-2  , 


CONTENTS.  IX 

The  British  minister  moves  for  a  committee  of  the  whole  house 
to  consider  the  Irish  fisheries  -  -  153 

The  committee  grant  bounties  for  the  wliale  fisheries — Take 
off  the  duties  upon  oil,  bone,  and  blubber  -  153 

Lord  lieutenant's  message  to  the  Irish  commons  -  154 

Admission  of  foreign  troops  rejected  -  154-5 

The  additional  duty  bill  upon  beer,  &c.  rejected  on  account  of 
certain  alterations  in  England — A  motion  to  address  his 
majesty  -  -  -  -  -  156 

The  above  address  lost  -  -  -  157-8 

An  address  to  the  lord  lieutenant — The  people  of  Ireland  par- 
tial to  America  from  sympathy  -  -  159-60 
Lord  Effingham's  resignation  of  his  station  in  the  army — The 
city  of  Dublin  vote  him.  thanks,  iVote                   -  161 
State  of  the  expences  for  the  last  two  years — This  octennial 
parliament  dissolved,  only  four  years  old               -  162 
Thomas  Townshend's  (Lord  Sidney)  motion  in  the   English 
House  of  Commons  against  the  Earl  Harcourt — This  motion 
rejected  after  a  long  debate                 -                 -                 163-5 
Savvbridge,  mayor  of  London,  moved  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, that  the  American  colonies  be  put  on  the  footing  of 
Ireland — Extraordinary  promotion  to  the  peerage       -        166 
Lord  Buckinghamshire  appointed  lord  lieutenant — Mr.  Heron 
his  secretary — His  lordship's  speech  to  parliament  in  Octo- 
ber 1777                  -                  -                  -                  -              167 
Grievances  described  in  the  petitions  of  the  cities  of  Cork  and 
Dublin                  -                  -                  -                 -                 168 
Increase  of  expenditure  upon  the  civil  list                 -                169 
Resolutions  of  the  House  of  Commons              -         -           170-4 
Official  communication  of  the  treaty  between  France  and  the 
American  colonies                  -                  -              -                175-6 
The  answer  of  the  commons  to  this  message             -              1 7G 
Resolution  for  raising  300,000/.  per  tontine                -               177 
A  message  from  the  lord  lieutenant  to  the  commons       -       177 
First  concession  to  Roman  Catholics  under  Lord  North's  ad- 
ministration                -                 -                 -             -             178 
A  committee  of  the  English  House  of  Commons  examine  the 
acts  of  parliament  relating  to  the  Irish  trade             -            179 
Debate  upon  Earl   Nugent's   motion   in  favour   of  the   Irish 
trade                 -                   -                  -                    -                   179 
Mr.  T.  Townshend  wishes  for  further  indulgencies  to  the  Irish 
Roman    Catholics — Lord    North    acknowledges    himself   a 
friend  to  any  motion  tending  to  their   relict' — Sir  George 
Saville  moves  for  leave  to  bring  in  the  heads  of  a  bill  to  repeal 
certain  penal  laws  against  Popery  in  England          -           180 
Observations  favourable  to  the  Irish  Catholics  during  the  de- 
bate             -             -              -               .               ,               181-3 

VOL.    II.  *  ^ 


X  CONTENTS. 

Mr.  Gardiner  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  the  heads  of  a  bill 
for  the  relief  of  his  majescy's  Roman  Catholic  subjects  of  Ire- 
land— Leave  granted— A  motion  of  Sir  Edward  Newnham 
hi  favour  of  the  Dissenters  lost  -  -  183-4 

After  a  severe  contest  the  Catholic  bill  succeeds  -     '       185 

The  session  terminates  the  14th  August — The  Irish  trade  bill 
is  violently  opposed  in  the  English  House  of  Commons     185 
Mr.  Burke's  answers  to  all  the  objections  against  this  bill  186-8 
Lord  Nugent  describes  the  distresses  of  the  common  people  of 
Ireland  -  -  -  -  189 

Lord  Beauchamp  joins  Lord  Nugent  -  -  190 

Lord  Nugent  moves  for  the  establishment  of  a  cotton  manufac- 
tory in  Ireland,  and  liberty  to  import  cotton  yarn  into  Eng- 
land from  the  sister  kingdom  -  -  191 
Colonel  Stanley  and  Sir  George  Younge  appear  hostile  to  the 
measure — Mr.  T.  Townshend  supports  Lord  Nugent — Lord 
Newhaven  establishes  the  average  of  the  imports  and  exports 
from  England  to  Ireland,  and  vice  versa                -  192 
Moves  for  leave,  &c.  to  import  West  India  sugars  into  Ireland 
— Debates  on  the  subject — Lord  North  communicates  to  the 
English  commons  the  king's  proclamation  confirmative  of  the 
miserable   state   of  Ireland — Sir  George  Younge  states  the 
quantity  of  sugar  imported  annually  into  Great  Britain      193 
Debates  upon  the  sugar  importation  bill          -             -  194 
Motion  of  Lord  Shelburne  in  the  English  House  of  Peers  for 
an  address  to  his  majesty               -              -              -              195 
Lord  Weymouth  opposes  the  motion  as  implicating  the  mi- 
nistry                  -                 -                  -                  -  195 
The  amendment  for  deferring  the  address  to  the  ensuing  session 
-   — Carried  after  a  long  debate                  -                  -              196 
Resolutions  of  the  city  of  Dublin          -              .              -         201 
Resolutions  of  the  city  of  Waterford         -                  -          201-2 
First  association  of  volunteers  and  progress           -                 203 
The  lord  lieutenant's  speech  to  parliament         -         -         203-4 
Mr.  Grattan's  observations  thereupon         -              -             205-6 
Grattan's  amendment  to  the  address  is.  carried  after  a  warm 
debate                  .                  -                  ,                  .                  207 
The  weakness  of  the  Irish  government           -            -              207 
Important  motion  of  Lord  Shelburne  in  the  British  House  o€ 
Peers                   -                  -                  _                  .                  208 
The  misuse  of  the  Irish  hereditary  revenues              -              210 
Resolutions  moved  by  Lord  Shelburne               -              -         211 
The  resolution  supported  by  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,   Mar- 
quis of  Rockingham,  Sec.                -                  -                  212-14 
Lord  Upper  Ossory's  speech  and  motion  in  the  British  House 
of  Commons  for  a  vote  of  censure,  &g.         -            -            214 
Lord  Mi ddleton  supports  the  motion          -         -         -          215 


CONTENTS.  xi 

Debate  upoii  the  nibtlon  continued  -  -  216 

The  motion  rejected  by  173  against  100  -  217 

Mr.  Burke's  remarks  .  .  -  .         218-20 

Resolutions  of  the  Irish  parliament  lor  a  free  trade       -         220 
A  committee  of  the  British  House  of  Commons  upon  the  stiite 
of  Ireland — The  minister's  speech  and  correct  statement  of 
the  restriction  upon  the  Irish  trade  -  -  221-6 

Two  bills  in  favour  of  Irish  trade  pass — Force,  discipline,  and 
political  resolutions  of  the  Irish  volunteers — Mr.  G rattan's 
resolution  on  Irish  independence  moved  to  be  entered  on  the 
Journals  of  the  commons  _  -  -  227 

The  motion  withdrawn — First  Irish  lottery  -  227 

Mr.  Perry,  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons,  his  speech,  Note 
— The  privy  council  in  England  alters  the  mutiny  and  sugar 
importation  bills  _  -  _  -  228 

The  borough  of  Newry  petitions — General  discontent — The 
House  of  Commons  resolves  into  a  grand  committee  upon  the 
alteration  in  the  mutiny  bill  -  -  -  229 

The  resolutions  of  Dublin  merchant  volunteers  -  230 

Censure  of  the  commons  upon  certain  public  papers     -  231 

Great  circulation  of  a  pamphlet  attributed  to  Mr.  Grattan     232 
Lord  Buckinghamshire's   speech  to  the  lords  and  commons — 
Lord  Carlisle  appointed  to  the  government  of  Ireland — Mr. 
Eden  (now  Lord  Auckland)  secretary  -  -         233 

Speech  of  Mr.  Fox  in  the  British  House  of  Commons  upon  the 
report  of  the  mutiny  bill — Mr.   Townshend  seconds  the  mo- 
tion -  -       .        -  -  -     .  '234-40 
The  motion  passes  without  a  division             -              .  240 
The  reviews  of  the  volunteers  continue — the  lord  lieutenant  con- 
venes parliament — His  speech                  -                  -  241 
Mr.  O'Neil  moves  the  address,  and  Mr.  ConoUy  moves  thanks 
to  the  volunteers                   .                  -                  -  242 
Mr.  Fitzgibbon  (afterwards  Earl  of  Clare)  opposes  at  first  the 
vote  of  thanks  to  the  volunters                  -          ^    -                243 
The  vote  of  thanks  passes  unanimously              -              -         244 
A  habeas  corpus  bill  moved  for,  and  passes — A  freedom  of 
trade  with  Portugal  moved  for  by  Sir  Lucius  O'Brien — Mr. 
Eden    the    secretary   opposes  the   motion — Debates    there- 
upon                 .                  -                  -                  _                  245-9 
Mr.  Grattan  moves  for  amending  the  mutiny  act          -  250 
The  motion  rejected                  -                  -                  -  251 
The  heads  of  a  new  mutiny  bill  proposed — Rejected  by  a  large 
majority                  .                  .                  -                  -  252 
Intelligence  of  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis's  army     253-4 
A  remarkable  speech  of  Mr.  Yelverton  on  the  occasion — Mr. 
Grattan's  report  of  the  finances,  and  moves  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  committee  thereupo;i                 -             -           '^^^-7 


3di  CONTENTS. 

Mr.  Forster  accuses  Mr.  Grattan's  statement  of  error      -      258 
Mr.    Eden    joins    Mr.  Forster — Mr.    Grattan's    motion    re- 
jected        -         -         - 259 

Mr.  Flood's  speech  on  Poynings'  law  -  -  260 

Reference   to  the  influence   of  the  lords  of  articles   in   Scot- 
land    •         -  -  -  -  -  261-4 
Mr.  Flood's  motion  for  a  committee  to  examine  this  law — The 
motion  opposed  by  the  provost  and  the  attorney  general,  and 
rejected              .              -             -                -               -  264 
Mr.  Luke  Gardiner  proposes  the  heads  of  a  bill  for  a  further 
relief  from  penaljaws  to  the  Roman  Catholics         -  265 
A  long  debate  upon  the  motion — Deferred         -          -  265 
Mr.  Flood  moves  the  question  of  Poynings'  law             -         266 
The   speaker's  speech   to  the  lord  lieutenant — Mr.   Grattan's 
speech  previous  to  the  recess  upon  the  Catholic  bill     -      267" 
Mr.  Gardiner  gives  notice  of  his  intentions  to  bring  in  the  heads 

of  a  bill  for  the  relief,  &c 268 

Long  debates  upon  the  question  .  -  -  269 

In  the  absence  of  Mr.  Gardiner,  Mr.  Dillon  presents  heads  of 

a    bill    for   the    relief    of    the    Roman    Catholics — Debates 

thereon 270 

The  order  of  the  day  for  the  Catholic  bill — Mr.  Fitzgibbons 
opposes  it — A  long  debate         -  -  -  -  271 

The  Armagh  volunteer  resolutions         -         -  -  272-4 

Resolutions  of  the  Ulster  volunteers  at  Dungannon        -       274 

Names  of  the  principal  members  for  and  against  the  Catholic 

bill   .------  275-8 

Mr.  Gardiner's  bill  not  a  government  measure — Mr.  Grattan's 

speech  on  Irish  legislative  independence  -  278-83 

Makes  a  motion  for  an  address  to  his  majesty  -  283 

The  motion  rejected  -  -  .  .  284-6 

?rir.  Flood  moves  resolutions  upon  same  subject  -  286 

The  solkitor  general  proposes  an  amendment — The  declaration 

in  the  resolutions  negatived  ,  _  -  -  287 

Mr.  Gardiner  proposes  the  relief  for  the  Catholics  by  three 

separate  bills  -  -  .  -  288 

The  heads  of  two  pass,  the  third,  which  related  to  intermarriages 

between  Roman  Catholics  and  Protestants  negatived  by  a 

majority  of  eight  .  -  .  -  289 

An  txtract  from  Mr.  Burke's  letter  to  an  Irish  peer,  during 

these  transactions.  Note         -----         290 

The  Catholic  bill  though  not  perfected  during,  to  be  considered 
however  to  belong  to  Lord  Carlisle's  administration  291-2 
Lord  Carlisle's  resignation,  and  the  Duke  of  Portland's  appoint- 
ment to  the  lieutenancy  -  -  -  293 
Mr.  Eden  lays  before  the  British  parliament  a  view  of  Irish 
politics  for  the  last  two  years — Moves  for  leave  to  bring  in  a 
bill  for  the  independence  of  the  Irish  parliament        -         294 


CONTENTS.  xni 

Mr.  Secretary  Fox  communicates  a  message  to  the  house,  re- 
commending the  state  of  Ireland  -         -  -        295-7 

Colonel  Fitzpatrick's  declaration  -  -  297 

The  Duke  of  Portland's  reception  in  Dublin  upon  the  meeting 
of  parliament— Mr,  Kely  Hutchinson,  principal  secrttarv  of 
state,  communicates  the  'jiessage  froms  the  throne      -      297-8 

Mr.  Ponsonby  moves  a  GLiiifu)  address  to  the  king — Mr.  Grat- 
tan  moves  for  an  amendment  -  -  299 

Error  of  Judge  Blackstone  respecting  Ireland  -  soo 

Terms  proposed  by  !R'Ir.  Grattan — The  address  as  amended 
by  Mr.  Grattan — Passes  -  -  -  301 

Great  inconstancy  of  the  late  administration — Mr.  O'Neil 
moves  for  a  congratulatory  address  to  the  Duke  of  Portland — 
It  passes  -  -  -  .  302-3 

Mr.  Fitzgibbon  moves  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  late  lord  lieute- 
nant, which  passes — First  division  upon  the  Catholic  bills, 
which  pass  by  a  great  majority — Letter  of  Lord  Carlisle  in 
answer  to  the  vote  of  thanks,  7V(5f^  -  -  304 

Mr.  Eitzgibbon's  speech  upon  the  independence  of  Ireland 

The  attorney  general's  political  opinions  -  304 

The  parliaments  of  England  z^ud  Ireland  debate  upon  the  Irish 
independence  on  the  same  day  -  -  506 

The  Earl  of  Sheiburne  moves  in  the  English  House  of  Lords 
for  a  repeal  of  6th  Geo.  I.  8cc.  &c.  -  -  S06 

The  Earl  of  Carlisle  expresses  his  approbation  of  the  motion, 
which  passes  with  only  one  dissenting  voice  -  307 

Mr.  Fox  in  the  English  House  of  Commons  moves  for  a  repeal 
of  the  same  act,  &CC.  &:c.  -  _  _  308-11 

A  correspondence  between  the  leaders  of  the  tvro  countries  311 

The  Duke  of  Portland's  speech  from  the  tlnonc  to  the  Irish  par* 
liament         -----.__  212 

Mr.  Grattan's  speech  -  -  -  313-15 

He  moves  an  address,  which  passes  unanimously         -  315 

Reference  to  a  correspondence  betvv  een  the  Duke  of  Portland 
and  Lord  Sheiburne  upon  the  state  of  Ireland,  Note     -       316 

Mr.  Bagenal  moves  for  a  mark  of  national  gratitude  to  Mr. 
Grattan 317-18 

A  sum  of  50,000/.  granted  to  him — A  proclamation  for  a  day 
of  general  thanksgiving— Mr.  Flood's  jealousy  of  Mr.  Grat- 
tan »---..  319 

Mr.  Montgomery  moves  for  a  restitution  of  Mr.  Flood's  place, 
then  held  by  Sir  George  Younge  .  -  .  320 

Colonel  Fitzpatrick  opposes  the  m.otion — A  conversation  be- 
tween Mr.  Flood  and  Mr.  Yelverton  upon  Poynings'  law  321 

An  important  debate  upon  the  same  law  -  -  322 

The  bill  passes  with  Mr.  Yelverton's  amendment        -        323-4 


XIV  CONTENTS, 

The  death  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  occasions  a  change  in 
the  cabinet — Members  of  the  new  administration,  Note     325 
Lord  Temple  fixed  upon  for  the  lieutenancy  -  326 

The  Irish  bank,  Habeas  Corpus,  and  dissenting  Protestant  sa- 
cramental test  bills  pass,  likewise  the  judges  independence 
bill  ------  327 

The  lord  lieutenant's  speech  from  the  throne  -         328-30 

The  6th  of  Geo.  I.  repealed  in  the  British  parliament — Provin- 
cial meetings  of  the  volunteers — Resolutions  of  the  same — 
National  committee  in  Dublin  -  -  330 

Resolution   of    the    Dungannon   volunteers — Address   of    the 
same  -  -  -         ^     -  -  331-3 

The  province  of  Connaught  addresses  also — Munster  was  silent, 
although  the  Deputies  met         -----      333 

Address  of  the  first  company  of  Belfast  volunteers         -       ^33 

A  volunteer  encampment — An  address  moved  to  the  reviewing 

general — Debates  thereupon         -         -         -  .  334 


CONTENTS 


OF    THE 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


No.  LVI.  A  LETTER  from  Primate  Boulter  to  the  Bi- 
shop of  London,  relating  to  the   Dissenters' 
complaints  of  tithes         -         -        page  1  to  4 
LVIL  1  he  memorial  of  Dr.  Lucas  -  4  to  8 

LV!IL  The  iremorial  of  the  Earl  of  Kildare         8  to  10 
LIX.  The  gentlemen  who  voted  in  support  of  the  reso- 
lution against  this  question,  and  for  stifling  the 
resolutions  from  appearing  before  his  majesty 

10  to  13 
LX.  Exhortation  of  the   Roman    Catholic   clergy   of 
Dublin  read  from  their  altars  on  the  second  of 
October,  1757  -  -  13  to  15 

LXL  Letter  of  Mr.  O'Connor  to  Dr.  Curry      15  to  16 
LXIL  Mr.  Wyse's  proposal  to  the  first  Catholic  com- 
mittee -  -  16  to  18 
LXIII.  Letter  of  Mr.  Saul  to  Mr.  O'Connor  of  Belana- 
gare               -              -              -  18  to  19 
LXIV.  Letter  of  Mr.  O'Connor  to  Dr.  Curry.     To  the 
same.     The  answer                 -               19  to  22 
LXV.  The  humble  address  of  the  Roman  Catholic  gen- 
tlemen, merchants,  and  citizens  of  the  city  of 
Dublin  to  his  Grace  John  Duke  of  Bedford — < 
His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Bedford's  answer  to  the 
address  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Dublin  in 
his  letter  to  the  Right  Hon.  John  Ponsonby, 
Esq.  speaker  of  the  honourable  House  of  Com- 
mons               -              -              -                22  to  24 
LXVL  Letter  of  General  Strode  to  the  lord  lieutenant, 
concerning  the  landing  of  Thurot         24  to  27 
LXVIL  The  address  of  the  Quakers           -           27  to  29 
LXVIIL  Exhortation  read  in  the  Roman  Catholic  chapels 
on  the  day  of  public  fast             =             29  to  30 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


LXIX.  The  address  of  the  merchants  and  traders  of  Dub- 
lin in  1761  -  .         -  30  to  31 
LXfl.  Protest  of  the  lord  lieutenant,  &c.  31  to  36 
LXIa.  Protest  of  five  lords  against  the  lord  lieutenant's 
right  of  protesting           -              -  36  to  38 
LXIIa.   Protest  of  sixteen  lords  against  the  entry  of  the 
lord  lieutenant's  protest  on  the  journals  38  to  40 
LX  111(2.  The  Catholics'  test  of  allegiance  prescribed  by  the 
13th  and  14th  George  III.  chap.  xxxv.  40  to  41 
LXIVa.  From  the  debates  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons              -             -             -               41  to  62 
LXVcf.  Debate  upon  Irish  aifairs  in  the  British  House  of 
Peers                .              -              -  62  to  74 
LXVIg.  Letter  from  Francis  Dobbs,  Esq.  to  Lord  North 

74  to  82 
LXVIIa.  Addresses  and  resolutions  of  different  corps  of 
volunteers — The  address  published  by  the  com- 
mittee of  the  Ulster  volunteers — The  resolu- 
tions agreed  to  at  a  meeting  of  the  high  sheriff 
and  grand  jury  of  the  county  of  Dublin,  11th  of 
April,  1782  -  -  -  82  to  95 

LXVIII«.  From  the  debates  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons -  -  -  95  to  108 
LXIX«.  An  address  from  the  Belfast  first  volunteer  com- 
pany to  the  officers  and  privates  of  the  several 
companies  to  be  reviewed  at  Belfast,  31st  of 
July,  1782 — With  an  address  from  Francis 
Dobbs,  Esq.  to  the  officers,  8vC.     -     108  to  120 


AN 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


OF  THE 


STATE  OF  IRELAND. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  REIGN  OY  GEORGE  THE  SECOND. 


UPON  the  demise  of  George  the  First,  his  son  ascended 
the  throne  without  disturbance  or  opposition.     Now  for  the  first 
time  since  the  Revolution  did  the   Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland 
venture  to   approach  the  throne  by  a  public  act  of  their  body. 
The  penal  laws  had  been  somewhat  multiplied,  and  rigorousl}' 
executed  during  the  late  reign.     It  was  still  fresh  in  the  minds 
of  the  Catholics,  that  the  severe  laws  of  Queen  Ann  Ave  re  said  to 
have  been  passed  against  them  as  a  punishment  for  their  having 
neglected  to  address  her  on  her  accession  to  the  throne.     The 
extreme  virulence  with  which  they  had  been  recently  calum- 
niated from  the  press,  the  pulpit,  and  the  senate,  on  account  of 
the  rebellion  of  1715,  deterred  them   from  offering  any  address 
upon  the  accession  of  the  Hanover  famity.     At  this  juncture, 
however,  they  drew  up  an  address  of  congratulation,  which  in 
a  dignified  manner  expressed  loyalty  to  their  sovereign,  and 
pledged  them  to  a  continuance  of  their  peaceful  and  quiet  demea- 
nour.    It  was  presented  to  the  lords  justices,  by  Lord  Delvin 
and  several  respectable  Catholic  gentlemen ;  but  it  was  received 
with  silent  contempt.     The  lords  justices,  who  were  humbly  in- 
treated  to  transmit  it  to  his  majesty,  never  condescended  to  make 
an  answer  to  those  who  presented  it ;  nor  has  it  been  known  to 
this  day,  whether  it  reached  the  hands  of  the  sovereign,  or  were 
strangled  in  its  birth  by  the  heads  of  the  English  interest,  who 
dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  the  united  loyalty  of  the  people  of 
Ireland.     The  severe  ordeal,  which  Catholic  loyalty  had  passed 

VOL.  II,  A 


2  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

during  the  reign  of  George  the  First,  had  it  seems  so  far  blunted 
the  edge  of  calumny,  that  public  vituperation  was  considered  no 
longer  prudent.  The  great  engine,  patron,  and  supporter  of  the 
English  interest  in  Ireland,  was  Primate  Boulter ;  who  well  knew 
that  the  opposite  party,  hitherto  known  by  the  distinction  of  To- 
ries^  which  he  affected  to  call  the  disaffected^  and  the  king's  enc" 
raies^  were  acquiring  daily  strength  by  the  accession  of  all  those 
who,  as  patriots,  preferred  an  Irish  to  an  English  interest  in  their 
native  countiy  ;  and  sensible  that  the  means  of  supporting  the 
English  interest  would  not  bear  the  light,  his  Grace  effected,  by 
a  coup  de  7nain^  a  bold  measure,  which  would  probably  have 
failed,  had  it  been  previously  canvassed  and  openly  debated  in 
the  then  prevailing  temper  of  the  public  mind. 

However  grievous  were  the  penal  laws  imposed  upon  the 
Catholics  during  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  Ann,  it  is  but  jus- 
tice to  allow,  that  none  of  them  had  deprived  them  of  the  elective 
franchise^  that  essential  and  firm  armour  of  a  free  constitution. 
By  the  24th  section  of  the  most  vexatious  and  oppressive  of  all 
those  acts,  2  Ann,  c.  6.  An  Act  to  prevent  the  further  Growth  of 
Popery^  it  was  indeed  enacted,  "  that  from  and  after  the  24<th  day 
'^  of  March,  1703,  no  freeholder,  burgess,  freeman,  or  inhabitant 
^'  of  that  kingdom  being  a  Papist,  or  professing  the  Popish 
"  religion,  should  at  any  time  thereafter  be  capable  of  giving  his 
"  or  their  vote  for  electing  of  knights  of  any  shires  or  counties 
"  within  that  kingdom,  or  citizens  or  burgesses  to  serve  in  any 
"  succeeding  parliament,  without  first  repairing  to  the  general 
"  quarter  session  of  the  peace  to  be  holden  for  the  counties,  cities 
"  or  boroughs  wherein  such  Papists  did  inhabit  and  dwell,  and 
"  there  voluntarily  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  also  the  oath 
"  of  abjuration,  and  obtaining  a  certificate  thereof  fi^om  the  clerk 
"  of  the  peace."  Now  as  it  was  v/ell  known  from  the  tried 
loyalty  and  attachment  of  the  Catholics  to  the  family  on  the 
throne,  that  they  were  generally  ready  to  take  these  oaths,  the 
harsh  plan  was  formed  to  shut  them  out  of  this  only  participation  ' 
of  the  constitution.  The  attention,  which  the  nation  now  began 
to  pay  to  their  civil  rights,  and  the  part  which  the  Catholics  took 
in  the  elections,  being  the  only  occasion  on  v/hich  they  could  ex- 
ercise any  civil  right  that  had  weight  in  the  state,  awakened  the 
primate's  jealousy  and  alarm,  and  drove  him  to  the  desperate  re- 
solution of  upholding  the  English  interest^  in  Ireland  by  disfran- 

*  As  much  of  Primate  Boulter's  letters  as  the  editor  has  favoured  us  with, 
openly  avows  this  prelate's  principles  upon  tlie  subject.  Within  three  weeks 
after  the  death  of  the  king-,  he  writes  to  tiie  Duke  of  Newcastle,  (1  vol.  page 
177.)  "  every  thing-  here  is  very  quiet :"  and  on  the  same  day  he  informs  Lord 
Townsend  (p.  176,)  "  we  have  no  other  bustle  among-st  us  than  what  arises 
"  from  the  warm  canvass  g-oing-  on  in  all  parts  about  the  election  of  members 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  3 

chising  above  four  fifths  of  Its  population.^  The  great  opposition 
to  the  English  interest,  which  it  was  the  pride  and  boast  of  this 

•'  for  the  ensuing-  parliament.'*  He  had  three  days  before  apprized  Lord  Car- 
teret, then  lord  lieutenant,  (p.  173,)  "that  the  whole  kingdom  was  in  the  ut- 
**  most  ferment  about  the  coming-  elections.  I  can  safely  appeal  (said  his 
*'  g-race)  to  your  excellency  for  my  having  to  the  best  of  my  power  served  his 
"  late  majesty,  and  supported  the  English  interest  here  :  and  I  shall  always 
*'  serve  his  present  majesty  as  faithfully :  but  to  be  able  to  do  it  with  tlie  good 
*'  effect  I  desire,  I  hope  I  shall  be  as  well  supported  as  I  have  been.  Your 
"  excellency  knows  I  liave  nothing  to  ask  :  and  I  believe  princes  have  seldom 
"  over  many,  tliat  are  disposed  to  serve  them  as  faithfully  on  so  easy  terms.  It 
"  would  put  a  good  spirit  into  the  king's  friends  here,  and  particularly  the  En- 
*'  glisb,  if  they  knew,  by  your  excellency's  means,  what  they  had  to  depend  up- 
**  on.  There  is  another  thing  I  cannot  but  suggest  to  your  excellenc}-,  though 
*'  I  am  under  no  fear  of  the  experiment  being  made,  that  any  thing  which  looks 
"  like  bringing  the  Tories  into  power  here,  must  cause  the  utmost  uneasiness 
*'  intliis  kingdom,  by  raising  the  spirits  of  the  Papists  of  thiscountrj^,  and  ex- 
**  asperating  the  Whigs,  who  your  lordship  knows  are  vastly  superior  amongst 
*'  gentlemen  of  estates  here." 

*  •'  To  an  enquirer  after  the  truth,  history,  since  tlie  year  1699,  furnishes 
*'  very  imperfect  and  often  partial  views  of  the  affairs  of  Great  Britain  and 
*'  Ireland.  The  latter  has  no  professed  historian  of  its  own  since  that  xra, 
*'  and  it  is  so  slightingly  mentioned  in  the  histories  of  the  former  kingdom* 
"  tliat  it  seems  to  be  introduced  rather  to  shew  the  accuracy  of  the  accountant, 
«« than  as  an  article  to  be  read  and  examined.  fThe  Commercial  Restraitits  cf 
**  Ireland  considered,  1780,  p.  o7,  ivritten  by  the  Right  Hon.  Hely  Hutchinson,  late 
**  Provost  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin.)  Pamphlets  (continues  he)  are  often  writ- 
"  ten  to  serve  occasional  purposes,  and  with  an  intention  to  misrepresent,  and 
*'  party  xvriters  are  not  vjorth  any  regard.  We  must  then  endeavour  to  find 
*'  some  other  guide,  and  look  into  the  best  materials  for  history,  by  considering 
*'  tlie  facts  as  recorded  in  the  journals  of  parliiftnent."  The  dearth  of  histori- 
cal  documents  for  the  last  century  has  driven  the  author  to  make  researches 
ii\to  all  the  speeches,  that  have  been  published  upon  the  subject,  to  which  those 
historical  facts  have  reference.  In  general  such  speeches  must  rank  with  the 
party  writers  that  are  not  iMorth  any  regard.  It  is  painful  to  be  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  guarding  the  reader  against  the  misrepresentations  (one  hopes  not 
wilful,  still  less  malevolent,)  of  men  of  talent,  information,  and  personal  respec- 
tability. The  Right  Honourable  John  Foster,  the  speaker  of  the  late  Irish 
House  of  Commons,  in  his  speech  in  the  committee  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
bill,  on  the  27th  of  Februaiy,  1793,  in  his  zeal  for  keeping  the  Catholics  shut 
out  of  this  constitutional  right  to  the  elective  franchise,  not  only  maintains  the 
justice  and  equity  of  not  admitting  tliem  to  this  participation  of  the  constitu- 
tion, but  attempts  to  prove,  that  they  had  been  excluded  from  it  bylaw  before 
the  passing"  of  the  1  George  II.  and  ever  since  the  Revolution.  The  right  ho- 
nourable gentleman  says,  ''  the  preamble  of  the  2d  of  Ann  shews  clearly  the  in- 
**  tent  of  the  legislature  was  to  exclude  them,  and  for  preventing  Papists  hav- 
**  ing  it  in  their  power  to  breed  dissensions,  by  voting  at  elections  of  members 
'*  of  parliament,  &c.  Even  the  act  of  George  the  Second,  wliich  they  say  was 
*'  the  first  that  excluded  tJicm,  says  in  its  preamble, — and  for  the  better  pre- 
*'  venting  Papists  from  voting,  8cc. — as  if  it  were  a  known  fact,  that  they  were 
*'  before  excluded,  &c  "  (p.  11  and  12.)  The  first  ])reamb!e,  upon  which  he 
grounds  his  argument  v»as  to  tlie  particular  section  and  not  to  the  statute  ;  and 
it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  right  lionourable  gentleman  so  ignorant  of  the 
general  construction  of  statutes,  as  not  to  know  that  ndiosa  siait  rcstri)ige?ida  ; 
that  the  evil  and  remedy  are  to  be  commensurate  :  that  the  oalli  and  abjuration 
were  but  a  test  of  submission  to  the  reigning  families,  and  that  none  refused 
them  but  Jacobites,  against  whose  attempts  alone  to  breed  dispers.'ons  among 
Protestants  the  intent  of  tiie  act  w:;s  to  provide  :  that  if  as  Papists  tliey  were 


4  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

prelate  to  support,  was  dreaded  from  those  who  assuming  the 
tide  of  patriots,  now  solemnly  protested  against  any  foreign 
ascendency  over  the  native  rights  and  interests  of  their  countiy. 
It  was  not  natural,  that  the  body  of  the  Irish  people  should  be 
forward  in  supporting  such  foreign  ascendency,  whether  English 
or  Protestant.  The  Catholics  having  long  been  the  unceasing 
object  of  calumny  and  persecution  to  both  parties,  as  it  served 
their  several  views,  were  palled  with  apathy,  and  had  hitherto 
found  neither  in  Whig  or  Tory  any  principle  of  relief  to  their  de- 
graded and  suffering  condition.  In  point  of  fact  they  had  suffer- 
ed less  from  the  family  of  Brunswick  than  that  of  Stuart.  Hence 
arose  a  dawn  of  hope  that  their  miseries  were  on  the  wane,  and 
they  came  forward  to  address  their  new  sovereign.  This  step 
was  not  carried  without  a  considerable  division  of  the  Catholic 
body  r^  of  which  the  primate  so  dexterously  availed  himself  in 
the  then  pending  elections,  that  on  the  24th  of  August,  1727,  hc" 
assured  the  lord  lieutenant,  that  the  elections  would  generally  go 
well.\ 

before  disabled  to  vote,  it  would  have  been  nugatory  to  call  upon  them  to  give 
this  test  of  tlieir  loyalty,  which  was  not  incompatible  with  tlieir  religion :  that  if 
it  had  been  the  intent  of  the  legislature  to  exclude  them  from  voting  at  elec- 
tions, they  would  have  required  a  subscription  to  the  declaration  or  the  oath  of 
supremacy :  he  must  well  have  knov/n  tliatthe  resolutions  of  one  committee  on 
a,  controverted  election,  was  not  even  a  precedent  for  another  committee,  much 
less  the  law  of  the  land. 

*  On  the  20th  of  July,  1727,  the  primate  wrote  to  Lord  Carteret :  "  I  hear 
*'  this  day,  that  the  address  yesterday  presented  by  some  Roman  Catholics, 
*'  occasions  great  heats  and  divisions  among  tliose  of  that  religion  here."  (1 
vol.  p.  188.) 

t  It  long  has  been,  and  probably  long  will  be  a  complaint,  that  the  cause  of 
the  king  and  constitution  are  frequently  identified  with  the  corrupt  measures  of 
the  king's  servants.  At  this  time  the  real  interest  of  his  majesty,  was  the 
welfare  and  prosperity  of  Ireland ;  not  the  maintenance  of  slu  Mnglish  ascenden- 
cy there,  which  had  in  view  to  keep  down  the  native  influence  of  Ireland.  "  I 
*'  shall  leave  it  to  your  excellency,  what  change  you  will  think  proper  to  make 
**  in  the  list  of  pin\-y  counsellors  here.  Your  excellency  knov.'s  as  well  as  any 
*'  body,  who  of  the  present  list  are  enemies  to  England,  and  oppose  the  king's 
*'  business  on  all  occasions.  I  shall  submit  it  to  your  excellency,  whether  it 
"  may  be  proper  for  the  strengthening  of  the  English  interest  heie,  to  have  the 
**  present  archbishop  of  Cashell  inserted  in  the  new  list.'*  The  whole  tenor  of 
this  prelate's  correspondence  proves  the  same  ;  and  his  editor  assures  us,  that 
these  letters  will  ever  remain  the  most  authentic  history  of  Ireland,  for  the 
space  of  time  in  which  they  were  ^\  ritten  ;  viz.  between  1724  and  1742,  during 
which  his  grace  was  thirteen  times  one  of  the  lords  justices.  It  is  at  length 
fitting  to  unmask  our  prejudices,  and  pay  the  just  tribute  to  truth;  we  can  no 
longer  dissemble,  that  tlie  system  of  maintaining  n  foreign  ascendency  in  Ireland, 
was  a  system  in  no  shape  conducive  to  tlie  prosperity  and  welfare  of  that 
kingdom.  We  cannot  doubt  of  the  existence  of  such  a  system,  when  we  find 
this  prelate  acklowledging  his  obligations  to  LordCarteretyo;-  the  early  care  he 
took  of  the  English  in  Ireland  (1  vol.  p.  186.),  and  giving  him  a  solemn  pledge  of 
his  past  and  future  fidelity  in  this  honourable  service.  "  I  am  sensible  of  your 
*'  goodness  in  acquainting  his  present  majesty,  that  the  supporting  of  me  here 
"  will  be  for  his  interest,  and  I  desire  the  continuance  of  your  good  ofnces  w  ith 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  5 

Multifarious  and  extensive  were  the  grounds  of  national  dis- 
content at  this  time  in  Ireland.  The  nation  laboured  under 
grievances  that  restrained  commerce,  damped  agriculture,  and 
checked  every  incitement  to  industry.  The  public  mind  still 
rankled  at  the  attempt  of  government  to  father  Wood's  base  cop- 
per upon  them :  the  odium  of  that  measure  long  siu'vived  its 
failure :  the  wretchedness  of  the  poor,  (that  infallible  test  of  bad 
government)  which  the  Duke  of  Grafton  had  in  1723  recom- 
mended to  parliament  to  relieve,  had  been  daily  encreasing:  in 
the  same  year  1723  a  petition  Vv'as  presented  from  the  woollen-dra- 
pers, weavers  and  clothiers  of  Dublin  on  behalf  of  themselves  and 
the  other  drapers,  weavers  and  clothiers  of  that  kingdom,  pray- 
ing relief  in  relation  to  the  great  decay  of  trade  in  the  woollen 
manufacture,*  since  which  time  no  relief  had  been  afforded : 
frequent  speeches  from  the  throne  and  resolutions  of  the  House 
of  Commons  had  noticed  the  encreasing  poverty  of  the  nation  by 
the  accumulation  of  the  national  debt :  and  Lord  Carteret  in  his 
speech  from  the  throne  in  1727  virtually  acknowledged  the  melan- 
choly and  disastrous  situation  of  the  nation  by  recomniending  to 
the  consideration  of  the  parliament  such  laws  as  might  be  neces- 
sary for  the  encouragement  of  manufactures,  the  employment  of 
the  poor,  and  the  general  good  of  the  country.f  Already  that 
scarcity!:  began  to  be  felt,  which  in  the  years  1728  and  1729  nearly 
amounted  to  a  famine.^  Indicative  of  the  national  embarrass- 
ments of  Ireland  at  this  period  were  the  indecisive  resolutions  of 
the  commons,  and  the  institution  of  a  commission  under  the 

**  the  king-."  (Ibid.)  And  "while  the  same  measures  are  pursued  as  in  the 
*'  last  reig-n,  we  shall  be  all  easy  here  :  and  it  must  be  left  to  his  majesty  to  judgTj 
**  what  persons  are  most  proper  to  be  employed  in  his  service."  And  "  I  must 
**  request  of  your  g-race  (i.  c.  Newcastle)  as  I  have  of  his  lordship  (i.  c.  Car- 
**  teret),  that  you  v/ould  both  use  your  interest  to  have  none  but  Englishmen 
*'  put  mto  the  g-reat  places  here  for  the  iuture."  (1  vol,  p.  23.) 

*  Their  petition  contains  these  vrords,  "The  woollen  manufiicture  of  this 
*'  king"dom,  which  is  conftned  to  our  consumption,  has  of  late  been  so  consider- 
**  ably  lessened,  that  several  thousand  families  have  been  forced  to  beg*  alms 
**  and  charity  of  g-ood  Christians,  and  a  collection  lately  made  throug'hout  the 
*'  whole  city  to  relieve  them  from  starving'."     3  yuurn.  Cotnmons,  p.  349. 

t  3  Journ.  Conimons,  p.  464. 

\  On  the  7th  of  March  1727,  Primate  Boulter  wrote  to  his  gi-acc  of  New- 
castle (p.  226.)  "  Since  I  came  here  in  the  year  1725,  there  was  almost  a  fa- 
*'  mine  among-  tlie  poor  :  last  year  llie  dearness  of  corn  was  such,  that  thou> 
"  sands  of  families  quitted  their  habitations  to  seek  bread  elsewhere,  and  many 
"  hundreds  perished.  This  year  the  poor  had  consxmicd  their  potatoes,  wliich 
"  is  their  winter  subsistence,  near  two  months  sooner  tlian  ordinary,  and  are 
**  already  through  the  dearness  of  corn  intliat  want,  tliat  in  some  places  they 
*'  begin  to  quit  their  habitations." 

S  In  the  space  of  six  months,  ending-  on  the  29th  of  September,  1729,  it  ap- 
pears from  the  report  of  the  House  of  Commons,  that  the  import  of  corn 
amounted  to  274,000/.  an  encrraous  sum  when  referred  to  the  fiseal  powers  of 
the  king'dom  at  that  time. 


6  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

great  seal  for  receiving  voluntary  subscriptions  in  order  to  es- 
tablish a  national  bank  for  throwing  into  circulation  a  quantity  of 
paper,  without  money,  trade  or  manufactures  to  support  it :  and 
in  the  same  session  of  parliament,  the  further  resolutions  of  the 
same  commoners  and  their  address  to  the  throne,  that  such  an 
establishment  would  be  greatly  prejudicial  to  his  majesty's  service 
and  of  most  dangerous  and  pernicious  consequence  to  the  welfare 
and  prosperity  of  the  nation.*  Under  the  like  impression  of 
remediless  calamity  did  the  commons  resolve,  though  they  never 
acted  up  to  their  resolution,  that  public  gi-anaries  v/ould  greatly 
contribute  to  the  encreasing  of  tillage  and  providing  against  such 
wants,  as  had  frequently  befallen  the  people  of  that  kingdom, 
unless  proper  precautions  shouj|j^e  taken  against  so  great  a 
calamity. 

Lord  Carteret's  administration  lasted  from  1725  to  1731,  and 
some  have  extolled  his  leniency  to  the  indigent  Catholics  during 
this  period,  in  discountenancing  the  rigorous  execution  of  the 
penal  laws  against  them.  In  that  excess  of  national  calamity,  he 
may  have  had  the  policy  not  publicly  to  aggravate  their  evils  by 
religious  persecution.  A  real  friend  to  Ireland  could  not  have 
coalesced  with  Primate  Boulter  in  that  systematic  support  of  the 
English  interest ;  for  that  was  a  system  of  dividing  Ireland  within 
itself. t  Fearful  of  an  effectual  opposition  to  a  measure  of  such 
unjust  severity,  though  of  the  highest  political  import,  not  a 
syllable  in  the  speech  from  the  throne  could  bear  an  allusion  to 
it :  no  heads  of  any  bill  transmitted  imported  any  new  penal  law 
against  the  Catholics  :  on  the  contrary,  the  lord  lieutenant's 
speech  recommended  expressly  the  consideration  of  such  laws  as 
might  be  necessary  to  he  made  for  the  encouragement  of  manu- 
factures and  the  employment  of  the  poor ;  but  the  enforcing  the 
execution  of  those  for  preventing  Popish  priests  and  regulars  from 
coming  into  the  kingdom  ;  from  which  the  nation  must  evidently 
have  been  convinced,  that  no  new  penal  law  was  intended  to  be 
passed  in  that  session  against  the  great  body  of  the  Irish  people  : 
and  the  more  especially,  as  now  for  the  first  time  the  lord  lieu- 
tenant spoke  of"  :^the  gracious  instances  of  his  majesty's  concern 
"  for  the  happiness  of  his  people,  and  the  good  opinion  he  had 

*  Sojourn.  Com.  p.  289, 

•]•  This  is  verified  by  the  primate's  words  in  his  letter  to  the  Duke  of  New-  . 
castle  on  the  19th  of  January,  1724  :  ''  I  find  by  my  own  and  others' enquiries, 
**  tliat  tlie  people  of  every  relig'ion,  country,  and  party  here  are  alike  set  ag-ainst 
"  Wood's  halfpence,  and  that  their  agreement  in  this  has  had  a  very  unhappy 
**  influence  on  the  state  of  this  nation  by  bring-ing  on  intimacies  between  Papists 
*'  and  Jacobites,  and  the  Wliic^s,  who  before  had  no  correspondence  with  them  : 
*'  so  that  'tis  questioned  whether  (if  there  were  occasion)  justices  of  the  peace 
"  could  be  four.d,  v.'lio  would  be  strict  ill  disarming-  Papists." 

X  3  Journ.  Com,  p.  463- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  7 

"  always  had  of  the  loyalty  and  affection  of  his  subjects  of 
"  Ireland 'y''  without  the  invidious  restriction  of  his  majesty's 
protection,  grace  and  favour  to  his  Protestant  subjects. 

The  division,  which  the  Roman  Catholics'  address  occasioned 
in  that  body,  was  by  no  means  into  the  old  part}'-distinction  of 
Whig  and  Tor\^ ;  it  was  formed  upon  entirely  new  principles 
arising  out  of  the  then  peculiar  circumstances  of  their  country.^ 
A  great  part  of  that  body  began  then  to  consider  themselves 
Irish-??z£';2,  as  well  as  Irish  Catholics  ;  though  deprived  of  most  of 
the  civil  rights,  vrhich  their  Protestant  brethren  enjoyed,  they 
sympathized  with  them  in  their  efforts  to  preserve  the  rights  of 
Ireland,  and  in  defiance  of  religious  differences  they  now  began 
to  make  civil  liberty  a  common  cause  with  their  Protestant  breth- 
ren. This  novel  coalition  between  Protestants  and  Catholics^  in 
support  and  defence  of  the  interest  of  Ireland,  became  formidably 
alarming  to  that  party,  vrhose  sole  mission  was  to  keep  up  an 
English  interest  in  that  kingdom.  Government  foresaw  the  ne- 
cessary progress  of  this  native  coalition  against  the  English  inter- 
est, and  at  one  blow  put  an  end  to  the  political  existence  of  at 
least  four  fifths  of  the  nation  by  depriving  them  of  the  noblest 
birthright  and  invaluable  privilege  of  the  subject.!  Thus  with- 
out any  annunciation  of  such  intention,  without  any  notice  to  any 
of  the  parties  interested,  without  even  a  charge  or  accusation  of 
guilt,  by  the  unexpected  introduction  of  a  clause  into  a  bill,  the 
title  of  which  denounced  no  further  severity  against  the  Roman 
Catholics,  was  a  vital  stab  given  to  the  constitutional  rights  of  the 
bulk  of  the  people  of  Ireland.  Sect,  VIL  "  And  for  the  better 
"  preventing  Papists  from  voting  in  elections,  be  it  further  enact- 
"  ed  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  no  Papist,  though  not  con- 
"  vict,  shall  be  entitled  or  admitted  to  vote  at  the  election  of  any 
"  member  to  serve  in  parliament  as  knight,  citizen,  or  burgess, 
"  or  the  election  of  any  magistrate  for  any  city  or  other  town 
"  corporate  ;  any  law,  statute  or  usage  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
"  standing."  This  truly  sweeping  clause  at  once  brushed  off 
four  fifths  of  the  people  of  Ireland  from  any  representation  in 
parliament :  it  was  inserted  by  vv^ay  of  amendment  v.ithout  no- 
tice, without  debate,  Vrithout  council ;  thus  did  the  commons  sign 

*  Of  these  principles,  Primate  Boulter  appears  to  have  been  fearfully  ap, 
prehensive,  when  he  said,  *'  There  wants  no  accident  here  to  furnish  a  bottom 
*'  of  popularity,  every  one  having'  it  always  in  his  power  to  g-rov/  popular  hj 
"  setting  up  for  the  Irish  in  opposition  to  the  English  interest."  {Letter  to 
the  Duke  of  Nevocastle,  1  vol.  p.  54.) 

t  Thus  did  Lord  Chief  Justice  Holt  usually  call  the  elective  franchise.  I 
have  adhered  to  this  proportion  of  Protestants  and  Oathohcs,  because  Primate 
Boulter  in  this  very  year  avowed  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1  vol.  p. 
210.)  "  There  are  probably  in  this  kingdo^n  Jive  Papists  at  least  to  one  Ptotest- 
antr 


8  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tlie  death-warrant  of  four  fifths  of  their  constituents,  whose  voices 
had  given  them  their  legislative  existence.* 

The  two  grand  objects,  which  engrossed  the  exclusive  atten- 
tions of  Primate  Boulter,  who  might  properly  be  termed  the 
English  minister  in  Ireland,  were  doing  good  in  the  Church  and 
supporting  the  English  interest^  "  which  said   his  grace  to  the 

*  In  the  debate  upon  the  question  of  readmitting  the  Catholics  to  the  elec- 
tive franchise  in  the  Irish  house  of  Commons  on  tlie  4th  of  February,  1/93, 
Mr.  Stajiley,  in  reply  to  an  envenomed  Philippic  of  one  of  the  two,  who  oppos- 
ett  the  bill  ag-ainst  the  body  and  principles  of  the  Catholics,  in  which  he  said 
tliat  tliey  had  been  prohibited  to  vote  at  a  much  earlier  period  by  the  act  of 
Ann,  wliich  had  annexed  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  abjuration  to  the  exercise 
of  their  elective  franchise,  observed,  that  this  was  an  additional  argument 
against  the  policy  of  the  act  of  George  II.  for  if  those  oaths  *'  were  univer- 
"' sally  taken  by  Cathohc  voters  during  the  reign  of  Qtieen  Ann  and  George  I. 
"  to  qualify  them  to  exercise  their  franchise,  as  it  is  well  known  it  v/as  the 
*'  fact,  their  acquiescence  and  taking  these  oaths  was  tlie  strongest  test  they 
"  could  give  of  their  attachment  to  the  state,  and  should  have  entitled  them  to 
**  the  confidence  of  the  nation  :  and  therefore  It  is  clear  tiiey  were  not  excluded 
**  from  voting,  nor  was  it  intended  they  should  be  by  those  oaths,  for  it  was 
"  well  known,  that  the  Catholics  voted  in  the  election  of  that  ^'ery  parliament  of 
*'  George  II.  ^ahich  aftervoards  disfranchised  them'''  The  learned  member,  from 
the  general  dearth  of  historical  documents,  and  probably  from  a  designed  sup- 
pression of  facts  in  this  instance,  was  obliged  to  resort  to  the  traditionary  re- 
ports of  that  act  to  elucidate  the  history  of  its  passing.  "  It  was  said  that 
'*  the  Catholics  having  by  their  interest  voted  Lord  Dmikellin  out  of  thecoun- 
**  ty  of  Galway,  returned  his  opponent.  Loi'd  Dunkellin  had  influence  enough 
*•  with  the  minister  of  that  day,  to  introduce  that  clause  depriving  the  Catho- 
*'  lies  of  their  franchise  into  the  act  of  George  II."  He  himself  discredited 
the  rumoiu*,  because  he  said  that  he  had  discovered,  that  there  was  no  Lord 
Dunkellin  of  that  day  capable  of  being  a  candidate  for  the  county  of  Galway. 
Unwritten  reports  of  such  transactions  are  not  simply  to  be  relied  on  ;  but 
when  they  are  fairly  canvassed  in  all  their  bearings  upon  facts,  which  are  prov- 
ed by  undeniable  documents,  they  often  help  mainly  to  the  elucidation  of  the 
history  of  those  times.  The  interest  of  the  Clanrickarde  family  has  been  al- 
ways considered  to  carry  the  county  of  Galway,  and  if  by  the  exertion  of  the 
Catholics,  another  person  had  been  returned",  it  was  very  natural  that  Lord 
Clanrickarde  and  his  son  Lord  Dunkellin  who  had  been  called  up  to  the 
House  of  Lords  in  1710,  should  have  resented  it,  and  used  their  endeavours 
with  the  minister  of  the  day  (i.  e.  Primate  Bovdter)  to  punish  and  revenge 
themselves  of  the  Catholics',  by  whose  influence  in  the  late  election  the  interest 
of  that  noble  family  had  been  defeated.  They  were  the  first  Protestants  of 
their  family,  and  then  supporters  of  the  English  interest :  strong  reasons  for 
tlje  Catholics  not  supporting  their  interest  in  the  county  election  ;  strong  rea- 
sons for  the  primal  e's  crushing  their  and  all  the  Catholics  power  to  op- 
pose the  English  interest  in  future.  However  inaccurate  the  report  might 
have  been  in  confounding  tiie  person  of  Lord  Dunkellin  with  the  interest  of 
Portumna,  the  circumstances  which  are  notorious  all  combine  to  prove  the  re- 
maining part  of  the  report  to  be  strictly  true  :  namely,  that  the  disfranchising 
clause  was  introduced  by  way  of  amendment,  through  ministerial  influence  for 
a  particular  purpose  and  imavowed  ends.  On  one  and  the  same  day  (9th  of 
February,  1727,)  Dr.  Trotter  reported  from  the  committee  of  the  v/hole  house 
that  they  had  gone  through  and  agreed  to  the  bill  with  some  amendm€tits,(\iz. 
the  disfranchising  clause)  which  were  also  read  and  agreed  to,  and  Dr.  Trotter 
was  directed  to  attend  the  lord  lieutenant  with  the  said  heads  of  the  bill  to  be 
transmitted  into  Great  Britain  in  due  form.     3  Journ.  Com.  p.  522, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  9 

Archbishop  of  Canterbury"  labours  under  great  disadvantages 
in  this  country.^  This  is  little  to  be  wondered  at,  when  it  is 
considered  that  the  bulk  of  the  nation  was  not  of  the  established 
Church,!  nor  in  the  occasion  of  participating  of  any  of  the 
patronage  of  the  English  interest :  they  were  therefore  estranged 
from  any  prepossessions  in  the  favour  of  these  two  objects  : 
their  miseries  were  alleviated  by  no  substitution  of  favour  or 
indulgence.  The  stagnation  of  trade  and  want  of  employment 
in  the  manufactures,  in  part  occasioned  and  in  part  aggravated 
the  scarcity  of  the  years  1728  and  1729.  The  first  session  of 
the  parliament  under  George  II.  which  ended  in  May,  1728, 
went  over  without  opposition:  insomuch  that  the  lord  lieutenant, 
in  closing  the  session  took  an  opportunity  of  observing,^  that 
all  the  public  bills  transmitted  from  thence  had  been  returned 
imder  the  great  seal  of  Great  Britain ;  which  distinguishing  in- 
stance of  his  majesty's  regard  for  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  was 
one  of  the  happy  effects  of  that  remarkable  application  and  una- 
nimity, which  had  appeared  in  all  their  proceedings. 

It  is  evident,  that  at  this  period  Ireland  was  entirely  ruled  by 
the  principles  of  an  English  interest:  Primate  Boulter  who 
directed  and  supported  that  interest,  admits  that  the  Catholics 
were  then  in  the  proportion  of  five  to  one  Protestant:  but  they 
were  generally  poor  and  indigent,  consequently  the  more  sensi- 
ble to  the  national  wants  and  calamities.  So  far  then  was  this 
great  mass  of  the  Irish  people  from  being  soothed  under  the 
general  suffering,  that  they  were  surprised  into  the  forfeiture  of 
their  elective  franchise^  and  an  act  was  made  for  ^preventing 

*  1  Vol.  p.  175.  "  But  (said  he)  the  services  I  can  do  will  be  much  lesseii- 
**  ed,  if  I  am  not  supported  in  my  station." 

t  1  Vol.  p.  205.  The  primate  was  indefatigable  in  his  efforts  to  mend  the 
*'  state  of  the  Church,  by  getting  more  glebes,  churches,  and  chapels  of  ease, 
"  that  we  may  in  time  have  churches  and  resident  ministers  to  answer  our 
"  wants,  for  at  present  many  of  our  people  go  off  to  the  Papists  or  Presln'te- 
*'  rians  for  want  of  churches  to  repair  to."  And  p.  223,  *'  For  want  of  which, 
"  instead  of  getting  ground  of  the  Papists,  we  must  lose  to  them,  as  infiict  we 
"  do  in  many  places,  tlie  descendants  of  Cromwell's  officers  and  soldiers  here 
♦'  being  gone  off  to  Popery." 

\  3  Journ.  Com.  p.  570. 

S  Whilst  this  bill  was  pending,  some  Catholics  of  Dublin  and  Cork  had  set 
on  foot  a  subscription  to  defray  the  exjiences  of  raising  an  opposition  to  it : 
when  one  Hennesy,  an  interdicted  priest,  gave  information,  that  this  collection 
was  made  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  in  Popety  and  the  Pretender.  Upon 
which  the  papers  of  these  gentlemen  were  seized  and  submitted  to  tlie  inspec- 
tion of  the  House  of  Commons:  and  ifappears  from  their  printed  report,  that 
the  whole  sum  collected  had  not  exceeded  31.:  the  committee  however  re- 
solved, that  it  appeared  to  them,  that  under  colour  of  opposing  heads  of  bills, 
great  sums  of  money  had  been  collected  and  raised  and  a  fimd  established  by 
the  Popish  inhabitants  of  the  kingdom,  through  the  influence  of  their  clergy, 
highly  detrimental  to  the  Protestant  interest ;  and  of  imminent  danger  to  the 
present  happy  establishment :  and  therefore  resolved  further,  that  an  humble 
address  should  be  presented  to  the  lord  lieutenant  to  issue  his  proclamation  to 

VOL.    II.  £ 


10  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Papists  practising  as  solicitors;  which  was  the  only  branch  of 
the  law,  they  were  then  permitted  to  practise.  In  order  to  draw 
the  public  mind  from  the  consideration  of  this  new  penal  rigour 
imposed  upon  the  Catholics  in  this  hour  of  national  calamity, 
the  lord  lieutenant  set  forth  in  the  most  glowing  terms  of  con- 
gratulato'ry  solace,  "  ^'  his  majesty's  gracious  condescension  in 
"  departing  from  his  own  right  by  lessening  his  hereditary  re- 
"  venue  for  the  ease  of  his  subjects  and  encouragement  of  trade, 
*'  which  shewed  his  majesty's  concern  for  the  welfare  and  hap- 
'^*  piness  of  the  kingdom,  as  well  as  many  other  signal  marks  of 
*'  his  majesty's  goodness,  that  must  evince  them,  that  his  ma-* 
"  jesty  had  nothing  m.ore  at  heart,  than  the  interest  and  prospe- 
"  ritv  of  his  people."  He  then  enumerated  or  alluded  to  the 
most  popular  acts  passed  in  the  session,  as  the  foundation  laid 
for  the  encrease  of  tillage  so  necessary  in  the  countr) ,  the  new 
advantages  given  for  the  improvement  of  the  linen  manufactory", 
the  care  taken  for  regidatingthe  assize  of  bread,  the  establishing 
a  fund  for  the  work-house,  and  for  employing  the  poor  in  the 
populous  city  of  Dublin,  the  relief  given  to  unfortunate  debtors, 
the  regulations  made  for  future  elections  (hij  cihQlkhing  the  rip-ht 
qf'-coUng  in  four  ffths  of  the  naticn)^  the  reducing  the  parlia- 
mentary privileges  of  the  meuibers  for  the  ease  and  benefit  of 
their  fellow  subjects,  and  those  other  excellent  lav»'S  then  passed 
for  erecting  churches  v/here  they  v/ere  most  wanted,  for  the 
iuaintenance  of  the  clergy,  and  for  preserving  and  strengthening 
the  Froteataru  interefjt  of  that  kingdom. 

In  the  course  of  this  session  tv/o  instances  occurred  which 
strongly  prove  how  far  the  English  and  Protestant  interests 
were  identifiedf  in  the  words  and  actions  of  the  Irish  govern-" 
ment. 

all  roag-istrates  to  put  the  laws  ag-ainst  Popery  into  execution.  Cur.  St.  of  tie- 
Catholic  of  Ireland,  p.  257.  Tins  circumstance  eoes  to  prove,  that  the  clause 
for  disfVauchiying"  the  Avliole  Ijody  of  Catholics  was  not  in  the  heads  of  the  bill, 
or  it  is  more  tlian  probable,  that  ibey  would  have  instituted  a  collection  to  op- 
pose a  bill,  that  affected  every  individual  of  the  body  in  so  important  a  point, 
lather  than  a  bill,  which  could  not  have  affected  threescore  of  that  descrip- 
tion . 

*  3  Joiu'n.  Com.  p.  570. 

j  Primate  Boulter  in  giving-  an  account  of  the  session  to  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle, tlMce  days  after  it  closed  (1  vol.  p.  242),  says,  "  As  my  lord  lieutenant 
"  did  his  part  towai-ds  piocurintr  a  quiet  session  of  parliament,  so  I  must  do 
"  that  justice  to  the  rest  of  the  Englisli  in  power  here  to  say,  that  we  were  not 
"  in  the  least  wanting  in  our  several  stations  to  promote  the  same  good."  And 
before  the  session  vras  over,  in  g-iving-  an  account  of  the  opposition  to  the  privi- 
fcge  bill,  the  primate  says  :  "  the  greatness  of  the  opposition  was  owin.^  to  the 
*«']nana£i,cment  of  the  Bisb.op  of  Elphin  (Tlieophiln.s  EoHon  promoted  to  the 
«•  see  of  Cashell  in  1729)  who  put  himself  at  the  head  of  those  lords  and  others, 
*'  who  constantly  oppose  the  go\enimcnt  business  heie,  and  by  mlsiepresen- 
"  tations  drew  in  some  other  lords  of  no  ill  intention  to  engage  their  word  and 
"  honour  to  each  oth.er  to  throw  out  the  bill.  His  view  Ho  doubt  was  to  make' 
"  Iiimself  concidciublc  euoi'S'h  by  being-  at  the  head  cf  this  strcp^h  to  be  bought 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  il 

It  happened  that  a  Mr.  Allan  Brodrick,  son  to  the  late  chan- 
cellor of  Ireland  (who  held  the  seals  from  the  1st  of  October 
1714,  to  the  1st  of  May,  1725),  had  been  made  one  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  customs  in  England  :  and  although  the  Brc- 
derijks  had  never  been  charged  widi  any  affection  to  Popery  or 
to  the  Pretender  (the  chancellor  had  been  appointed  to  succeed 
Sir  Constantine  Phipps,  as  being  of  opposite  principles),  though 
v/eii  wishers  to  Ireland,  yet  even  this  remote  mark  of  royal  fa- 
vour gave  so  much  offence  to  the  primate,  that  he  complained 
in'several  letters  on  the  same  day  both  to  the  lord  lieutenant  and 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  "  that  any  thing  which  looked  as  if  that 
"  family  f  ?Ai?  Brodcrkks)  was  in  favour  in  England  might  give 
'^  them  spirit  and  engage  others  to  join  with  them  in  perplexing 
"  matters  the  approaching  session  of  parliament."  And,  "  we 
"  are  apprehensive  it  may  give  too  much  spirit  to  the  Brodericks 
*'  here,  and  be  made  use  of  by  them  to  engage  others  to  obstruct 
"  the  king's  business  in  parliament." 

The  family  of  Clanrickard  had  conformed  to  the  established 
religion  in  the  days  of  Queen  Anne  :  and  the  head  of  that  noble 
family,  in  dedicating  his  ancestors'  memoirs  and  letters  to  King 
George  the  lid.  in  1757,  did  not  scruple  to  boast  of  the  cause, 
for  which  his  family  had  suffered.  He  had  been  educated  at 
Eton  and  Oxford,  and  was  called  to  the  upper  house  by  the  tide 
of  Lord  Dunkeliin  during  his  father's  life,  on  the  3d  of  August 
1711,  and  upon  his  father's  death  sat  in  the  House  of  Peers,  as 
the  tenth  Earl  of  Clanrickard  in  the  parliament  of  1725.  He 
had  made  an  application  to  the  king  to  be  restored  to  all  that 
had  been  forfeited  by  his  ancestors,  who  had  at  all  times  been 
conspicuous  for  their  loyalty  and  attachment  to  their  sovereign, 
and  the  miCasure  had  been  graciously  assented  to  by  his  majesty. 
But  the  reversion  of  so  much  landed  influence  into  the  hands 
of  an  Irish  family,  though  Protestant,  was  considered  by  th(J 
English  interest  in  Ireland  to  contravene  their  system,  which 
never  could  be  long  supported  by  the  native  interest  of  that 
country.  A  most  violent  opposition  was  therefore  raised  against 
the  measure  in  the  commons,  v/hich  for  the  present  completely 
defeated  all  the  influence  of  that  noble  family  with  the  king,  and 
diverted  his  majesty  from  his  benevolent  disposition  in  their 
regard.  They  artfully  avoided  w^ounding  the  feelings  of  the 
noble  lord,  by  pointing  at  his  particular  case,  and  formed  a  re- 

"  °ff-  One  part  of  the  push  he  not."  made  was  to  get  all  the  lay  lords  here  to 
'*  confederate  ag'ainst  tlie  bishops,  loho  'must  airways  be  depended  upon  for  doinj 
"  the  king^s  business.  E'lt  as  he  has  miscarried  in  his  attempt,  and  has  offend- 
"  cd  all  ;iides,  so  as  to  be  in  no  danger  of  appearing  again  at  the  head  of  so 
"  many  lord^  as  he  did  now,  I  hope  his  behaviour  will  be  remembered  when 
"he  or  his  friends  push  for  the  archbishopric  of  Dublin  for  him,''  f  Lett  a 
ta  Lord  79wnsmd,p.24Q.) 


n  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

solution  upon  a  broader  principle,  "  that  he  reversal  of  outlawries 
**  of  persons  attainted  of  treason  for  the  rebellions  of  1641  or 
**  1688  is  greatly  prejudicial  to  the  Protestant  interest  in  this 
"  kingdom,  and  dangerous  to  his  majesty's  person  and  the  suc- 
"  cession  established  in  his  royal  house."  They  accordingly 
voted  an  address  to  his  majesty,  setting  forth  the  dangerous  con- 
sequences of  such  misplaced  indulgence,  which  had  the  effect  of 
withholding  for  the  present  his  majesty's  benevolence  and  hu- 
manity.^ 

*  We  cannot  entertain  a  very  sublime  idea  of  the  purity  of  the  loyalty  of 
those  persons,  who  tell  their  sovereign  that  nothing-  can  so  effectually  make 
them  ready  to  support  and  defend  his  right  and  title  to  the  crov/n,  as  tlie  en- 
joyment of  the  forfeited  estates  of  the  Papists.  The  address  appears  to  im- 
port more  of  menace  and  intimidation,  than  the  effusion  of  genuine  loj^alty 
and  attachment  to  the  estabhshment:  and  the  answer  of  his  majesty  clearly 
bespeaks  that  his  compliance  with  the  prayer  of  the  address  was  the  effect 
rather  of  compulsion,  than  inclination.  "  We  your  majesty's  most  dutiful  and 
*'  loyal  subjects,  the  Commons  of  Ireland,  in  parliament  assembled,  think  it  an 
**  indispensable  duty,  in  this  our  first  session  held  since  your  happy  accession  to 
**  the  tiirooe,  most  humbly  to  represent  to  your  majesty,  that  the  reversal  of 
*'  outl;twiies  of  persons  -'ttainted  for  the  Rebellions  in  1641  and  1688,  may  be 
"  hi,?'iiy  prejudicial,  and  of  dangerous  consequence  to  your  majesty's  sacred 
*«  pcj'son  and  government,  and  the  succession  estabhshed  in  your  royal  house. 

"  We  are  truly  sensible  of  the  many  blessings  we  enjoy  under  your  most 
*'  auspicious  reign,  and  are  highly  pleased  with  the  agreeable  prospect  that 
*'  we  have,  that  the  benefits  of  the  Protestant  succession  will  be  continued  to 
*'  us  and  our  posterity  by  your  majc  sty  and  your  royal  issue  ;  and  we  assure 
*'  your  majesty  that  we  shcdl  be  alwctys  ready  to  support  and  defend  your  un- 
"  doubted  ri.^'ht  and  title  to  the  crown  of  these  realms  ^vith  our  lives  and  for- 
**  tunes,  which  nothing  can  enable  us  so  effectually  to  do,  as  the  enjoyment  of 
*'  those  estates  which  have  been  forfeitures  of  the  rebellious  Irish  Papists,  and 
**  are  now  in  the  possession  of  your  Protestant  subjects  of  this  kingdom. 

*'  We  therefore  beg  leave  to  lay  ourselves  at  your  majesty's  feet,  and  to  im- 
**  plore  your  royal  favour  and  protection  against  any  attempts  the  Irish  Papists 
*'  or  their  descendants  msiy  make  to  reverse  the  outlawries  of  persons  attainted 
**  for  those  rebellions,  having  reason  to  apprehend,  if  they  should  succeed, 
"  that  they  will  not  only  endeavour  to  disturb  your  faithful  subjects  in  the  pos- 
"  session  of  those  forfeited  estates  they  have  purchased,  and  now  enjoy  under 
*'  the  sanction  of  several  acts  of  parliament,  but  do  all  in  their  power  to  sub- 
*'  vert  our  happy  constitution  in  church  and  state. 

*'  We  are  fully  assured  that  your  majesty  hath  nothing  more  at  heart  than 
*'  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  your  people,  and  we  rely  entirely  on  your  royal 
*'  wisdom  and  goodness,  that  you  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  discourage  all 
"  applications  or  attempts,  that  shall  be  made  in  favour  of  such  traitors  and 
•*  their  descendants,  so  dangerous  to  your  majesty  and  the  Protestant  interest 
"  of  this  kingdom." 

Mr.  Secretary  Clutterbuck  informed  the  house  that  he  was  commanded  by 
his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant  to  acquaint  the  house  that  his  majesty  had 
been  pleased  to  return  a  most  gracious  answer  to  the  address  of  this  house 
touching  the  reversal  of  outlawries  of  persons  attainted  of  treason  for  the  re- 
bellions of  1641  and  1688,  which  he  read  in  his  place,  and  after  delivered  at 
the  table,  and  the  same  was  read  again  by  Mr.  Speaker,  and  is  as  followeth  : 

GeoPvGB  R. 

"  liis  majesty  has  received  with  great  pleasure  and  satisfaction 
"  the  assurances,  which  the  House  of  Commons  gave  him  in  their  address,  of 
'*  their  zeal  and  •fidelity  to  his  person  and  government ;  and  they  may  always 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  is 

Although  Lord  Carteret  continued  lord  lieutenant  till  the 
year  1731,  yet  was  Ireland  properly  governed  during  that  whole 
time  by  Primate  Boulter,*  to  whom  the  support  and  extension ^ 
of  the  English  interest  in  Ireland  was  solely  committed.  A 
trust  he  e-ftectually  accomplished,  by  paralyzing  the  small  vital 
relics,  that  had  been  left  more  through  shame  than  compassion 
to  the  great  body  of  the  Irish  people.  From  that  quarter  in- 
deed he  was  thwarted  in  none  of  his  projects.  In  parliament, 
fthe  chief  opposition  to  any  of  his  bills,  was  to  the  privilege  bill 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  several  of  whom  that  were  embarrassed 
in  their  circumstances  might  naturally  be  supposed  to  be  against 
it  :  but  his  grace  attributed  the  greatness  of  the  opposition,  as 
was  before  observed,  to  the  management  of  the  Bishop  of 
Elphin.  Out  of  parliament,  the  soreness  at  the  national  calamity 
became  most  alarming  from  the  Protestants  ;  notwithstanding 
the  Roman  Catholics  had  been  additionally  aggrieved  by  new- 
penal  laws,  which  gave  the  death  blow  to  their  civil  existence. 
Widiin  six  months  from  the  delivery  of  that  speech  from  the 
throne,  in  which  Lord  Carteret  had  attempted  to  idelude  the 
people  into  imaginary  bliss  under  the  most  pitiable  sufferings  of 
universal  calamity,  distress,  and  oppression.  Primate  Boulter  in 
the  private,  and  therefore  the  more  sincere  communications  with 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle  on  the  2od  of  November  1728,  has  left 
us  a  just  portrait  of  one  part  of  that  unfortunate  kingdom  ;  from 
which  the  greater  wretchedness  of  the  whole  must  necessarily 
he  deduced.  *'  I  am  very  sorry  I  am  obliged  to  give  your 
*'  grace  so  melancholy  an  account  of  the' state  of  this  kingdom, 
"  as  I  shall  by  this  letter,  but  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  let  his 
"  majesty  know  our  present  condition  in  the  North, y      For  we 

*'  depend  upon  liis  majesty's  favour  and  protection,  and  on  bis  care  and  con- 
"  cern  for  the  support  of  the  Protestant  interest  of  that  his  kingdom  ;  and  that 
*'  according-'y  his  majesty  will  effectually  discourage  all  ap])lications  r.rd  at- 
"  tempts  that  shall  be  made  for  the  reversal  of  outlawries  of  persons  attiinted 
"  for  the  rebellion  in  1641  and  1688,  in  any  case  that  may  affect  the  interest 
"  or  property  of  any  of  his  Protestant  subjects  there." 

*  So  then  his  grace  expresses  himself  to  Lord  Townsend  on  the  9tli  of  May  , 
1728,  (p.  239)  "  On  Monday  our  session  ended,  which  has  gone  throuich  with 
**  more  quiet  and  unanimity  than  usual  ;  and  in  wliicli  more  useful  bills  have 
*•  passed,  than  for  many  sessions  together  before.  And  I  hope  both  gentry 
*'  and  clergy  wdl  use  tJiose  powers  now  given  ihem  gradually  to  plant  religion 
*'  and  civility  in  this  country."  The  Editj]-  of  his  grace's  letters  assures  us 
he  was  the  framer  of  most,  if  not  all  of  these  bills. 

f  Ibidem. 

\  In  this  speech  (3  yourn.  Com.  p.  570.)  he  represents  the  people  as  truly 
sensible  of  the  happinesa  they  enjoy  under  his  majesty^s  inost  gracious  government, 
and  that  nothing  conld  be  more  acceptable  to  him,  than  to  find  by  the  ad- 
dresses of  both  houses,  that  bii  cndeavonrcfor  the  public  service  had  been  to  their 
satisfaction. 

S  Why  the  archbisliop  liere  confines  liis  duty  toth.e  North,  one  cannot  fairly 
conjecture.  When  it  v.as  v/ell  knov.n,  that  it  was  the  most  industrious,  manu- 
facturing,  and  opulent  rart  of  the  kingdom,  v/Uich  circumstances  alone  placed 


14  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW' 

*'  have  had  three  bad  harvests  together  there,  which  has  iriade 
*'  oatmeal,  which  is  their  great  subsistence,  much  dearer  than 
*'  ordinary."  His  grace  then  complains  of  American  agents 
seducing  the  people,  with  prospects  of  happier  establishments, 
across  the  Atlantic  ;  and  adds,  "  they  have  been  better  able  to 
"  seduce  people  by  reason  of  the  necessities  of  the  poor  of  late, 
"  The  people  that  go  from  hence  make  great  complaints  of  the 
"  oppressions  they  suffer  here,  not  from  the  government,  but 
*'  from  their  fellow  subjects  of  one  kind  or  another,  as  well  as 
*'  of  the  dearness  of  provisions,  and  say  these  oppressions  arc 
"  one  reason  of  their  going."  The  primate  then  assures  the 
duke,  that  3100  had  in  the  preceding  summer  been  shipped  off 
from  thence  for  the  West-Indies,  and  he  draws  a  lamentable 
picture  of  the  new  miseries  they  voluntarily  undertake  to  en- 
counter racher  than  continue  under  the  oppression  they  suffered 
at  home.  One  would  naturally  suppose,  that  the  chief  of  these 
unfortunate  emigrants  had  bet;n  from  that  body  of  the  people, 
v.'ho  not  only  felt  the  common  hand  of  oppression  upon  them, 
but  who  Vv'ere  groaning  under  an  unprecedented  code  of  severity, 
from  which  the  Protestants  v/ere  wholly  exempted.  Yet  continues 
his  grace,  '•'  the  whole  north  is  in  a  ferrr.cnt  at  present  (i.  e.  the 
*'  23d  of  November  1728),  and  people  every  day  engaging  one 
"  another  to  go  the  next  year  to  the  West-Indies.  The  hu- 
^'  mour  has  spread  like  a  contagious  distemper,  and  the  people 
'^  tvill  hardly  hear  any  body,  that  tries  to  care  them  of  their 
^'  madness.  The  worst  is^  that  it  affects  only  Protestants^  and 
"  reigns  chzejlij  hi  the  Norths  which  is  the  seat  of  our  linen 
''  manufacture.  This  unsettled  state  puts  almost  a  stop  to  trade, 
''  and  the  more  so,  as  several,  who  were  in  good  credit  before 
*'  have  taken  up  parcels  of  goods  on  trust  and  disposed  of  them, 
'*  and  are  gone  off  with  the  money,  so  that  there  is  no  trade  here 
*'  but  for  ready  money." 

It  is  lamentable  to  observe  the  Primate  labouring  to  trace 
these  discontents  even  in  the  Protestant  Irish  from  any  other 
than  the  real  cause.  "  We  have  had  under  our  consideration 
^"^  how  to  put  some  stop  to  this  grov.'ing  evil  :  Vv'c  think  by  some 

it  in  their  po^ver  to  resist  or  avoid  distress  and  oppression  by  Jmeans,  which 
the  other  inore  wretched  and  impoverished  parts  of  the  kingclom  were  unable 
to  command.  For  the  suke  of  humanity  I  am  loath  to  draw  tlie  conclusion, 
which  an  unbiassed  spectator  of  this  state  of  Ireland  cannot  shut  out  from  his 
m.iid  :  that  it  Avas  the  ill-fated  system  of  government  at  that  time,  to  keep  up 
the  English  interest  m  the  covmtry  by  the  extreme  wretchedness  and  debase- 
ment of  the  natives.  Thou.cjh  I  reluctantly  view  these  inhuman  principles 
heretofore  acted  upon  in  Ireland,  I  sympathize  with  that  part  of  the  British 
empire,  in  the  joyful  conviction,  that  its  incorporate  union  v>uth  Great  Britain 
has  eternally  closed  tliat  infelicity  of  Ireland,  and  ensured  her  against  the  rue- 
ial  consequences  of  supporting  any  factitious  accendency  over  the  people  oi 
Ireland. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  ij 

^^  old  laws  we  can  hinder  money  being  carried  abroad,  and  stop 
"  all  but  merchants  that  have  not  a  licence  from  going  out  of 
"  the  kingdom.  By  this  post  w^e  have  sent  my  lord  lieutenant 
'*•'  the  representation  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  North,  and  the  opi- 
"  nion  of  our  lawyers  v/hat  can  be  done  by  law  to  hinder  people 
"  going  abroad  :  but  these  are  matters  we  shall  do  nothing  *in 
"  v/ithout  directions  from  his  majesty.  But  v/hatever  can  be  done 
"  by  law,  I  fear  it  may  be  dangerous  forcibly  to  hinder  a  number 
"  of  needy  people  from  quitting  us."  As  the  Primate's  accounts 
of  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  people  did  not  support  that 
general  sense  of  their  happiness,  which  was  so  fulsomely  blazon- 
ed forth  in  the  speech  from  the  throne,  it  behoves  us  to  remark, 
that  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1729  his  grace  informed  the  duke 
of  Nev/castlef,  that  they  were  in  a  very  bad ivaij  there:  that  the 
distresses  of  the  North  continued  :  that  subscriptions  had  been 
set  on  foot  in  Dublin  to  purchase  corn  from  Munster,  where  it 
was  more  plentiful  and  cheaper,  and  sell  it  at  reduced  prices  in 
the  North  :  that  there  had  been  tumults  at  Limerick,  Cork, 
Waterford,  Clonmel  and  other  places  to  prevent  the  corn  from 
going  to  the  North:  that  those  at  Limerick  and  Cork  had  been 
the  worst,  where  they  had  broken  open  warehouses  and  cellars, 
and  set  v/hat  price  they  pleased  on  provisions  :  but  that  he  had 
given  the  necessary  orders  to  suppress  these  riots.  He  admits, 
that  the  buying  up  of  the  corn  in  Munster  had  greatly  raised  the 
markets  there  :  but  that  they  were  still  a  third  cheaper  than  in 
the  North.  His  grace  then  makes  an  observation,  which  al- 
ways has  and  ever  will  be  made  in  all  cases  of  riot  of  this  nature. 
"  There  is  one  reflection  these  poor  wretches  have  not  made, 
*'  that  by  their  riots  the  country  arc  deterred  from  bringing 
"  them  in  provisions,  which  will  make  things  dearer  in  those 
*'•  places,  than  the  exportation  they  are  so  angry  at."  Govern- 
ment geneially  may  secure  the  mob  from  soreness  and  irrita- 
tion ;  it  never  can  give  them  reflection  under  those  impressions. 
Boulter  had  given  orders  to  the  several  magistrates  and  the 
judges  of  assize  to  have  the  rioters  prosecuted  and  severely 
punished  in  the  South.  In  the  North,  the  humour  of  going  to 
America  still  continued,  and  the  scarcity  of  provisions  certainly 
made  many  quit  them :  there  were  then  seven  ships  lying  at 
Belfast,  that  were  carrying  off  about  1000  passengers  thither: 

*  It  has  unfortunately,  for  Ireland  in  particular,  been  the  baneful  practice 
of  seme  servants  of  the  crown  to  f6rv.'ard  systems  of  unsound  or  corrupt 
policy  to  such  a  heig-ht,  that  they  have  been  unable  to  check  the  evil  con- 
sequences of  their  own  conduct.  The  responsibility  is  then  shifted  from 
their  own  shoulders  ss  in  this  case,  upon  his  majesty,  who  has  probably  been 
adverse  or  not  privy  to  the  real  cause  of  the  existing  evil.  The  king^'s  per- 
sonal interference  in  any  deg-ree  wliatever  can  not  by  our  constitution  cover  or 
counteract  the  responsibility  of  ius  ir-inisters, 

t  1  Vcl.  r..  287. 


16  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  if,  said  his  grace,  Ve  knew  how  to  stop  them,  as  most  of 
them  could  neither  get  victuals  or  work  at  home,  it  would  be 
cruel  to  do  it.  The  dissenting  ministers  at  this  time  presented 
a  memorial  of  the  grievances  their  brethren  had  assigned,  as  ^ 
the  causes  in  their  apprehensions  of  the  great  desertion  in  the 
North,  which  were  chiefly  the  oppression  of  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  about  tithes,  the  whole  of  which  his  grace  denied  or  jus- 
tified in  a  special  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London.*  Another 
matter  of  complaint  was  of  the  sacramental  test ;  in  relation  to 
which  his  grace  told  them:  the  laws  were  the  same  in  England. 
The  other  grievances  thev  mentioned  were  the  raising  of  the 
rents  unreasonably,  the  oppression  of  the  justices  of  the  peace, 
senechals  and  other  offices  in  the  country.  We  learn  also,  that 
the  Primate  was  sensible  of  more  discontent  from  another  cause, 
which  has  not  hitherto  been  touched  upon.  "  f  I  very  much 
"  fear,  (said  his  grace  on  the  10th  of  June,  1729)  that  notwith- 
"  standing  all  precautions,  w^e  are  in  danger  of  having  a  trouble- 
"  some  session,"<2*  the  debts  of  the  nation  are  very  much  encreased 
"  within  afexv  years,'''' 

Nothing  can  convey  a  more  adequate  idea  of  the  financial 
state  of  the  nation,  than  to  consider  the  progress  of  the  national 
debt,  and  trace  the  effects,  which  it  gradually  produced  on  the. 
nation. J  The  poverty  of  Ireland  appeared  in  the  year  1716  by 
the  unanimous  address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  George  I. 
This  address  was  to  congratulate  his  majesty  on  his  success  in 
extinguishing  the  rebellion;  an  occasion  most  joyful  to  them, 
and  on  which  no  disagreeable  circumstances  would  have  been 
stated,  had  not  truth  and  the  necessities  of  their  country  extorted 
it  from  them.  A  small  debt  of  16,106/.  11*.  01^.^  due .  at 
Michaelmas  1715,  was  by  their  exertions  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  government  in  that  year,  increased  at  Midsummer 
1717,  to  a^sum  of  91,537/.  176-.  If-/,  which  was  considered  as 
such  an  augmentation  of  the  national  debt,  that  the  lord  lieute- 
nant, the  Duke  of  Bolton,  thought  it  necessary  to  take\iotice  in 
his  speech  from  the  throne,  that  the  debt  was  considerably  aug- 
mented, and  to  declare  at  the  same  time,  that  his  majesty  had 
ordered  reductions  in  the  military,  and  had  thought  proper  to 
lessen  the  civil  list. 

There  cannot  be  a  stronger  proof  of  the  want  of  resources  in 
any  country,  than  that  a  debt  of  so  small  an  amount  should  alarm 
the  persons  entrusted  with  the  government  of  it.  That  those 
apprehensions  were  well  founded,  will  appear  from  the  repeated 

•  Vide  the  letter  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LVI. 

tl  Vol.  p.  313. 

X  Com.  Restr.  p.  38. 

S  Com.  Restr.  p.  38,  - 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  IT 

distresses  of  Ireland,  from  time  to  time,  for  many  years  after- 
wards. In  1721,  the  speech  from  the  throne,  and  the  addresses 
to  the  king  and  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  state  in  the  strongest 
terms,  the  great  decay  of  her  trade,  and  the  very  low  and  im- 
poverished state,  to  which  she  was  reduced;  that  though  the 
debt  of  the  nation  were  no  more  than  66,3 IS/.  3-?.  S^d.  and  were 
in  fact  less  than  in  the  last  session,  yet  the  commons  thought  i^ 
necessary  to  present  an  address  to  the  king,  to  give  such  direc- 
tions as  he,  in  his  great  goodness  should  think  proper,  to  prevent 
the  increase  of  the  debt  of  the  nation. 

The  debt  of  the  nation  in  the  ensuing  session  of  1725  was 
nearly  doubled.  In  the  speeches  from  the  throne  in  1727,  Lord 
Carteret  takes  notice  of  our  success  in  the  linen  trade,  and  yet 
observes  in  1729,  that  the  revenue  had  fallen  short,  and  that 
thereby  a  considerable  arrear  was  due  to  the  establishment.  In 
the  year  1731,  there,was  a  great  deficiency  in  the  public  revenue, 
and  the  national  debt  had  considerably  increased.  The  exhaus- 
ted kingdom  lay  under  great  dliliculties  by  the  decay  of  trade, 
the  scarcity  of  money  and  the  universal  poverty  of  the  country, 
v/hich  the  speaker  represented  in  very  affecting  terms,  in  offering 
the  money  bills  for  the  royal  assent.  For  above  forty  years, 
after  making  several  restrictive  laws  upon  the  trade  of  Ireland, 
she  v/as  always  poor  and  often  In  great  want,  distress  and  misery ; 
though  the  linen  manufactures  had  made  great  progress  during 
that  time.  In  the  war  which  terminated  in  the  treaty  of  Aix  la 
Chappelle,  she  was  not  able  to  give  any  assistance.  The  Duke 
of  Devonshire,  in  the  year  1741,  takes  notice  from  the  throne, 
that  during  a  war  for  the  protection  of  the  trade  of  all  his  ma- 
jesty's dominions,  there  had  been* no  increase  of  the  charge  of 
the  establishment;  and  in  the  year  1745  the  country  was  so  little 
able  to  bear  expence,  that  Lord  Chesterfield  discouraged  and 
prevented  any  augmentation  of  the  army,  though  much  desired 
by  many  gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Commons,  from  a  sense 
of  the  great  danger  that  then  impended.  An  influx  of  money 
after  the  peace,  and  the  further  success  of  the  linen  trade,  in- 
creased the  national  wealth,  and  enabled  Ireland  to  reduce  by 
degrees,  and  afterwards  to  discharge  the  national  debt.  This 
was  not  effected  until  the  1st  of  March,  1754.  This  debt  was 
occasioned  principally  by  the  expences  incurred  by  the  rebellion 
in  Great  Britain  in  the  year  1715:  an  unlimited  vote  of  credit 
was  then  given.  From  the  lowness  of  the  revenue,  and  the  want 
of  resources,  not  from  any  farther  exertions  on  the  part  of  the 
kingdom  in  point  of  expence,  the  debt  of  16,106/.  11^.  O^d,  due 
in  1715,  was  increased  at  Lady-day  1733,  to  371,312/.  13.9.  2  if/. 
That  government  and  the  House  of  Commons  should,  for  such 
a  length  of  time,  have  considered  the  reduction  and  discharge 

VOL.    II.  c 


is  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  tills  debt  as  an  object  of  so  great  importance,  and  that  near 
forty  years  should  have  passed,  before  the  constant  attention  and 
strictest  oeconomyof  both  could  have  accomplished  that  purpose, 
is  a  very  strong  proof  of  the  weakness  and  poverty  of  Ireland 
during  that  period. 

Lord  Carteret  was  succeeded  in  the  lieutenancy  by  the  Duke 
of  Dorset:  a  man  of  amiable  private  character:  his  government 
however  was  too  closely  managed  by  the  primate,  not  to  have 
created  enmity  in  Ireland  on  account  of  his  zealous  and  syste- 
matic support  of  the  English  Interest  in  contravention  to  the 
native  interest  of  Ireland.  Under  this  system  of  government 
the  patriot  party  acquired  so  much  strength,  as  to  command  a 
majority  in  the  commons  on  a  most  important  question.  During 
the  late  administration  the  court  party  had  moved  in  the  com- 
mons, that  the  fund,  which  had  been  provided  for  the  payment 
of  the  principal  and  interest,  should  be  granted  to  his  majesty, 
his  heirs,  and  successors  forever;  redeemable  by  parliament. 
The  patriots  insisted  successfully,  that  it  was  unconstitutional 
and  inconsistent  with  the  public  safety  to  grant  it  for  a  longer 
term.,  than  from  session  to  session.  An  attempt  was  afterwards 
made  to  vest  it  in  the  crov/n  by  continuing  the  supplies  for 
twenty-one  years.  When  the  affair  came  to  be  agitated,  the 
strength  of  the  ministerialists  or  court  party,  and  the  patriots  or 
country  party,  was  so  nearl}'  equal,  that  the  farmer  loGtthe  ques- 
tion by  a  single  vote.* 

*  This  patriotic  question  was  carried  by  the  voice  of  Colonel  Tottenham,  menr- 
ber  for  New  Ross,  who  had  ridden  post  to  town  to  he  present  at  the  debate,  and 
arrived  immediatel_y  before  the  house  divided.  Tiie  i:i,reat  supporter  of  tlie 
patriots  at  this  time  in  Ireland,  was  Mr.  Henry  Boyle.  Mr.  Conollythe  speaker 
of  the  House  of  Commons  died  in  1730:  he  had  very  unexpectedly  risen  to  this 
exalted  station  :  and  at  first  was  under  a  sort  of  necessity  to  temporize  with 
the  men  in  power,  to  who.>5e  influence  he  owed  his  rise  :  and  he  frequently  so 
far  complimented  his  patrons,  as  to  concur  in  things  he  did  not  approve  of,  in 
order  to  keep  np  his  interest  with  the  court :  however  when  once  the  patriot 
interest,  to  which  he  naturally  inclined,  had  been  established  in  parliament  on 
a  firm  and  respectable  footing",  he  added  to  it  his  support,  and  ever  after  acted 
^p  to  it  even  in  direct  opposition  to  the  court  or  English  interest.  On  Mr. 
Conolly's  death,  the  patriots  g-enerally  looked  up  to  ?vir.  Boyle  as  the  person 
■most  worthy  of  filling  this  important  oilice  :  he  in  the  sincere  fervour  of  his 
primitive  patriotism,  regardir-g  preferment  only  as  a  more  efficient  mean  of 
serving  his  counl  ry,  reminding  tiie  house  of  Mr.  Conolly's  frequent  declara- 
tions, tliat  Sir  Ralph  Gore  was  a  proper  person  to  succeed  him  in  the  chair, 
proposed  Sir  Ralpli  Gore,  whose  personal  merits  erainer.tly  qualified  him  for 
that  station  :  and  he  was  elected  speaker  :  but  he  did  not  fill  the  chair  t\\  o  years. 
Upon  his  death  in  1 732,  Mr.  Boyle  was  elected  to  the  honovn-able  situation, 
which  he  filled  with  dignity  and  uprightness  for  many  years.  Sir  Robert 
Walpole  was  so  convhiced  of  the  powerful  interest  Mr.' Boyle  commanded  in 
the  Irish  House  of  Commons,  that  he  had  previously  to  his  election  to  the 
chair,  declared,  that  he  was  a  man  of  as  much  penetration  as  interest,  and  that 
whatever  scheme  h.e  was  adverse  to,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  cany  in  the 
House  of  Commons  of  Ireland  :  and  although  that  minister  ever  looked  upon 
Mr.  Boyle  with  an  envious  eye,  yet  he  generally  spoke  of  him  in  his  facet  ioiif. 
humour  as  the  King  of  the  Irish  Comvions. 


'of  the  state  of  IRELAND.  19 

The  Duke  of  Dorset,  v/lio  was  naturally  humane,  and  verr 
sensible  of  the  extremehardships,  which  the  Catholics  of  Ireland 
then  suffered  from  the  existing  lav/s,  relaxed   so  far  from  the 
usual  style  of  addressing  the  parliam.ent  on  this  subject,  that  he 
no  longer  recommended  it  from  the  throne  to  provide  for  fur- 
ther severities  upon  the  Catholics;  but,  as  if  the  crown  satiated 
with  rigour,   benignly  v/ished  to  put  a  stop  to  this  unceasing 
system  of  galling  its  faithful  subjects,  though  still  leaving  them 
to  the  merciless  disposition  of  those,  whose  ascendency  depend- 
ed upon  their  depression,  told  them'^"  that  he  should  leave  it  to 
their  consideration,  v/hether  any  further  laws  might  be  necessary 
to  prevent  the  growth  of  Popery,  and  to  secure  them  against  all 
dangers  from  the  great  number  of  Papists  in  that  kingdom..  The 
commons  in  addressing  his  majesty  did  no  more  on  this  occa- 
sion, than  to  keep  alive  the  general  alarm  which  the  number  of 
Papists  must  at  all  times  give  to  his  loyal  Protestant  subjects, 
and  ensuring  to  his  majesty  their  best  endeavours  to  prevent  all 
dangers,  which  might  arise  from  the  Papists  to  the  government 
or  peace  of  the  kingdom.     At  the  opening  of  the  parliament 
in  1733,  his  Grace  of  Dorset  again  relapsed  into  the  ancient 
style,  by  calling  upon  the  parliament  of  Ireland  to  secure  af 
firm  union  amongst  all  ProtestcmtSy  who  have  one  common  interest 
and  the  same  common  enemij.     This  however  appears  to  have 
been  preparatory  to  a  measure,  which  had  met  with  the  consent 
of  the  British  cabinet,  though  it  had  not  been  so  strongly  recom- 
mended to  the  Irish  government,  as  to  ensure  the  cordial  co- 
operation of  the  supporters  of  the  English  interest  in  carrying  it. 
It  appears  also,  that  the  patriots  were  not  then  disposed  to  that 
measure  of  toleration,  in  favour  of  the   Protestant  Dissenters, 
which  the  Duke  of  Dorset  had  it  in  his  instructions  to  propose  : 
and  which  from  the  decisive  opposition,  that  was  prepared  against 
the  measure,  the  government  thought  proper  to  drop.     It  may 
however  be  strongly  surmised,  that  Primate  Boulter's  disinclina- 
tion to  the  repeal  of  the  test  in  favour  of  the  Dissenters  may  have 
magnified  the  opposition  to  it  in  his  own  e3'es,  and  exaggerated 
it  to  the  British  minister,  in  order  to  ensure  the  dropping  of  the 
measure  in  the  first  instance  or  its  failure  in  the  last.ij:     The 

*  4  Journ.  Com,  p.  9. 

t4JoLirn.  Com.  p.  70. 

\  In  order  that  the  can<l'icl  reader  mayjudg-e  of  the  archbishop*s  earnestness 
to  second  these  instructions  from  Eng'land,  I  lay  before  him  his  j^race's  account 
of  the  transaction  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle. 

My  Lord,  Dubliii,  Dec.  18,  1733. 

"  AS  an  affair  of  great  consequence  is  just  over  with-ris, 
"  I  mean  the  push  for  repealing-  tlie  test  in  favour  of  the  Dissenters,  I  thought 
"  it  my  duty  to  acr|uaint  your  g-i-ace  how  that  affair  stands. 

"  When  my  lord  lieutenant  first  came  hither  this  time,  he  let  the  Dissenters 
''  and  others  know,  that  he  had  instructions,  if  it  could  be  done,  to  get  the  test 


20  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

honourable  testimony  which  the  Duke  of  Dorset  rendered  in 
the  next  year,  when  he  was  about  to  quit  the  government  of 

*'  repealed,  and  he  has  since  spoke  to  all  any  ways  dependant  on  the  govern- 
"  nient  as  well  as  to  others,  whom  he  could  hope  to  influence,  to  dispose  them 
*'  to  concur  with  the  desig-n,  and  so  have  others  done  that  have  the  honour  to 
**  be  in  his  majesty's  service.  But  it  was  unanimously  agreed,  that  it  was  not 
*'  proper  to  bring  that  affair  into  either  house  of  parliament  till  the  supply  v.as 
"  secured.  However  ?s  the  design  could  not  be  kept  secret,  and  as  the  Dis- 
*'  senters  sent  up  agents  from,  the  north,  to  solicit  tlie  affair  among  the  mem- 
"  bers  of  parliament,  it  soon  occasioned  a  gi-e at  ferment  both  in  the  two  houses 
**  and  out  of  them,  and  brought  a  greater  number  of  members  to  town  than  is 
*'  usual.  There  came  likewise  many  of  the  clergy  from  the  several  parts  of 
"  the  kingdom  t-  oppose  the  design,  and  a  pamphlet  war  was  carried  on  for 
"  and  against  rej)ea]ing  the  test,  in  which  those  wlio  wrote  for  it  shewed  the 
*'  gi-eatest  temper.  And  thus  the  persons  who  came  to  town  to  oppose  it,  by 
*'  degrees  heated  one  another,  and  visibly  gained  gi'ound,  and  the  members  (jf 
*'  the  House  of  Coramons  were  by  adjourned  calls  of  the  house  kept  m  town. 

"  There  were  dail}^  reports  spread,  that  the  bill  would  be  brought  in  such  or 
*'  such  a  day ;  and  some  in  the  opposition  gave  out,  they  would  move  for  it, 
"  that  the  point  might  be  decided  one  way  or  another :  till  at  length  after 
*'  much  imj>atience  "shewn  on  the  occasion,  on  this  day  se'nnight  a  very  im- 
*'  usual,  and  I  think  unparliamentary,  motion  was  made,  that  after  the  next 
''  Friday,  the  house  would  neither  receive  bills  nor  heads  of  hills  for  repealing 
*'  any  p;^rts  of  the  acts  to  prevent  the  grov.  th  of  Popery,  in  one  of  v.hich  the 
*'  sacramental  os.th  is  enacted.  There  was  some  opposition  made  to  the  shoil- 
"  ness  of  tlie  time,  and  the  next  Monday  moved  for,  but  the  warmth  of  the 
*'  house,  which  v,as  a  very  fidl  one,  against  anj-  further  delay,  and  indeed 
"  against  any  repeal  of  the  test,  appeared  so  great  and  so  general,  that  it  was 
*'  thought  most  prudent  not  to  divide  about  that  resolution.  And  upon  consi- 
*'  dering  uhat  then  appeared  to  be  the  sense  of  mucl)  the  greater  part  of  the 
*'  house,  arid  what  was  found  to  be  the  disposition  of  the  members  by  talking 
*'  with  them,  it  was  concluded  at  a  meeting  at  the  castle  on  Wednesday  morn- 
*'  ing,  and  another  on  Thursday  moi-ning,  where  some  of  the  agents  for  the 
"  Dissenters  were  present,  to  be  most  for  the  credit  of  the  government  and 
*'  peace  of  the  kingdom,  not  to  push  for  a  thing  which  plainly  appeared  im- 
•'  practicable  :  and  it  was  thoug-ht  a  very  dangei'ous  step  to  unite  a  majority  of 
*'  the  house  in  opposition  to  the  intentions  of  the  coveinment,  since  it  was  not 
*'  so  certain  when  such  an  union  miglit  be  dissolved.  And  at  a  m.eeting  of  se- 
*'  veral  mem.bers  of  the  House  of  Commons,  who  were  disposed  to  repeal  the 
*'  test,  it  was  agreed,  that  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  it  would  be  wrong  to 
*'  push  for  a  thing  that  wovdd  certainly  miscarry.  "Whilst  this  affair  has  been 
**  depending,  there  have  been  great  heats  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  a 
"  more  than  usual  obstruction  of  public  business,  and  the  House  of  Lords  has 
*'  had  their  share  in  tlieir  coming  to  some  resolutions  though  not  on  this  sub- 
**  ject,  which  would  scarce  have  been  carried  or  moved  at  another  time  And 
*'  I  am  fully  of  opinion,  that  though  the  repeal  had  passed  in  the  commons,  it 
**  would  have  miscarried  among  the  lords  :  but  I  hope  nov/  this  uneasiness 
*'  and  handle  of  discontent  is  over,  things  will  gradually  cool  and  return  to 
"  their  former  course.  I  find  some  of  the  Dissenters  now  say,  the  tiling  ought 
*'  to  have  been  tried  sooner  in  the  session,  but  as  I  mentioned  before,  it  was 
"  the  opinion  of  his  majesty's  servants,  that  the  supplies  ought  to  be  secured 
*'  before  any  danger  was  run  of  raising  heats  in  the  house :  and  besides  in  the 
*«  me'..hod  of  our  pai'liament,  no  bill  can  be  carried  by  surprise,  because  thougli 
"  the  heuds  of  a  bill  maybe  carried  on  a  sudden,  yet  there  is  time  for  a  party 
*'  to  be  gathered  against  it,  by  that  time  a  bill  can  pass  the  council  here  and 
"  be  returned  from  England,  whe;i  it  is  again  to  pass  through  both  houses  for 
*'  thtiir  approbation  before  what  has  happened  here  will  probably  the  less  sur- 
"  prise  your  grace,  because  the  archbishop  of  Dublin  in  London  acquainted 
"  the  ministry,  that  such  a  repeal  could  not  pass  here,  which  has  been  my 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  21 

Ireland,  to  the  peaceable  and  steady  conduct  of  the  Irish  nation, 
ought  to  be  recorded.*  "  I  think  myself  nappy,  said  his  grace, 
"  that  on  return  to  his  majesty's  royal  presence,  I  can  justly  re- 
*^  present  his  people  of  Ireland,  as  most  dutiful,  loyal  and  affec- 
"  tionate  subjects." 

The  Duke  of  Dorset  was  succeeded  in  the  lieutenancy  by  the 
Duke  of  Devonshire,  whose  administration  was  the  longest  and 
most  quiet  of  any,  since  the  accession  of  the  Kanover  family. 
His  Grace  was  wholly  devoted  to  the  councils  and  influence  of 
the  primate,  who  died  in  that  administration. f  No  lord  lieute- 
nant, since  the  first  Duke  of  Ormond,had  displayed  such  pomp, 
state,  and  luxury  as  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  :  no  one  had  ever 
applied  so  much  of  his  personal  patrimony  to  the  gratification 
or  advantage  of  the  Irish  nation  :t  and  upon  the  whole,  his  ad- 
ministration, Vv^thout  being  brilliant  or  glorious,  had  the  nega- 
tive merit  of  not  having  been  turbulent.  As  it  is  unquestionable, 
that  the  administration  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  was  entirely 
carried  on  by  the  direction  of  the  primate,  it  materially  affects 
the  history  of  those  times,  to  ascertain  the  spirit  ind  principles 

"  opinion  from  the  beg-inr.ing  of  this  session.  This  I  am  sure  of,  that  all  pre- 
**  sent  in  the  service  of  tJie  crown  were  of  opinion,  that  tlic  push  ought  not  to 
*'  be  made,  v/h ere  there  was  no  probability  of  success." 

*  4  Journ.  Com.  p.  152. 

•j-  So  the  primate  expresses  himself  to  this  nobleman  on  the  28th  of  April, 
1737" :,..."  The  great  character  your  grace  has  from  every  body,  satisfies  me 
*'  we  siiall  be  happy  under  your  administration,  if  it  be  not  our  ov.n  fault.  I 
*'  liave  made  it  my  endeavour  to  serve  his  majesty  faithfully  here,  and  shall 
*'  always  laboiu*  to  jn-omote  his  interest  and  honour,  and  the  prosperity  of  his 
*'  subjects;  and  am  iladtliat  I  and  the  other  lords  justices  have  been  rightly 
"  represented  to  3'our  grace  on  that  head  :  and  I  dure  ans-.ver  for  them,  as  well 
**  as  myself,  tiiatv.e  shall  do  our  utmost  to  make  your  administration  liereeasy. 
*'  Beside  those  public  letters  you  are  pleased  to  encourage  us  to  v.rite,  there 
"  will  be  occasions  when  it  may  be  for  the  service  of  his  majesty,  and  the 
"  good  of  this  kiiigdom,  that  I  should  give  your  grace  an  account  of  my  parti- 
"  cular  sense  of  aiiairs,  which  I  hope  you  will  allov.-  me  the  liberty  to  write  to 
"  ynvs  grace,  I  can  promise  tliat  I  will  never  knowingly  mitilead  30U,  and 
"  your  grace  will  alw  ays  be  judge  of  v/hat  I  propose."  Upon  which  the  edi- 
tor of  the  primate's  letters  informs  us,  tliat  "  his  grace's  admlnl^.tration  was 
"  tlie  happiest,  the  longest,  and  perhaps  the  most  useful  that  was  ever  known 
*'  in  Ireland  since  the  House  of  Kanover  cam.e  to  the  crown,  which  was  greatly 
"  owing  to  the  confidence  he  placed  (advised  so  to  do  by  his  good  friend  Sir 
"  Robert  Walpole)  in  my  lord  primate.  My  lord  primate  died  in  this  admi- 
"  nlstration,  but  had  gone  through  three  .sessioi'.s  of  parliam.ent  without  losing, 
*'  as  it  is  best  remembered,  a  single  government  question.  But  at  the  same 
*'  time  this  is  observed,  be  it  also  recollected,  that  his  Grace  of  Devonshire  did 
*'  greatly  strengthen  his  own  hands,  and  by  that  means  tho.'^e  cf  the  govern- 
•*  ment,  by  a  double  alliance  in  marriage  v.ith  the  powerful  family  of  Ponson- 
*'  by  ;  who  then  had  gi-eat  weight,  and  now  are  of  still  gre?,ter  consequence 
"  m  that  kingdom.  This  alliance,  no  doubt,  contributed  to  make  things  go 
*'  easy  again,  as  it  did  afterwards  during  the  sliort  administration  of  thatamia- 
*'  ble,  most  worthy,  ^j\d  truly  noble  personage  the  last  Duke  of  Devonshire." 

i  At  his  own  private  cxpences  he  built  the  Qjiay  in  Dublin,  which  bears 
the  name  of  Devonshire  ^.ay.  m  grateful  remembrance  cf  tliJs  benefactor  t« 
the  Irish  nation. 


22  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  that  government,  by  which  Ireland  then  was  ruled.  In  writ* 
ing  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  about  the  reduction  of  the  gold 
coin,  the  primate  observes,  that  he  had  in  a  particular  manner 
been  ill  used  on  this  occasion,  and  that  monstrous  stories  had 
been  spread  about  to  enrage  the  people.*  At  this  remote  dis- 
tance from  the  action  of  Primate  Boulter's  principles  upon  the 
people  of  Ireland,  represented  by  their  parliament,  the  impartial 
observer  will  necessaril}'  conclude,  that  every  Irishman  who 
considered  or  felt  the  independence  of  his  countiy,  would  resist 
the  fundamental  position  laid  down  by  that  political  prelate,  that 
the  CQU7icil  in  Ireland^  whose  special  mission  was  to  keep  up  the 
English  interest  there,  by  the  coristitution  had  a  power  to  check 
the  proceedings  both  of  the  lords  and  commons.  As  persecution 
and  harhness  were  agreeable,  neither  to  King  George  the  Se- 
cond, nor  to  his  then  favourite  minister  Sir  Robert  \Valpole,the 
Catholics  of  Ireland  had  enjoyed  some  few  years  of  relative  in- 
dulgence, which  v/as  ill  relished  by  the  primate,  as  in  his  ideas 
it  had  produced  so  much  insolence  in  that  body,  and  there  was 
so  general  a  disposition  amongst  Protestants  and  Papists  to  in- 
sult magistrates  for  doing  their  duty,  that  they  thought  it  proper 
for  preserving  the  peace  of  the  country,  to  prosecute  any  person 
indijferenthj  that  demanded  satisfaction  of  any  magistrate  for 
putting  the  laws  in  execution.*     No  argument  can  so  conclu- 

*  2  Vol.  p.  242.  "  It  is  possible  (said  his  grace,  in  1737),  some  discon- 
"  tented  people  may  endeavour  to  bring"  the  affair  into  parliament,  and  make 
**  some  reflecting  voles  on  the  council  here,  which  by  our  constitution  has  a 
"  power  to  check  the  proceedings  of  both  lords  and  commons,  I  think  they 
**  will  not  be  able  to  carry  any  vote  on  that  point  ;  but  if  they  do,  I  am  sure 
"  the  only  check  here  on  their  heat  at  any  time  will  be  taken  away,  exce])t  his 
*'  majesty  is  pleased  to  support  the  council.  In  the  whole  aflair  I  am  satisfied 
"  the  aim  of  several  is  to  depress  the  English  interest  here,  which  the  more 
*'  some  labour  to  depress,  the  more  necessary  will  it  be  to  support  it  here  by 
*'  his  majesty's  authority.  As  for  myself  I  make  no  difficulty  of  retiring,  if  it 
•*  may  be  of  any  use,  and  indeed  liave  of  late  been  so  ill  used  in  this  affair,  that 
"  nothing  but  his  majesty's  service  should  hinder  me  from  retiring.  The 
*'  heats  of  this  town  begin  to  cool,  and  would  have  been  over  by  this  time,  if 
**  they  had  not  been  artfully  kept  up  for  a  handle  to  another  place."  (Letter 
to  tbe  Duke  of  Ncxacastle,  Septeviher  '29th,  1737.)  The  editor  of  Primate 
Boulter's  letters  assures  us,  that  such  a  malignant  spirit  had  been  raised  on 
this  occasion  by  Dean  Swift  and  the  bankers,  that  it  was  thought  proper  to 
lodge  at  the  primate's  house  an  extraordinary  guard  of  soldiers.  On  no  oc- 
casion, however,  v.  ere  the  Catholics  to  be  supposed  innocent  of  any  misconduct 
that  happened  in  Ireland,  It  was  certainly  a  singular  combination  of  the  most 
heterogeneous  interests,  to  which  the  primate  attributed  this  opposition  to  the 
will  of  the  English  cabiuet  in  Ireland.  In  this  same  letter  the  archbishop  hints, 
that  the  heats  were  artfully  kept  xip  by  Dean  Swift  and  by  the  management 
of  the  bankers  and  remitters,  and  the  whole  Popish  party  there,  and  tliat  the 
affair  occasioned  a  great  deal  of  heat. 

*  Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  2  vol.  p.  227.  It  certainly  is  a  conclu- 
sive avowal,  that  prosecutions  were  not  before  that  time  can-ied  on  indiffer- 
ently in  Ireland,  when  the  first  minister  of  national  justice  makes  a  desperate 
and  forced  threat  of  administering  it  indifferently  for  the  peace  of  the  country. 
His  grace  had  before  this  artfully  prepared  the  public  mind  for  this  new  and 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  23 

sively  refute  the  charges  Incessantly  urged  from  this  side  of  the 
water  against  the  Irish  for  being  by  disposition  turbulent  and 
savage,  bv  principle  inimical  to  England,  and  by  religion  dis- 
loyal to  a  Protestant  sovereign,  than  the  sinvple  fact,  that  Ire- 
land raised  not  an  arm  against  the  government,  when  an  exten- 
sive and  unsuccessful  war  on  the  Continent,  the  countenance  of 
a  young  Pretender  to  the  British  throne,  and  the  absence  of  a 
compulsory  armed  force  from  Ireland,  displayed  the  most  se- 
ducing- incitements  to  disorder,  disaffection,  and  rebellion,  if 
their  roots  existed  in  the  land.  It  was  then,  with  notorious 
truth,  that  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  so  frequently  in  his  speeches 
to  parliament  during  this  time  congratulated  them  upon  the 
grateful  and  happy  necessity  he  was  under,  of  reporting  favour- 
ably to  his  majesty  upon  the  affection,  zeal,  and  loyalty  of  his 
Irish  subjects. 

Loud  and  vehement  as  were  the  cries  and  exertions  against 
Popery  and  Papists  in  Ireland,  yet  it  is  impossible  for  any  tem- 
perate man  not  to  see,  that  they  arose  out  of  no  other  principle 
than  that  of  self-interest.  Lord  Clancarty  had,  it  appears,  under 
the  Duke  of  Devonshire's  administration,  obtained  the  consent 
of  the  British  cabinet,  that  a  bill  should  be  brought  into  the  Irish 
parliament  for  the  reversal  of  his  attainder,  which  passed  for 
his  adhering  to  the  cause  of  King  James  in  1688.  His  estates, 
which  had  been  consequently  forfeited,  were,  according  to  Pri- 
mate Boulter's  account,  then  of  the  annual  value  of  60,000/. 
and  the  report  of  such  a  measure,  together  with  the  reflections 
made  upon  the  consequences  of  such  a  precedent,  threw  the 
Protestant  landholders  into  the  greatest  alarm  and  fermenta- 
tion.^    In  proportion  as  they  were  attached  to  the  possession 

extraordinary  aclininistration  of  indij'erent  justice,  by  the  lord  lieutenant's 
speech  at  tlie  close  of  the  parliament  of  that  year.  (4  yoiun.  Com.  p.  280.) 
"  I  have  nothing  particular  to  recommend  to  you  upon  your  return  to  your  se- 
•'  vcral  countries,  being  well  satisfied  that  you  will  in  your  respective  stations 
"  put  the  laws  strictly  and  impartially  in  execution,  encourage  an  hearty  union 
*'  amongst  Protestants,  and  discountenance  and  punisli  prophaneness  and  im- 
*'  morality.  I  need  not  mention  to  you,  that  your  maintaining  the  dignity  of 
*'  the  crown,  and  a  due  subm.ission  to  the  magistrate,  will  he  the  surest  means 
*'  to  preserve  the  public  i^eace  and  tranquillity."  The  lavvs  which  were  thus 
recommended  to  be  ])ut  in  execution,  were  v.ell  understood  at  that  time  to  be 
the  Popery  laws,  and  thus  bya.tfuUy  substituting  the  general  words //ro/?/ja7;e- 
ntss  and  im/rnorality  for  t'.;:  appropriate  word  Popery,  which  those  laws  Vv^ere 
framed  to  punish  and  yi-rsecute,  this  intriguing  prelate  acquired  a  plausible 
reason  for  extending;  iiis  favourite  system  of  rigour  to  those  Protestants,  who 
discountenanced  the  Popery  laws  and  opposed  the  English  interest,  as  objects 
of  more  rancour  and  detestation  to  his  grace  than  even  the  Papists  themselves. 
*  2  Boulter,  p.  152. 

TO    THE    BISHOP    OF    LONDON. 

Du6ii.i,  9:5  of  February,  1T33. 
Mv  LoiiD, 

THE  bearer  is  the  P.ev.  Mr.  Cox,  one  of  a  very  good  family  here, 
«nd  of  a  fair  character.     He  ^cqs  over  to  En^-and  to  oppose  the  rever.sing  of 


24  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  Catholics'  lands,  they  were  vehemcr.t  in  decrying  the 
principles  and  tenets  of  the  Catholic  religion.  It  had  the  ef- 
fect to  sharpen  the  edge  of  the  law,  by  more  rigorous  execu- 
tion, and  of  encreasing  the  acrimony  of  the  Irish  government 
against  the  body  of  Catholics,  notwithstanding  their  unshaken 
loyalty  and  exemplary  conduct.  The  nature  of  this  alarm  ap- 
pears from  the  resolutions  of  the  commons  at  the  end  of  the  year 
1739,  ^nearly  four  years  after  his  majesty  had  in  the  year  173$ 

the  Lord  Clancarty's  attainder,  if  any  such  thing-  should  be  attempted  this 
session.  He  is  in  possession  of  400/.  per  annum,  part  of  the  Clancarty  estate, 
which  his  father  bought  under  the  faith  of  two  Eng-UsJi  acts  of  parliament,  the 
Irish  Trustee  Act,  and  a  particular  act  obtained  by  the  Hollow  Sword  Blade 
Company,  who  had  bought  g-reat  estates  here  of  the  trustees,  to  make  g^ood  the 
titles  of  those,  who  purchased  under  them.  He  -will  be  best  able  to  g-ive 
your  lordship  an  account  of  these  several  acts.  But  as  not  only  he,  but  great 
mmibers  of  Protestant  purchasers,  who  have  improved  the  Clancarty  estate 
to  near  60,OOQ/.  per  annuin,  think  they  may  be  affected  by  such  a  reversal,  I 
need  not  tell  yom*  lordship  what  a  ferment  the  discourse  of  it  has  occasioned 
in  those  parts  where  the  estate  lies.  But  I  must  further  add,  that  as  probably 
two-thirds  of  the  estates  of  Protestants  here  were  Popish  forfeitures  original- 
ly, the  uneasiness  is  universal,  since  they  think  if  tlie  attainder  of  any  family 
be  reversed  now,  another  family  may  at  another  time  obtain  the  same  favour  ; 
and  another  at  another  season  ;  for  that  no  possessor  of  such  forfeited 
estate  can  tell  how  long  he  or  his  may  continue  in  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  what 
they  have  bought  under  the  faith  of  English  acts  of  parliament,  and  on  the  im- 
provement of  which  they  have  laid  out  their  substance.  The  House  of  Com- 
mons here  have  represented  their  sense  of  this  matter  to  his  majesty,  as  the 
Hoiise  of  Lords  did  two  or  three  sessions  ago,  to  whicii  they  then  received  a 
most  gracious  answer,  which  was  the  reason  they  did  not  address  now.  As 
a  step  of  this  nature  would  give  great  uneasiness  to  his  majesty's  Protestant 
subjects  here,  I  desire  jour  lordship  would,  where  you  judge  it  proper,  re- 
present the  importance  of  the  case.  I  have  wrote  a  letter  on  tliis  subject  to 
his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  and  sent  it  by  the  same  hand. 

I  am. 
My  Lord,  8cc.  &c. 

*  1  Journ.  Com.  p.  336.  Lund.  18th  of  February,  1739.  Mr.  Pigot  re- 
ported from  the  committee  appointed  to  take  into  consideration  the  petition  of 
those,  wh'se  names  are  thereunto  subscribed,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  a 
great  number  of  other  Protestant  purchasers  of  the  late  forfeited  estates  in 
the  county  of  Cork,  or  deriving  under  them,  and  interested  in  the  said  estates, 
that  they  had  come  to  several  resolutions  in  the  matter  to  them  referred,  which 
he  read  in  his  place,  and  aftenvards  delivered  in  at  the  table,  where  the  same 
were  again  read,  and  are  as  follows  : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  the  petitioners  have 
fully  proved  the  allegations  of  their  petition. 

Resolved,  That  it  appears  to  this  committee,  that  seventy-eight  suits  have 
been  already  commenced  against  the  petitioners,  and  other  Protestants,  for 
the  recovery  of  lands  forfeited  by  the  horrid  Rebellion  of  1688,  and  purchased 
by  them,  or  their  ancestors,  under  the  sanction  of  several  acts  of  parliament, 
and  that  the  said  suits  have  been  greatly  expensive  and  vexatious  to  the  per- 
sons so  sued. 

Pi.esolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  committee,  that  any  attempt  to  dis- 
turb the  Protestant  purchasers  of  the  estates  forfeited  in  the'  years  1641  and 
1688,  in  peaceable  and  quiet  possession  of  their  just  and  legal  properties  under 
such  purchases,  will  be  of  dang-crous  consequence  to  his  majesty's  personam! 
government,  the  succession  in'his  royal  house,  and  highly  prejudicial  to  the 
Protestant  interest  of  this  kingdom,  and  contrary  to  several  act's  of  parliament 
m.ade  and  provided  for  the  security  of  such  Protcstrait  purchaser?. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  25 

assured  them,  in  answer  to  their  former  address,  that  his  ma« 
jesty  would  always  discourage  any  application  or  attempt,  that 
might  be  made  for  the  reversal  of  outlawries  of  persons  attaint- 
ed for  the  rebellions  in  1641  and  1688,  in  any  case  that  n^.ight 
affect  the  interest  or  property  of  any  of  his  Protestant  subjects 
there.  This  still  proves,  that  there  was  an  interest  in  the  Irish 
cabinet,  not  in  unison  wiih  all  the  dictates  of  the  British  cabi- 
net :  the  former  however  prevailed  on  this  occasion,  and  the 
attainder  of  Lord  Clancarty  was  not  reversed."* 

Several  causes  combined  to  protect  the  Irish  Catholics  at  this 
time,  from  being  exposed  to  fresh  rigor  or  persecution  :  the 
personal  feelings  of  the  sovereign,  the  political  views  of  the 
English  ministry,  the  humane  disposition  of  the  Duke  of  De- 
vonshire, all  conspired  in  a  system  of  leniency  and  moderation, 
as  best  calculated  to  ensure  the  affection  of  the  Irish  nation, 
when  it  was  v/ell  known,  that  the  agents  of  the  abdicated  family 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  tliat  any  person  or  per- 
sons who  shall  promote,  encourage,  or  assist  any  person  or  persons  in  carry- 
ing on  the  said  suits,  will  thereby  endeavour  to  lessen  the  Protestant  interest 
of  this  kingdom,  and  discourage  his  majesty's  loyal  Protestant  subjects  from 
making  settlements  or  improvements  therein. 

The  first  and  second  resolutions  being  read  a  second  time,  were  agreed  io 
by  the  house,  nemine  contradicente. 

The  third  resolution  being  read  a  second  time,  was,  with  an  amendment) 
thereunto,  agreed  unto  by  the  house,  nemine  contradicente,  and  is  as  followeth  : 

Resolved,  That  any  attempt  to  disturb  tlie  Protestant  purchasers  of  the 
estates  forfeited  in  the  years  1641  and  1688,  in  their  peaceable  possession  of 
their  just  and  legal  properties  under  such  purchase-s,  will  be  of  dangerous 
consequence  to  his  majesty's  person  and  government,  the  succession  in  his 
royal  house,  and  highly  prejudicial  to  the  Protestant  interest  of  tliis  kingdom, 
and  derogatory  from  the  parliamentary  security,  under  which  such  Protestants 
have    purchased. 

Then  the  last  resolution  of  the  committee  being  read  a  second  time,  was 
agreed  to  by  the  house. 

*  This  nobleman  sensibly  resented  the  irresolution  of  the  English  ministry 
in  not  carrying  into  effect  their  promises  and  engagements  for  passing  this 
measure  ;  on  this  account  M'AUister  in  his  letters,  (p.  15)  obsen'es,  that  he 
considered  himself  ill  used  by  the  ministry  of  England,  and  tliereforc  required 
liut  a  very  slender  invitation  tojoin  in  any  enterprise,  that  in  his  opinion  might 
distress  them,  and  therefore  with  great  alacrity  and  readiness  he  attended 
th.e  summons  he  bad  received  from  the  old  Chevalier  to  prepare  for  the  in- 
tended invasion  of  Great  Britain  in  1745.  Lord  Clancarty  (says  this  author) 
several  years  before  he  received  the  letter  of  invitation  from  the  old  Pretender, 
had  been  in  Ireland,  where  he  brought  ejectments  for  recovery  of  an  estate 
forfeited  by  Ins,  father,  amounting  to  about  60,000/.  per  annum,  which  he 
claimed  under  a  settlement  of  marriage  The  ])arUament  of  that  kingdom 
passed  a  vote,  whereby  it  was  resolved,  that  any  lawyer,  coxmsel,  attorney,  or 
solicitor  that  should  proceed  in  such  suit,  &.c.  should  be  deemed  an  enemy  to 
his  country,  &c.  This  resolution,  which  quieted  the  minds  and  interests  of 
the  possessors  of  that  large  estate,  enraged,  the  mind  of  the  earl,  vvha 
thought  himself  entitled  to  the  whole  ;  and  disappointed  in  that  expectation, 
lie  sought  any  occasion  for  procuring  to  himself  the  prospect  of  possessing  that 
great  fortune,  and  would  have  joined  the  Grand  Turk  or  Cham  of  Tartary  to 
obtain  it. 

VOL.   ir.  D 


U  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  Stuart  were  busily  employed  in  raising  partizans  within  the 
British  empire,  and  Great  Britain  was  engaged  in  a  most  im- 
portant and  unsuccessful  war  on  the  continent :  and  notwith- 
standing the  severity  of  the  laws  against  Catholics  bearing  arms 
either  by  land  or  sea,  the  British  government  had  in  defiance  of 
the  law,  been  necessitated  secretly  to  recruit  both  the  army  and 
navy  of  Great  Britain  from  the  fertile  nursary  of  the  Catholics 
of  Ireland  ;  and  it  is  obvious,  that  in  a  moment  of  such  pressing 
urgency,  it  would  have  been  the  extremity  of  rashnes  to  indis- 
pose the  Irish  people  from  enlisting  in  the  army  and  navy  of 
Great  Britain.  In  the  year  1745,  under  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Pelham,  who  had  succeeded  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  the  British 
government  being  embarrassed  not  only  by  the  loss  of  the  noted 
battle  of  Fontenoy,  but  by  the  landing  of  the  young  chevalier 
in  the  north  of  Scotland,  who  was  immediately  joined  by  many 
of  the  northern  clans,  most  wisely  appointed  the  Earl  of  Ches- 
terfield lord  lieutenant   of  Ireland.*     Notwithstanding  there 

*  When  political  necessity  forces  governriient  into  wholesome  measures,  it 
is  to  be  regretted,  when  they  are  not  softened  with  the  popular  unction  of 
pood  i(race.  Nothing  can  so  effectually  absolve  a  minister  from  personal 
t-ratitude  and  feeling  for  his  appointment,  as  to  be  made  sensible  in  the  first 
instance,  that  necessity,  not  favour,  brought  him  to  his  situation.  It  makes 
him  feel  himself  rather  the  man  of  the  people,  than  of  the  crown  ;  hence  tliat 
dislike  to  popular  ministers,  which  has  too  frequently  shewn  itself  in  our 
sovei-eigns.  The  gloom  of  the  political  horizon  in  Great  Britain,  under  what 
was  then  in  derision  called  the  drunken  admijiistration,  had  forced  the  king  to 
sacrifice  his  confidential  and  favourite  minister  I^ord  Carteret,  to  private 
leaiousy  and  public  clamour.  (^JDr.  Mat/s  Mejiioris  of  Lord  Chesterfield,  Sec. 
IV.  )  A  treaty  had  been  foi-  some  time  negociating  between  the  old  part  of 
the  ministry,  and  the  members  of  the  opposition  ;  but  it  was  not  concluded 
before  the  close  of  this  year  (1744),  it  was  called  the  coalition,  or  broad-bottom 
treaty.  Lord  Chesterfield,  who  was  at  the  head  of  that  party,  had  long 
declared  for  an  honourable  peace,  or,  till  that  could  be  obtained,  for  an  ex- 
clusive exertion  of  British  forces  on  that  element,  where  they  are  truly  for- 
midable. On  this  principle  a  league  was  formed  between  the  two  parties,  to 
drive  out  the  minister,  who  was  looked  upon  as  their  common  enemy.  This 
was  a  matter  of  no  small  difficulty.  Lord  Carteret  had  got  possesion  of  the 
royal  ear  ;  and  the  only  way  to  effect  it,  was  to  persuade  the  king,  that  his 
favourite  measures  woold  be  pursued,  and  cari-ied  on  with  greater  efficacy,  by 
ministers  of  a  more  popular  cast.  Lord  Chesterfield  was  proposed,  as  being 
equal  to  the  obnoxious  minister  in  his  political  knowledge  of  the  interests  of 
pnnces,  and  as  the  most  likely  person  to  prevail  with  the  states  to  join  heartily 
in  the  common  cause.  Necessity  alone  could  have  induced  George  IL  to  em- 
ploy a  man  whom,  for  a  number  of  years,  he  had  been  taught  to  consider  as  his 
personal  enemy  :  (he  often  complained,  that  the  king's  ear  had  been  poisoned 
with  lies  against  him)  and  whom,  in  return,  he  had  not  treated  as  a  friend.  He 
had,  however,  no  great  objection  to  avail  himself  of  the  earl's  interest  in  Hol- 
land, and  was  even  willing  to  send  him  from  thence,  as  lord  lieutenant  to 
Ireland,  if  for  no  other  reason,  to  keep  him  still  at  a  distance.  But  he  wanted 
to  make  the  admission  of  the  earl  into  the  cabinet  a  reward  for  services, 
rather  than  a  condition  of  his  being  employed  ;  ajid  persisted  in  delaying,  at 
least  for  a  time,  to  receive  him  into  the  closet.  Lord  Chesterfield  peremptoiily 
insisted  upon  both  these  circumstances.  The  audience  was  accordingly 
granted  ;  but  the  monaich,  ever  superior  to  dissimulation^  received  him  witk 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  27 

then  existed  a  corps  of  British  Jacobites,  consisting  of  seven 
regiments  of  Irish,  and  two  of  Scots^"^  in  the  pay  of  the  French 

great  coldness.  Tou  have  received  your  instructions,  my  lord,  were  the  only  words, 
which  he  spoke  in  answer  to  the  earl's  applicaticiA  to  be  honoured  with  his 
majesty's  commands.  This  is  not  the  only  instance  in  thisreig-n,  of  a  subject's 
forcinj^  his  way  to  his  master,  and  obtaining-  or  recovering-  liis  favour.  Thus 
was  Lord  Chesterfield,  after  an  opposition^of  ten  years  to  public  measures 
called  upon  once  more  to  take  a  part  in  administration.  Admitted  orx  his  own 
terms,  and  without  being-  obliged  to  sacrifice  either  his  friends  or  his  princi- 
ples, he  had  the  satisfaction  of  being-  called  by  the  voice  of  the  nation  :  and. 
while  one  part  of  Europe  dreaded  the  influence  of  so  able  a  ncg-ociator,  the 
other  loudly  expressed  the  highest  satisfaction  at  sn  judicious  a  choice. 

*  The  six  Irish  regiments  of  foot,  were  milon,  Clare,  Bcrivick,  Roscommon, 
Lally,  and  Bnlkeley ;  and  Fitzjames''s  horse:  the  Scots  were,  the  Boyal  Scots 
horse,  and  Ogilvie^-  foot.  Three  of  these  reg-iments  were  at  the  battle  of  Fon- 
tenoy,  and  deservedly  claimed  the  merit  of  turning-  the  fortune  of  that  day 
in  favour  of  the  French  :  on  which  occasion  George  the  Second  is  reported  to 
have  said  with  unusual  emotion,  cursed  be  the  laxvs,  ivhich  deprive  ???e  of  sucb 
subjects.  The  learned  and  ingenuous  Dr.  Campbell  gives  this  honourable 
testimony  of  Irish  bravery.  (^Fh.  Surv.  p.  274. J  "  The  Irish  troops  I  find 
*'  lie  under  the  imputation  of  generally  behaving  ill  at  home.  And  therefore 
**  Voltaire  classes  Ireland  among  those  nations,  which  seemed  f)rmed  for 
*'  subjection,  while  he  admits  that  her  troops  behave  well  abroad."  This  liveh^ 
but  inaccurate  writer,  could  not  have  forgot,  that  at  tlie  battle  of  Blenhiem' 
Lord  Clare's  dragoons  alone  were  victorious  on  the  side  of  the  French,  having 
cut  to  pieces  a  German  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  Goore ;  that  the 
like  glory  attended  them  at  RamiUies  ;  and  that  the  Irish  regiments  of  Dillon 
and  Burk  saved,  not  only  Cremona,  but  the  whole  French  army  in  Italy.  This 
action  was  attended  with  svich  eclat,  that  it  was  said  in  the  British  House  of 
Commons,  that  the  Irish  abroad  had  done  more  mischief  to  the  Allies,  than 
they  could  have  done  at  home,  by  being  repossessed  of  their  estates.  Thev 
.tell  you  it  was  Ligonier's  horse,  to  a  man  Irish,  which  preserved  the  king's 
person,  and  thereby  gained  the  battle  of  Dettingen.  Many  other  cases  are 
adduced  to  the  same  purpose.  It  was  probably,  reflections  of'this  nature  which 
produced  the  following  lines  of  Swift: 

Her  matchless  sons,  whose  valour  still  remains, 
On  French  records,  for  twenty  long  campaings  ; 
Yet  from  an  Empress,  now  a  captive  grown. 
She  saved  Britannia's  rights,  and  lost  her  own. 
After  all !  Is  it  any  thing  more  than  to  sa}-,  that  the  frequent  insun-ections  of 
a  divided  people  vvhose  v.ar  was  undisciplined,  as  their  peace  was  uncivilized, 
were  always  suppressed  by  the  regular  forces  of  a  great  and  powerful  nation  ? 
If  the  Irish  had  tamely  acquiesced  under  that  submissive  faction  struck  be- 
tween some  of  their  chiefs  and  Henry  II,.  there  might  have  been  some  grounds 
for  the  censure  of  Voltaire. 

Sir  John  Davis,  among  the  m.any  causes  assigned  why  Ireland  was  not 
brought  ufider  obedience  to  the  crown  of  England,  before  the  reign  of  James 
I.  every  where  commends  the  prowess,  and  other  natural  endowments  of  the 
people.  A  struggle,  though  unsuccessful  forlibert3%  almost  Tmintei-rupted  for 
near  500  years,  is  certainly  no  symptom  of  a  country  formed  for  subjection. 
But  this  struggle  lasted  much  longer;  and  had  Sir  John  come  later  into  life,  he 
would  have  seen,  that  Ireland  was  at  that  time  far  from  being  subdJied.  The 
being  subdued  does  not  argue  the  being  formed  for  subjection.  The  Britons 
were  completely  subdued  by  the  Romans  ;  and  if  Britain  had  been  formed  for 
subjection,  we  could  not  at  this  day,  boast  of  being  the  most  free  people  in 
Europe.  In  the  history  of  this  country,  I  do  not  find  any  period  in  which  it 
discovered  such  despondence,  as  our  ancestors  did  in  that  humiliating  letter 
to  Aetius. 


t8  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

monarch,  who  considered  themselves  as  auxiliary  troops  of 
James  Stuart,  their  rightful  monarch  of  these  realms,  and  that 
frequent  intercourse  must  have  subsisted  between  those  who 
served  the  exiled  prince  at  St.  Germain's  or  in  this  brigade,  and 
their  relatives  in  Ireland,  yet  so  pure  was  the  loyalty  of  the 
great  body  of  the  Irish  in  this  critical  juncture,  that  not  even  a 
suspicion  of  their  rising  in  the  cause  of  the  Pretender,  was  har- 
boured or  acted  upon  by  that  prudent  governor.  True  it  is, 
that  before  this  wise  nobleman  had  assumedfthe  reigns  of  the 
Irish  government,  the  usual  means  of  alarming  and  irritating 
the  pubHc  mind  from  the  senate,  bench,  and  pulpit,  had  been  so 
eiFectually  pursued,  that  upon  a  report  of  the  Marshal  Saxe's  in- 
tention to  make  a  descent  upon  England,  a  serious  proposal  had 
been  made  in  council,  that  as  the  papists  had  began  the  massacre 
on  the  Protestants  in  1641,  it  was  but  just  and  reasonable  in  that 
critical  juncture  to  retaliate  in  like  manner  upon  the  Papists, 
Although  this  barbarous  proposal  were  indignantly  rejected  by 
that  honourable  assembly,  to  which  it  w^as  proposed,  yet  such 
was  the  enthusiastic  rancour  of  some  of  the  lower  orders  of  the 
Protestant  inhabitants  of  Lurgan,  that  such  a  horrid  conspiracy 
was  actually  entered  into,  and  providentially  prevented  by  the 
discovery  of  a  respectable  merchant  of  Dublin,  who  happened  to 
be  accidentally  there  upon  his  commercial  concerns.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  coolness,  moderation,  and  wisdom  of  the  Earl 
pf  Chesterfield's  conduct  on  this  trying  occasion.^'     He  had  for- 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  the  behaviour  of  the  Irish  at  home,  even  in  the  last 
•war,  was  far  from  contemptible.  They  were  routed,  it  is  true,  at  the  Boyne, 
an  their  first  general  engagement,  by  the  best  generals,  and  the  best  troops 
then  in  Europe  ;  their  king,  in  v.hose  cause  they  bled,  standing  at  a  distance, 
and  shewing  himself  thereby  unworthy  of  wearing  any  longer  that  crown,  for 
^liichhe  contended. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  "  dui-ing  the  treaty  of  Limerick,  a  saying 
*'  of  Sarsfleld  deserves  to  be  remembered,  for  it  was  much  talked  of  all  Europe 
**  over.  He  asked  some  of  the  English  officers  if  they  had  not  come  to  abetter 
'•  opinion  of  the  Irish,  by  their  behaviour  during  this  war  ?  And  whereas  they 
'*  said,  that  it  was  much  the  same  tliat  it  had  always  been,  Sarsfield  answered, 
**  though  low  as  we  are  now,  change  but  kings,  and  we  will  fight  it  over  again 
'*  with  you.;' 

*  Every  act  of  this  excellent  governor  differed  from  those  of  all  his  prede- 
cessors, and  unfortunately  too  of  most  of  his  successors.  ( Matfs  Memoirs) 
Before  he  left  England,  he  was  willing  to  shew  that  he  intended  to  govern 
by  himself.  The  office  of  principal  secretary  is  not  only  a  place  of  considera- 
ble power,  when  the  lord  lieutenant  is  willing' to  throw  upon  another  the  load  of 
public  affairs.  If  the  secretary  be  capable  and  enterprizing,  he  becomes  the 
principal ;  the  governor  is  eclipsed,  and  shares  only  the  odium,  but  never  the 
honour,  of  his  substitute's  management.  Several  persons  of  great  abilities  as 
v/ell  as  experience,  were  accordingly  proposed  to  the  earl  for  that  important 
office.  But  faithful  to  the  rule  he  had  prescribed  to  himself  in  his  two  embas- 
sies, he  resolved  to  make  superior  abilities  no  part  of  the  secretary's  qualifica- 
tions.  He  listened  not  to  the  intimations  of  favourites  and  ministers,  and 
even  resisted  the  insinuations  of  friendship,  which  might  have  determined  his 
choice  m  favour  of  Mr.  Mallet.    The  gentleman  he  preferred  was  the  late 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  29 

tunately  been  entrusted  with  a  plentitude  of  discretion:  and  the 
gratitude  of  the  Irish,  for  the  judicious  and  prudent  use  of  his 
extraordinary  powers,  has  not  even  to  this  day,  been  effaced 
from  the  low^est  of  their  peasantry.  Gratitude  has  ever  a  strong 
hold  upon  the  Irish  nation.  It  required  indeed  the  eminent 
sagacity  and  address  of  that  nobleman,  to  baffle  the  efforts  and 
importunities  of  the  violent  party  in  Ireland,  with  w^hich  they 
daily  assailed  the  castle,  and  demanded  rigour  and  severity 
against  the  Catholics,  as  the  just  tribute  to  the  Protestant 
interest,  and  the  only  means  of  suppoiting  the  establishment ;  by 
these  salutary  measures,  during  the  whole  continuance  of  the 
rebellion  in  Great  Britain,*"  not  a  single  Irish  Catholic  lay  or 
clerical,  was  engaged,  or  even  accused  of  being  engaged  in  that 
cause.f 

Kichard  Lyddel,  Esq.  member  of  parliament  for  Bassiny  in  Cornwall.  That 
gentleman,  he  says,  in  a  letter  to  lils  son,  ivas  a  very  genteel  pretty  young  fellovi^ 
but  not  a  man  of  business.  This  was  the  circumstance,  which  dictated  hia 
choice ;  and  on  the  first  visit  his  secretary  paid  iiirn,  lie  told  him  ;  Sir,  you  wili 
receive  the  emohiments  of  your  place,  but  I  will  do  the  business  myself,  being- 
determined  to  have  no  first  minister.  In  another  instance  he  likewise  chose 
to  be  sinj^ular  and  peremptory.  He  openly  declared,  that  if,  during  his  stay 
in  Ireland,  any  person  should  make  a  successful  application  to  the  king,  for 
any  place  in  his  majesty's  gift,  through  any  other  channel  but  his  own,  he 
would  im.mediately  throv/  up  the  lord  lieutcnanc}'.  Conscious  of  his  integrity, 
he  certainly  v.as  right  in  making  this  declarati(Mi,  v/hich  perhaps  would  neither 
have  been  decent  nor  easily  attended  to,  if  a  man  of  less  resolution  and  conse- 
quence had  at  that  time  ventured  to  make  it.  On  his  landing  he  found  the 
high  character  he  had  acquired,  of  the  gi-eatest  service  to  him.  In  an  Island 
esteemed  not  less  boisterous  than  the  element  that  surrountls  it,  he  was  par- 
ticularly happy  in  quieting  and  captivating  the  turbvdent  disposition  of  the 
inhabitants;  and  Cicero,  wiiom  he  had  constantly  before  his  e}es  as  an  orator, 
became  also  the  object  of  his  imitation  in  his  government. 

*  The  Pretender  landed  in  tlie  summer  of  ir45,  on  one  of  the  Hebrides,  ar.d 
on  the  19th  of  August,  the  Marquis  of  Tullibarduie  erected  his  standard  at 
Glensignan ;  and  on  the  16th  day  of  April,  3746,  the  battle  of  CuUoden  was 
won  by  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  which  properly  put  an  end  to  tiiat  rebellion. 

t  Tiiis  fact  is  fi>lly  proved  by  Dr.  Curry,  (2  xol.  p.  261,  Dub.  Ed.  1793. J 
*'  In  the  year  1762,  upon  a  debate  in  the  House  of  Lords  about  the  expediency 
*'  of  raising  five  regiments  of  these  Catholics,  for  the  service  of  the  King  of 
"  Portugal,  Doctor  Stone  (then primate),  in  an  answer  to  some  commonplace 
"  objections  against  the  good  faith  and  loyalty  of  these  ])eople,  which  were 
"  revived  with  virulence  on  that  occasion,  declared  publickly  in  the  House  of 
*'  Lords,  that"  in  the  year  1747,  after  that  rebellion  v.as  intirely  suppressed, 
*'  happening  to  be  in  England,  he  had  an  opportr.nity  of  perusing  all  the 
"  papers  of  the  rebels  and  their  correspondents,  Vvhicli  A\ere  seized  in  the  cus- 
"  tody  of  Murray,  the  Pretender's  secretary;  and  that  after  having  spent  much 
**  time,  and  taken  great  pains  in  examining  them  (not  without  some  share  of 
*'  the  then  common  suspicion,  that  there  mig'ht  be  some  private  understand. 
"  ing  and  intercourse  between  them  and  the  Irish  Catholics)  he  could  wl 
"  discover  the  least  trace,  hint,  or  intimation  of  such  intercourse  or  correspon 
^*'  dence  in  them,  or  of  any  of  the  latters  favouring,  or  abetting,  or  ])avingbcf'n 
"  so  much  as  made  acquainted  with  the  designs  or  pi-oceedings  of  tliese  re- 
"  bels;  and  what  he  said  he  wondered  at  most  of  all  was,  that  in  all  Ins  vo- 
"  searches,  he  had  not  met  with  any  passage  in  any  of  these  papers,  from  which 
"  be  could  infer,  that  either  their  holy  father  tlie  pope,  or  any  of  his  cardinals, 


30  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

When  Lord  Chesterfield  met  the  parliament  on  the  8th  of 
October,  his  speech  to  them  bespoke  the  wisdom  of  his  con- 
duct: he  addressed  himself  to  a  feeling  people  with  the  authority 
of  a  ruler  and  with  the  affection  of  a  father.  Conscious  as  he 
was,  that  a  very  large  part  of  them  was  still  rancorously  dispos- 
ed towards  the  Catholics,  he  would  not  all  at  once  shock  their 
inclinations  and  prejudices  by  a  declaration  of  that  indulgence, 
which  his  political  experience  pointed  out  to  him  adviseable  at 
all  times,  but  absolutely  indispensable  in  that  juncture :  like  a 
great  statesman  he  first  assured  them,  that  he  was  honoured 
with  the  king's  commands  to  meet  them  in  parliament,  and  to 
co-operate  with  them  in  w^hatever  might  tend  to  establish  or 
promote  the  true  interest  of  that  kingdom.  Then  referring 
pointedly  to  the  circumstances  of  the  Scotch  rebellion,  and  the 
happiness  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  house  of  Brunswick,  he 
thus  touched  upon  the  old  subject  of  invective  to  all  his  prede- 
cessors on  their  meeting  the  parliament.  "  The  measures,  that 
"  have  been  hitherto  taken  to  prevent  the  growth  of  Popery 
"  have  I  hope  had  some,  and  will  still  have  a  greater  effect : 
"  however  I  leave  it  to  your  consideration,  v»rhether  nothing  fur- 
"  ther  can  be  done  either  by  new  laws,  or  by  the  more  eflPectual 
"  execution  of  those  in  being,  to  secure  this  nation  against  the 
"  great  number  of  Papists,  whose  speculative  errors  would  only 
"  deserve  pitv,  if  their  pernicious  influence  upon  society  did 
"  not  both  require  and  authorise  restraint."  And  "  for  my 
"  own  part  (he  concluded)  I  make  you  no  professions :  you 
"  will,  you  ought  to  judge  of  me  only  by  my  actions." 

*'  bishops,  or  other  dig-nitaries  of  that  church,  or  any  of  the  Irish  clergy,  had 
"  either  directly  or  indirectly,  encouraged,  aided,  or  approved  of,  the  com- 
•*  mencing  or  carrying  on  of  that  rebellion."  There  cannot  be  a  more  ho- 
nourable testimony  confirming  this  report  of  Primate  Stone,  than  the  cliarge 
given  to  the  grand  juries  of  the  city  and  connty  of  Dublin,  by  the  Lord  Chief 
justice  Marlay,  in  wJuch  he  thus  addressed  them  :  "  When  posterity  read,  that 
*'  in  this  age  a  rebellion  was  cai'ried  on  in  Great  Britain  without  the  least  co- 
"  lo\u-,  or  pretence  of  oppression,  nay,  by  many  who  had  not  even  that  false 
*'  pretence  of  religion  to  palliate  their  treason  against  a  prince,  one  of  the  best, 
"  the  most  merciful,  just  and  most  generous  of  our  royalline,  who  has  given 
"  the  fortunes  of  all  criminals,  whether  forfeited  for  crimes  against  the  state, 
'*  or  for  other  offences,  to  their  children  or  relations  (a  grace  never  practised 
"  before)  ;  who  has  exposed  his  person  at  the  head  of  his  armies,  in  defence 
"  of  the  liberties  of  his  kingdoms,  and  of  Europe;  and  that  Ireland,  where 
"  much  tlie  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  profess  a  religion,  which  some- 
*'  limes  has  authorised,  or  at  least  justified  rebellion,  not  only  preserved  peace 
"  at  home,  but  contributed  to  restore  it  among  liis  subjects  of  Great  Britain; 
*'  will  they  not  believe  that  the  people  of  Ireland  >rere  actuated  by  something 
"  more  than  their  duty  and  allegiance  ?  Will  they  not  be  c(mvinced,  that  they 
•'  v.ere  animated  by  a  generous  sense  of  gratitude,  and  zeal  for  their  great  be-, 
"  nefactor,  and  fully  sensible  of  the  happiness  of  being  blessed  by  living  under 
"  the  protection  of  a  monarch,  who,  like  the  glorious  King  William,  the  Hen- 
"  ries,  and  Edwards,  his  royal  predecessors,  has  himself  led  his  armies  to 
"  victory,  and  despised  danger  in  the  cause  of  his  people  ;  and  one  from  whom 
"  v.^e  not  only  expect,  but  are  assured  of,  a  race  of  princes,  equally  eminent 
'•  for  their  generosity,  prudence,  and  courage.'* 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  31 

*  The  lords  on  the  same  day  resolved  on  an  address  to  the 
king,  which  should  amongst  other  things  express  their  great 
thankfulness  to  his  majesty  for  his  goodness  in  placing  over 
them,  at  that  critical  juncture,  his  excellency,  the  Earl  of  Ches- 
teriieid,  whose  distinguished  abilities  often  and  signally  exerted 
in  the  service  of  his  majesty,  so  eminently  qualified  him  for  the 
important  trust  then  reposed  in  him  by  his  majesty  for  the  secu- 
rity and  happiness  of  that  kingdom.  And  on  the  next  day  the 
commons  voted  an  address  to  the  throne,  in  which  they  assured 
his  majesty,  that  they  could  not  have  a  stronger  assurance  of 
his  majesty's  tender  concern  for  them,  than  in  the  choice  of  a 
governor  for  that  kingdom,  so  eminent  for  great  abilities  and 
distinguished  merit  as  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield,  whose  discern- 
ing judgment  had  pointed  out  what  was  necessary  for  their  con- 
sideration and  care,  both  with  respect  to  the  honour  of  his  ma- 
jesty's government,  and  their  own  true  interest. 

The  Earl  of  Chesterfield  found  but  an  inconsiderable  milita- 
ry force  in  the  kingdom  :  and  had  he  given  ear  to  the  alarmists 
of  that  day,  who  magnified  external  and  fabricated  internal  dan- 
ger, he  would  have  drained  Great  Britain  of  her  troops  to  quell 
an  ideal  insurrection  by  measures,  that  probably  would  have 
created  a  real  one  :  had  he  trodden  the  beaten  path  of  patronage, 
he  would  have  raised  new  regiments :  had  he  pursued  the  old 
system  of  the  castle,  he  would  have  encreased  the  expenditure, 
and  trebled  the  supplies,  under  the  hackneyed  cries  of  Popish 
risings  for  a  Popish  Pretender,  and  Protestant  massacres :  had 
he  continued  the  system  of  rigour  and  persecution  he  found 
carrying  on  against  the  Catholics  at  his  arrival  in  that  kingdom  ; 
their  places  of  worship  would  have  remained  shut,  and  the  pri- 
sons and  scaffolds  would  have  been  crouded  with  their  priests, 
for  disobey  ing  the  proclamation  lately  issued  to  oblige  them  to 
quit  the  kingdom,  and  for  enforcing  the  strictest  execution  of 
the  penal  laws  of  Elizabeth  and  Anne.  The  conduct  of  this 
wise  viceroy  was  directly  the  reverse.  Confiding  in  the  steady 
loyalty  of  the  Irish  people,  instead  of  encreasing,  as  he  was  im- 
portunately advised,  the  army  by  4000  men,  he  sent  four  bat- 
talions to  the  assistance  of  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  and  encou- 
raged volunteer  associations  to  form  in  different  parts  of  the 
kingdom  for  the  defence  of  their  country.  These  battalions  he 
replaced  by  additional  companies  to  the  regiments  already  on 
the  establishment,  without  encreasing  the  expenditure  of  the 
nation,  the  influence  of  the  crown,  or  his  own  patronage  or  emo- 
lument. The  supply  asked  for  by  Lord  Chesterfield  was  small : 
it  was  raised  with  ease  and  expended  with  ceconomy :  there  was 

*  3  Lords'  Journ.  p.  591. 


32  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ti  considerable  saving  out  of  what  was  raised,  and  it  was  applied 
to  the  improvement  of  the  harbour  of  Cork.  He  rested  the 
isupport  of  his  measures  upon  their  rectitude,  and  chastely  ab- 
stained from  gaining  friends  by  the  customary  mode  of  rever- 
sionary grants.  lie  opened  to  the  Catholics  their  places  of 
worship,^  released  their  priests  out  of  prison,  and  allowed  them 
the  undisturbed  exercise  of  their  religious  duties.  This  great 
statesman  well  knew,  that  the  Irish,  above  all  other  people,  v/ere 
lo  be  gained  and  secured  by  confidence,  kindness  and  liberality. 
Thus  Protestants  and  Catholics,  Whigs  and  Tories,  English 
and  Irish  interests,  all  stricken  with  the  glare  of  rectitude  of  his 
measures,  united  in  contributing  to  render  his  government 
agreeable  and  efficient.  Neither  in  nor  out  of  parliament  v/as  a 
single  measure  of  this  excellent  governor  opposed,  or  disre- 
iished.f     The  lords  almost  immediately   (viz.  on  the  9th  of 

*  In  many  pails  of  the  country  the  Popery  laws  were  execute?!  with  the  most 
unrelenting-  rigour  :  it  is  however  but  an  act  of  justice  to  several  of  the  ma- 
gistrates of  that  day  to  observe,  that  they  v/ere  even  ingenious  to  extend  their 
leniency  to  those,  who  they  were  conscious,  did  not  deserve  rigour  at  their 
hands.  Their  humanity  revolted  against  the  power,  vfhich  the  law  gave  them  : 
wh^n  the  Reverend  Mr.  Egan  was  prosecuted  for  being  a  Popish  priest,  the 
witnesses  svv'ore  they  saw  him  celebrate  tlie  Mass,  which  in  the  eye  of  the  law 
was  sufficient  to  convict  him  ;  but  the  judge  replied,  that  Garzia  the  Jew  had 
done  the  same  in  Dublin,  in  1718,  and  that  nothing  would  do  to  prove  Egan  a 
Popish  priest,  but  to  substantiate  his  ordination  after  the  manner  of  the  Romish 
church  ;  "  besides  (said  he)  to  my  knowledge,  a  priest  must  know  some  Latin, 
**  but  here  is  a  booby  that  cannot  read  a  word  of  English."  The  arrival  of 
Lord  Chesterfield  as  viceroy  served  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  those  unsocial 
times,  and  he  availed  himself  of  an  accident,  which  was  universally  spoken  of, 
to  soften  the  rage  of  persecution,  A  Mr.  Fitzgerald  happened  to  say  M;iss  in 
the  garret  of  a  very  old  house,  which  gave  v/ay  on  account  of  the  immense 
crowd  that  was  assembled  ;  the  priest  and  nine  persons  were  killed,  and  num- 
bers wounded  by  the  ruins.  People  in  power  were  touched  with  a  transitory 
pityj  which  Lord  Chesterfield's  humanity  took  care  to  cultivate.  The  chapels 
w^ere  allowed  to  be  opened  on  St.  Patrick's  day,  and  v.'ere  never  after  shut,  not 
even  during  the  rebellion,  which  blazed  in  Scotland  in  the  year  1745. 

f  Doctor  Maty  thus  retails  this  governor's  conduct  (Mem.  Sect.  V.J  Upon 
the  breaking  out  of  the  rebehion,  the  private  Popish  chapels  in  the  metropolis 
had  been  searched  for,  and  ordered  to  be  sJiut  up,  proclamations  were  issued 
to  compel  the  priests  to  leave  the  capital,  and  the  refractoiy  were  imprisoned 
and  threatened  with  severe  punishments.  The  nev>r  lord  lieutenant  did  not 
want  for  advisors,  who  pressed  him  to  follow  this  example.  His  enlarged  no- 
tions of  humanity  and  true  politics  induced  him  to  pursue  a  different  and  much 
wiser  course.  He  allowed  the  Roman  Catholics  the  free  use  of  their  religion, 
and  far  from  attempting  to  shut  up  their  places  of  worship,  he  rather  wished 
them  to  continue  open ;  and  prevented  any  disturbance  from  being  given  to 
those,  who  resorted  to  them.  His  view  was  to  discover  whether  the  people  of 
that  denomination  remuiried  in  the  kingdom,  or  left  it  to  go  over  to  their  sup- 
])Osed  fiiends  in  Scotland.  To  be  informed  of  that  material  fact,  he  took  care 
to  engage  persorf:i  to  attend  at  their  chapels  and  fairs,  and  received  with  great 
satisfaction,  assurances,  tliat  they  were  both  as  much  frequented  as  ever.  A 
certain  proof  of  the  coiifidence  tliey  placed  in  his  promises,  and  of  their  desire 
not  to  molest  government.  The  deluded  adherents  to  the  exiled  family  were 
treated  with  ecpial  lenity  and  prudence.  One  of  them,  a  Roman  Catholic,  who, 
had  an  estate  iu  the  neighbourhood  of  Diibhu^  and  was  looked  upon  as  an  agent 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  SS 

October  17'45)  expressed  their  satisfaction  at  the  appointment 
of  this  great  statesman  at  so  critical  a  juncture,   in  an  address 

to  the  Pretender,  was  privatel}'  seiitfovto  tlic  cnstle  "  Sir  (said  Lord  Ches- 
*'  terfield),  I  do  not  wish  to  inquu-e  whether  you  have  any  particular  employ- 
'*  TTient  in  this  kingdom,  hut  I  know  that  you  have  a  great  interest  among'st 
"  tliose  of  your  persuasion.  I  have  sent  for  you  to  exhort  them  to  be  peacea- 
*'  ble  and  quiet.  If  they  behave  hke  faithful  subjects,  they  shall  be  treated  as 
*'  such ;  but  if  they  act  in  a  different  manner,  I  shall  be  worse  to  them  than 
"Cromwell."  Whether  he  would  have  really  been  so,  may  be  doubted;  but 
this  conversation,  tog-ether  v,  ith  his  watchful  eye,  had  such  an  effect,  that  not 
one  of  them  stirred  during-  tlie  whole  time  of  the  rebellion,  and  all  the  infor- 
mations against  particular  persons  were  found  absolutely  groundless.  His  ef» 
forts  to  remove  prejudices,  and  maintain  harmony  and  benevolence,  were  se- 
conded by  writers,  whom  he  encouraged  to  support  the  same  cause.  Dean 
Swift  was  still  alive,  when  Lord  Chesterfield  arrived,  but  reduced  to  a  state  of 
total  dotag-e  and  insensibility,  which  one  month  after  ended  in  his  death.  Tliis 
short  interval  was  laid  hold  of,  to  publish  under  his  name  a  new  letter  of  a 
Drapier  to  the  good  peo])le  of  Ireland,  and  particularly  to  the  poor  Papists. 
It  was  so  much  in  tlie  dean's  style,  and  was  so  greedily  received,  that  it  went 
through  a  variety  of  editions  in  a  montli's  time.  Lideed  the  many  strokes  of 
wit  and  humour,  that  it  contained,  would  induce  me  to  suspect,  that  his  lord- 
ship had  some  share  in  it.  Berkeley,  the  bishop  of  Clo}ne,  employed  himself 
in  the  same  cause,  perhaps  more  usefully  than  in  his  recommendation  of  tar 
water,  or  his  dialogues  against  matter.  His  letter  to  the  Roman  Catliolics  of 
his  diocese  was  worthy  of  a  Christian  bishop.  He  endeavoiu-ed  to  dissuade 
his  fellov/  citizens  and  neig-hbours  from  falling  into  the  same  errors  wliicli  had 
been  30  fatal  to  their  fathers  ;  and  appealing  to  their  reason,  convijiced  them, 
that  their  situation  was  as  advantageous  as  they  could  wish  it  to  be,  and  that  it 
would  be  tlie  height  of  imprudence  to  engage  in  a  dangerous  cause,  to  vrhlcli 
neither  interest  did  invite,  nor  conscience  did  oblige  them,"  Reason  never 
speaks  in  vain  ;  the  most  hardened  are  insensibly  softened  by  its  voice.  Tlie 
Irish  priests,  sensible  of  the  g-entlcness  of  the  present  administration,  co-ope- 
rated with  tlieir  Protestant  brethren  to  maintain  order  and  tranquillity.  These 
pastoral  letters,  public  discourses  from  the  pulpit,  and  private  admonitions, 
were  equally  directed  for  the  service  of  government.  The  i!l-g'roimded  apprc-* 
hensions  of  the  friends  to  the  present  system  were  not  less  to  be  guarded 
ag'alnst,  than  the  enterprises  of  its  enemies.  This  was  by  much  the  most  dif- 
ficult task,  but  Lord  Chesterfield  was  equally  successful  in  cncourag-ing  the 
former  and  disarming  the  latter.  By  constantly  appearing-  to  be  afraid  of 
nothing,  he  spread  ai\  universal  belief  that  nothing  was  to  be  feared;  and  by 
the  ridicule  he  threw  upon  the  vi<;lent  measures  w  hich  were  proposed  to  him, 
he  manifested  his  desire  of  abstaining  from  them  till  there  was  real  dang-er. 
Thus  (Notes  to  the  Memoirs,  p.  29  and  SI)  the  same  author  says,  that  a 
zealous  Protestant,  thinking'  to  pa}'  his  court  to  tlie  lord  lieut,en:uit,  came  to 
inform  him,  that  one  of  his  coachmen  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  privately 
went  to  Mass.  Dots  he  indeed?  (said  his  lordship)  v.^cll,  I  k^^iII  take  care  be 
shall  never  carry  nnc  there.  An  instance  of  h.is  lordship's  calmness  and  pre- 
sence of  mind  on  this  occasi  )n  has  been  given  by  tlie  Bishop  of  Waterford. 
*'  I  cannot  (says  he)  forbear  to  mention  a  pun  of  his  lordship's,  which  shews 
"  his  quickness  at  repartee,  and  that  he  had  the  best  information  of  the  dispo- 
*'  sitionsof  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  was  not  afraid  of  them.  The  vice-trea= 
*'  surer,  Mr.  Gardner,  a  man  of  a  good  character  and  a  considerable  fortune, 
**  waited  upon  him  one  morning,  and  in  a  great  fright  told  him,  that  he  was 
*'  assured,  upon  good  authority,  that  the  people  in  the  province  of  Connaught 
**  were  actually  rising.  Upon  which  Lord  Chestei-field  took  out  his  watch,^ 
*'  and  with  great  composure  answered  him.  It  is  nine  o'clock,  and  certainly 
**  time  for  them  to  rise  ;  I  therefore  believe  your  news  to  be  true," 

VOL.    II,  \  E 


34  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  the  lorol  lieutenant  j^  in  which  they  expressed  their  sense  of 
his  majesty's  favour  and  goodness  towards  Ireland  in  sparing 
from  his  councils  in  Great  Britain,  a  person  of  his  excellency's 
known  and  tried  abilities  for  the  good  and  advantage  of  that 
nation.  fThe  commons  were  more  tardy  in  expressing  their 
sentiments  to  the  viceroy,  though  their  address,  which  was 
made  on  the  5th  of  April  1746,  were  more  pointed,  as  being 
founded  in  the  happy  experience,  and  not  in  the  anticipated  con- 
fidence of  his  administration.  The  earl  of  Chesterfield  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  all  his  attempts  to  serve  the  kingdom  he 
was  sent,  in  that  critical  moment,  to  govern,  requited  by  the 
most  peaceful  demeanour  and  enthusiastic  gratitude  of  th^ 
Irish  nation.  He  was  universally  admired  on  his  arrival,  be- 
loved during  his  stay,  and  regretted  upon  his  departure.  To 
perpetuate  his  virtues  and  the  gratitude  of  the  nation,  his  bust 
was  placed  in  the  castle  of  Dublin  at  the  public  expence.J 

*  4  Lords'  Journ.  p.  594. 

t  4  Comtiions  Journ.  p,  506. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

WE  the  corriTnons  of  Ireland  in  parliament  assembled,  beg  leave 
to  er^press  our  sincere  and  unanimous  sense  of  the  benefits  which  we  have  re- 
ceived from  yom'excellenc3''s  mild  and  prudent  administration.  His  majesty's 
gracious  acceptance  of  the  duty  and  loyalty  of  his  subjects  in  this  kingdom, 
has  been  particularly  manifested  by  his  committing  them  to  your  excellency's 
care,  in  so  critical  a  conjuncture,  when  your  zealfor  the  present  happy  establish- 
ment was  of  more  immediate  importance  to  our  seciu^ity,  and  your  eminent 
abilities  could  be  more  effectually  exerted  for  our  service.  These  uncommon 
talents,  by  \\-hichyour  excellency  has  been  most  justly  distinguished,  and  which 
did  in  all  times  excite  our  admiration,  must  now  more  sensibly  affect  us,  when 
v/e  have  seen  them  throngh  your  whole  administration,  so  invariably  directed, 
and  employed  with  so  unwearied  an  appllcaticn  to  support  the  dignity  of  his 
majesty's  crown,  and  to  promote  tJic  true  interest  of  his  people.  As  upon  the 
first  appearance  of  tlie  rebellion  in  Scotland,  our  zeal  for  his  majesty  animated  us 
with  a  just  resentment  and  indig-nation,  and  as  our  concern  for  the  preservation 
of  our  riglits  and  libeities,  so  dear  to  the  Protestants  of  this  kingdom,  could 
not  but  raise  in  oiu'  minds  som^e  unquiet  a;)prehensions  ;  we  were  readv,  as  we 
shall  ever  be,  cheerfully  to  concur  in  all  proper  measures,  and  to  exert  our 
utmost  strength  for  the  defence  of  the  king's  government,  and  the  support  of 
your  excellency's  authority  vrndcr  him.  And  v.e  do  now,  with  equal  cheerful- 
ness,  and  with  the  utmost  gratitude  acknowledge,  that  the  profound  tranquilHty, 
■whicli,  without  any  extraordinary  increase  of  public  expence,  we  of  this  nation 
have  hitherto  enjoyed,  has  been  the  result  of  a  wise  and  vigilant  administration 
over  us  ;  an  administration  formed  upon  the  principles  and  carried  on  by  the 
vriiiform  exercise  of  lenity  without  remissness,  and  of  firmness  without  seve- 
rity. We  receive  it  as  a  particular  mark  of  your  excellency's  regard,  that 
when  your  assistance  at  his  majesty's  councils  in  this  time  of*  the  most  ardu- 
Gus  and  extensive  deliberations  there,  must  have  been  so  necessr.ry,  you  have 
seemed  to  consider  the  business  of  this  kingdom  as  the  principal  object  of  your 
attention.  Upon  this  account  we  think  it  almost  superflaous  to  add  our  re- 
quest, that  your  excellency  would,  on  your  return,  represent  us  in  the  most 
aavourablc  manner  to  his  majesty,  since  our  experience  of  your  past  conduct 
must  sufficiently  assure  us  of  th'e  continuance  of  the  same  good  disposition^ 
towards  up,  and  as  we  are  most  firmly  persuaded  that  your  presence  has  not 
been  more  conducive  to  our  safety  now,  than  your  influence  will  hereafter  be 
to  our  prosi>erity. 

:j:  Doctor  Maty  has  elegantly  and  concisely  painted  tl;e  halcyon  hours  of 
■  Lord  Chester  field's  government.     fSect.  V.J  ''   As  it  was  owin^  to  the  lord 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  3J 

The  short  administration  of  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield  furnishes 
reflections  highly  important  to  the  welfare  of  the  Irish  nation. 
It  was  a  practical  demonstration  of  the  utility  of  a  system  of 
lenity  and  liberality,  not  only  to  Ireland,  but  to  the  whole   Bri- 
tish empire.     It  was  a  conclusive  evidence,  that  Great  Britain 
well  knew  hov»^  at  any  time  to  ensure  the  happiness  of  her  sister 
kingdom,  though  unwilling  at  most  times  to  promote  it.     The 
danger  of  Great  Britain  drove  her  to  do  justice  to  Ireland  for  the 
few  months  during  v/hich  that  danger  lasted  ;  and  her  security 
brought  with  it  repentance,  at  the  momiCntary,  though  necessary 
interruption  of  the  ancient  system.     It  is  lamentably  remarka- 
ble how  thriftily  Great  Britain  dealt  out  this  tra-^.sient  justice  to 
Ireland,  as  if  she  counted  reluctantly  the  hours  of  its  enjoyment. 
On  the   19th,  of  August,  1745,  the  standard  of  rebellion  was 
formally  erected  in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland  :    a  courier  was 
dispatched  to  hasten  the  return  of  the  king,  who  was  then  in 
Hanover :  he  arrived  in  London  before  the  end  of  August :  and 
on  the  31st  day  of  August,  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield  was  ap- 
pointed lord  lieutenant  and  chief  governor  of  the   kingdom  of 
Ireland.     On  the  16th  of  April,  1746,  the  defeat  of  the  Preten- 
der at  CuUoden  by  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  put  an  end  to  the 
rebellion  ;  and  on  the  ninth  day  after  that  event,  Ireland  was 
deprived  of  her  favourite  viceroy  ;  for  on  the  25th  of  April, 
1746,  Primate  Hoadley,  Lord  Chancellor   Newport,  and  Mr. 
Bo)'le,  the  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons,  v/ere  appointed 
lords  justices,  and  vainl)-  did  Ireland  sigh  for  the  return  of  her 
short-lived  felicity  :   Great  Britain  was  out  of  danger  :  and  Ire- 
land could  securely  be  put  again  under  its  former  regime. '''^'     Li 

*'  lieutenant's  vigilance  and  resolution  that  the  French  and  Spanir^rds  did  not 
"  attempt  to  land  any  troops  in  Ireland  during-  the  time  cf'the  rebellioh,  it  \ras 
*'  like\vise  an  effect  ofliis  prudence  and  m(;dei-ation,  that  the  horrors  of  a  civil 
*'  war  did  not  reach  that  country.  Distinctions  of  jjarties  seemed  to  be 
**  abolished,  and  animosities  to  be  forg-otton  as  well  as  prejudices  and  suspi- 
«'  cions.  Relig-ion  became  what  itoug-ht  to  be,  a  bond  of  u.nlon  instead  of  an 
"  instrument  of  discord  ;  superstition  was  enlii^litened,  and  fanaticks  disarm- 
*'  ed.  Hence  a  phenomenon  took  place,  not  often  beheld  in  times  of  tran- 
"  quillity.  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics,  natives  and  strangers,  weil- 
*'  wishers  and  enemies  to  the  Pretender,  all  alike  influenced  by  tlie  example 
"  of  tlieir  benevolent  governor,  indulged,  respected,  and  v/ould  have  loved 
'*  one  another,  if  he  had  continued  a  longer  time  among  them. 

"  It  is  the  province  of  history  to  perpetuate  the  transactions  of  an  admini- 
**  stration,  which  it  will  ever  be  the  interest  of  future  lord  lieutenants  to  study 
«*  and  to  imitate." 

*  It  appears  to  have  been  a  fatality  peculiar  to  Ireland,  that  her  greatest 
civil  blessings  have  been  unexceptionabiy  obtained  imder  circumstances,  that 
to  say  the  least  of  them,  deprived  Great  Britain  of  the  merit  of  voluntary, 
cordial  and  gracious  accession.  Thus  sliall  we  have  to  note  in  proper  time  and 
order,  the  situation  of  Great  Britain,  when  the  independence  of  Ireland  was 
recognised  in  1782,  which  Mr.  Burke  observed,  was  the  true  revolution  to  the 
Irish,  and  when  she  became  united  with  Great  Britain.  For  the  honour  of  the 
people  of  Great  Britain,  it  were  to  be  wished,  that  necessity  had  not  forced, 
but  reason  and  liberality  had  proffered  the  boon  :  yet  that  very  necessity  proves 
its  excellency ;  and  its  excellency  will  ensure  its  continuance  and  success. 


56  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

order  effectually  to  cut  off  all  hopes  of  the  return  of  Lord  Ches- 
terfield to  Ireland,  on  the  loth  of  September  the  Earl  of  Har- 
rington was  appointed  the  new  lord  lieutenant. 

We  are  now  arrived  at  that  period  of  the  Irish  history  at 
which  Mr.  Burke  observed,*  the  English  in  Ireland  began  to 
be  domiciliated,  and  to  recollect  that  thev  had  a  country.  The 
English  interest  at  first  by  faint  and  almost  insensible  degrees, 
but  at  length  openly  and  avowedly,  became  an  independent  Irish 
interest^  full  as  independent  as  it  could  ever  have  been,  if  it  had 
continued  in  the  persons  of  the  native  Irish.  The  new  lord 
lieutenant,  when  he  met  the  parliament  in  October,  1747^  par- 
ticularly complimented  them  on  his  majesty's  continuance  of  his 
paternal  regard  and  affection  to  a  dutiful  and  loijal people  :  and 
recommended  a  continuance  of  the  same  good  conduct  and 
vigilance,  which,  under  God,  had  prevented  the  communication 
of  so  dangerous  an  infection  (i.  e.  the  Scotch  Rebellion)  to  that 
kingdom. 

A  political  question  was  about  this  time  started  in  Ireland, 
and  carried  on  with  extraordinary  virulence  by  the  contending 
parties.  Mr.  Lucas,  a  medical  gentleman  from  Cork,  upon  a 
vacancy  having  happened  in  the  representation  of  the  city  of 
Dublin  by  the  death  of  Sir  James  Sommerville,  attracted  the 
notice  and  secured  the  warmest  support  of  the  patriots  of  that 
day,  by  publicly  attacking  the  abuses,  that  had  lately  prevailed 
in  the  elections  of  members  for  the  city  of  Dublin,  by  which 
the  commons  were  deprived  of  the  power  of  chusing  the  city 
magistrates,  and  that  power  was  placed  in  the  Board  of  Alder- 
men, subject  to  the  approbation  of  the  lord  lieutenant.  The 
press  teemed  Vvnth  letters,  answers,  replies,  addresses,  appeals, 
counter-appeals,  and  every  engine,  that  could  be  employed  to 
add  rancour,  sting,  and  fuel  to  the  heats  of  the  contending  parties. 
It  was  no  longer  an  electioneering  squabble  between  two  rival 
candidates  :  it  became  a  trial  of  strength  upon  popular  princi- 
ples of  civil  liberty  between  the  patriots  and  government.  It 
kept  the  Protestantsf  of  Ireland  in  a  flame  of  civil  discord  for 

*  Letter  to  Lang.  p.  45. 

t  It  was  natural,  that  the  Irish  Catholics,  who  were  formally  excluded  from 
any  active  or  passive  representation  in  parliament,  should  be  indifferent  to 
those  contests  for  civil  rights,  which  could  not  end  in  admitting  them  to  the 
enjoyment.  The  first  periodical  publication  of  Mr.  Lucas  was  the  Censor, 
against  which  Sir  Ricliard  Cox  (under  the  title  of  Anthony  Litten)  wrote  his 
appeal  to  the  public,  abusing  Lucas  (he  was  a  Presbyterian)  as  an  incendiary 
and  a  Papist  ,■  and  treating  the  Catholic  body  of  the  Irish  nation  with  the  most 
contemptuous  and  rancorous  hostility. 

Against  tliis  appeal  of  Sir  Richard  Cox,  M.  O'Connor  wrote  his  Counter- 
Appeal,  to  shew,  that  so  far  from  being  addicted  to  slavish  opinions,  the  Irish 
nation  had,  on  the  contrary,  laboured  long  under  a  complication  of  evils  result- 
ing from  licentiousness,  and  that  it  was  their  greatest  political  misfortune  and 
tlxe  source  of  all  their  calamities,  that  the  excess  of  liberty,  which  prevailed 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  SV 

several  years.  Mr.  James  DIgges  La  Touche,  who  had  form- 
erly been  an  intimate  friend  of  Mr.  Lucas,  and  strongly  united 
with  him  in  political  principles,  on  this  occasion  abandoned  his 
former  principles,  and  proposed  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the 
city  of  Dublin,  in  direct  and  violent  opposition  to  Mr.  Lucas, 
then  the  popular  idol  of  such  of  the  nation,  as  took  the  liveliest 
concern  in  the  politics  of  that  day. 

Mr.  Charles  Lucas  had  some  years  before  attracted  the 
notice  of  his  fellow  citizens  bv  the  strong  powers  of  his  mind, 
and  the  independent  firmness  of  his  public  spirit :  he  had  been 
some  time  before  admitted  to  the  public  council.  Here  he  ' 
resolved  to  exert  himself  in  behalf  of  their  privileges.  The  new 
rules  framed  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second,  by  authority 
from  a  clause  in  the  act  of  explanation,  had,  as  in  other  corpo- 

among'  them  was  not  ternpered  by  Aristocracy  in  such  a  manner  as  to  afford  a 
soHd  support  to  monarchy  on  the  one  side,  and  freedom  on  the  otlier.  This 
pamphlet  was  dated  trom  the  town  of  Londonderry,  September  SOlli,  1749. 
It  was  written  in  a  hasty  manner,  merely  for  the  contest  and  passion  of  the 
day,  and  Mr.  O'Connor  never  would  acknowledge  it  to  be  his,  until  his  corres- 
pondence with  Reily,  the  editor,  obliji;-cdhlm  to  acknowledg-c  it. 

"  Your  inflammatory  counter-  appeal  (sa\s  Reily)  Jias 
*'  been  roared  about  tlie  streets  here  all  this  day,  and  so  inrtaming"  it  is,  that 
*'  Walter  Harris,  the  historian,  told  the  printer  (Kelburnc)  he  would  be  sum- 
*•  monedto  the  Bar  of  the  House,  and  sent  to  Newg-ate  ;  fen*  that  it  is  of  a  more 
*'  dang-erous  tendency,  than  all  Lucas's  i)apers  tog-ether.  The  best  of  it  is, 
*'  that  Kelburnc  himself  cannot  g-ucss  at  the  author :  some  say  it  i$  Brooke, 
*'  others  Lucas  himself;  but  let  them  g-uess  on  while  you  are  safe.  You  must 
"  g-uard  against  all  Sir  Richard's  friends,  he  is  not  only  warm,  but  malicious 
*'  ag-ainst  Lucas. 

"  Yours,  &c.  S;c. 
Dublin,  October  10th,  1749.  "  Civicut. 

MR.    o'cONNOR    TO    CIVICUS. 

"  Your  hints  are  friendly,  and  demand  my  thanks,  but 
*'  I  am  by  no  means  interested,  nor  is  any  of  our  unfortunate  people  in  this 
"  affair  of  Lucas,  into  which  we  are  dragged  by  violent  and  wanton  malevo- 
•'  lence  ;  I  have  even  some  disg-ust  to  Lucas,  on  accoiuit  of  his  Barber's  let- 
*'  ters  ;  a  true  patriot  would  not  have  betrayed  such  malice  to  such  unfoi-tunate 
"  slaves  as  we.  But  those  boasters,  the  \Vhig-s,  are  in  search  of  liberty," 
*'  just  as  Herod  was  of  Christ,  to  crush  it  in  its  infancy,  and  Jiave  to  all  theni- 
*'  selves- 

Yours,  &.C.  8cc. 
October  28th,  1749.  "  C.  O'Conko-^. 

It  is  observable,  notwitlistanding  Harris's  menaces,  that  the  most  objec- 
tionable passag'e  in  the  counter-appeal  is  this  :  '*  Can  it  at  this  time  of  day  be 
**  a  matter  of  doubt  whether  we  Irish  have  a  rig-ht  to  the  laws  and  constitution 
"  of  cur  fathers,  or  are  we  to  live  subject  to  the  dictates  of  an  incompatible 
"  leg-islation  ?" 

Tlie  bug-bear  of  Jacobitism,  which  was  so  successfully  played  in  these 
big-oted  times,  rendered  all  publications  favourable  to  Roman  Catholics  very 
dangerous  to  their  authors  ;  any  thing-  that  could  tend  to  soften  tlie  rigour  of 
the  penal  code  was  highly  alarming-,  and  every  possible  step  was  t;ikento  pre- 
vent the  governing-  party's  granting  the  smallest  degree  of  toleration  to  tlieir 
Catholic  countrymen. 


S8  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

rate  towns,  changed  the  powers  of  the  city  corporation.  To 
encrease  the  influence  of  the  crown,  among  other  innovations, 
they  deprived  the  commons  of  the  power  of  choosing  the  city 
magistrates,  and  placed  it  in  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  subject  in 
its  exercise  on  each  election  to  the  approbation  of  the  chief 
governor,  and  privy  council.  Of  this  injury  Lucas  loudly  com- 
plained :  but  the  law  being  absolute,  could  not  be  combated. 
Suspecting,  however,  that  in  other  respects  encroachments  had 
been  made  on  the  rights  of  the  citizens  not  justified  by  lav/, 
he  examined  the  city  charters,  and  searched  diligently  into  the 
ancient  records,  by  which  he  became  convinced  that  his  appre- 
hensions were  well  founded.  He  published  his  discoveries,  ex- 
plainedthe  evidence  resulting  from  them, and  encouraged  the  peo- 
ple to  take  the  proper  steps  for  obtaining  redress.  In  conse- 
quence, a  warm  contest  commenced  betwixt  the  commons  and 
aldermen  in  1741,  which  continued  the  tv/o  succeeding  years. 
Though  the  former  struggled  in  vain  to  recover  their  lost  privi- 
leges, the  exertions  of  Lucas  in  every  stage  of  the  dispute,  were 
strenuous  and  persevering.  These  services  raised  him  so  high 
in  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens,  that  on  the 
death  of  Sir  James  Sommerville,  the}^  encouraged  him  to  declare 
himself  a  candiateto  represent  them  in  parliament.  Ambitious 
cf  an  ofiice  so  flattering,  which  would  give  him  an  opportunity 
of  exerting  his  abilities  to  the  greatest  advantage  in  the  ser- 
vice not  only  of  the  city  of  Dublin,  but  of  his  country,  he  com- 
plied with  their  desire.  His  speeches  to  the  several  corpora- 
tions on  this  occasion,  which  were  bold,  nervous,  and  animated, 
in  favour  of  liberty,  encreased  their  attachment  to  him.  But  a 
number  of  addresses  to  his  fellov/  citizens,  which  he  wrote  and 
published,  tended  more  effectually  to  encrease  his  popularity. 
In  these,  among  other  subjects,  he  considered  distinctly  the 
several  branches  of  the  constitution;  pointed  out  to  the  electors 
of  Dublin,  and  to  the  nation  the  privileges  of  Irishmen,  and  the 
various  injuries  they  had  sustained  by  the  interference  of  the 
British  legislature.  The  firmness  and  perspicuity  of  his  manner, 
the  popularity  of  his  subject,  and  (perhaps)  the  justice  of  his  ar- 
guments, alarmed  the  Irish  government,  which  had  been  litde 
used  to  such  opposition.  They  determined  to  crush  him  by 
the  hand  of  power.^  For  this  purpose,  certain  passages  the 
rnost  obnoxious  to  the  state,  were  collected  from  his  publica- 
tions, and  made  the  foundation  of  a  charge  which  was  brought 
against  him  before  parliament.     The  rights  of  the  commons, 

.  *  Without  U-oubling- the  reader  with  any  or'  Mr.  Luccis's  writings  or  argu- 
rnents,  it  mav  not  ho  unfair  to  refer  him  to  his  general  profession  of  political 
faith,  by  which  he  committed  himself  in  his  Address  to  the  Earl  of  Har- 
rington, on  tlie  3a  of  October,  1749,  which  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix, 
No.  LVII. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  39 

which  with  particular  attention  he  had  laboured  to  vindicate  and 
ascertain,  had  been  one  of  the  subjects  of  his  free  discussion. 
Instead  of  protecting  him  in  reward  of  this  service,  and  of  his 
exertions  in  behalf  of  Ireland,  the  majority  of  that  house  listened 
to  the  charge,  voted  him  an  enemy  to  his  countr)-,  and  addressed 
the  lord  lieutenant  to  order  him  to  be  prosecuted  by  his  majes- 
ty's attorney  general.     The  hand  of  power  was  too  prevailing: 
the  favour  of  the  public  was  not  sufficient  to  defend  him  from 
the  danger,  by  which  he  was  threatened;  therefore  to  avoid  the 
impending  storm,  Mr.  Lucas  fled  from  Ireland.     After  he  had 
spent  some  time  in  banishment,  the  turn  of  fortune  placed  him 
once  more  in  an  honourable  situation.     The  exertions  of  his 
friends  rose  superior  to  the  influence,  by  which  he  had  been 
oppressed.     Upon  a  new  vacancy,  he  returned  to  Dublin,  and 
was  elected  one  of  the  representatives  of  that  city  in  parliament. 
The  same  patriotic  principles,  and  the  same  exertions  in  behalf 
of  the  constitution,  for  which  he  had  been  hitherto  so  remarkable, 
invariably  distinguished  his  conduct  in  and  out  of  parliament  to 
the  day  of  his  death. 

The  spirit  of  civil  freedom  and  constitutional  independence 
had  now  become  so  prevalent  in  Ireland,  that  the  English  inte- 
rest could  no  longer  be  kept  up  and  carried  on  with  that  syste- 
matic and  uncontrolled  ease,  with  which  it  had  been  managed 
by  Primate  Boulter.  Upon  the  death  of  Primate  Hoadley  who 
had  succeeded  Boulter  in  1747,  the  person  to  whom  this  interest 
was  committed  was  George  Stone,  then  bishop  of  Derry,  whc^ 
on  several  occasions  had  signalized  himself  by  a  most  deter- 
mined opposition  to  the  Irish  interest:  immediately  upon  his 
translation  to  the  See  of  Armagh,  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  the 
commission,  with  the  chancellor  and  speaker,  as  lords  justices. 
This  prelate  was  a  man  of  talent,  of  a  lofty  and  arrogant  dispc« 
sition ;  resolute  and  determined ;  and  a  thorough-paced  cour- 
tier :  he  was  wholly  devoted  to  politics  ;  and  little  attentive  to  his 
pastoral  duties.*     At  the  head  of  those,  who  opposed  him,  was 

*  The  confusion  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  powers  must  ever  be  attended 
with  disadvantages  to  both.  T!ie  prelate  when  in  the  cabinet,  is  as  much  out 
of  his  element,  as  the  statesman  in  the  pulpit.  Primate  Stone  was  lavish  of 
favours  to  his  creatures,  and  had  therefore  many  supporters  :  but  he  was  too 
haiig-hty  and  dictatorial  not  to  have  many  enemies.  He  was  a  man  rather  of 
mean  birth:  his  grandfather  had  been  gaoler  at  Winchester;  and  his  perquisites 
in  that  situation  liad  enabled  his  son,  the  primate's  father,  to  become  a  banker : 
he  v/as  a  non-juror,  and  his  chief  customers  were  the  Jacobites.  He  was  ia 
the  flovvcr  of  youth  when  promoted  to  the  primacy ;  a  station  to  which  none 
before  him  had  been  raised  till  in  the  decline  of  life.  His  person  v.-as  uncom- 
monly handsome  ;  Mhich  procured  him  the  appellation  of  the  beauty  of  RoUness, 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  the  rapid  progress  of  this  young  ecclesiastic, 
through  the  dignities  of  his  order,  and  who  was  now  at  the  head  of  the  church, 
as  well  as  of  the  state,  should  raise  hatred  and  favour  to  an  extraordinary- 
degree.     He  was  inordinate  in  his  ambition,  intemperate  in  his  passions,  and 


40  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

his  colleague  in  the  commission  Mr.  Boyle  the  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons.  The  late  Lord  Clare  has  left  us  too  faith- 
ful a  portrait  of  this  prelate,  and  has  brought  the  consequences 
of  his  and  the  British  cabinet's  conduct  in  Ireland,  to  too  close 
a  bearing  upon  the  Union,  not  to  submit  it  to  the  reader  in  his 
own  words. 

*  •'  After  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chappelle,  the  trade  of  this 
^*  country  had  so  encreased,  that  the  hereditary  revenue  was 
^'  amply  suiiicient  for  every  public  service,  and  a  considerable 

Inexorable  In  his  resentments.  Like  his  predecessor  Boulter,  he  was  invested 
with  the  arduous  charg-e  of  mavshalling-  the  English  interest,  or  as  tlie  more 
specious  phrase  then  was  of  doing  the  kin^''s  (but  in  fact  the  minister's)  Imsi' 
ness.  His  entertainments  and  connections  were  suited  to  his  youth  ;  and 
however  conducive  he  might  render  them  to  his  ruling-  passion  of  ambition, 
they  had  all  the  attractions  of  the  m.ost  voluptuous  refinement.  His  courtesj*-, 
affability,  and  hospitality  gained  him  many  abettors  in  a  country  where 
those  qualities  are  supereminently  appreciated  :  and  it  is  admitted  on  all 
hands,  that  his  efforts  to  g-ain  proselytes  in  parliament  were  indefatig-able.  Yet 
with  all  these  advantages  of  nature  and  povrer,  the  number  of  his  enemies  is  a 
strong  presumption,  that  the  charges  of  his  enemies  were  not  altogether 
groundless.  For  the  honour  of  the  English  nation,  of  humanity  and  religioi>, 
J  forbear  to  retail  his  enemies'  account  of  his  conduct.  I  take  the  less  invi- 
dious side  of  tlie  question,  and  submit  his  defence  to  the  reader  from  an  avow- 
ed encomiast,  published  in  London,  1757,  seven  years  before  his  death,  which 
happened  in  1765,  when  he  was  succeeded  in  tlie  primacy  by  Dr.  Robinson, 
afterward  created  Lord  Rokeby.  (Letter  tothe  Duke  of  Bedford,  p. 12.  J  Speaking 
of  a  strong  opponent  of  the  primate's,  the  letter  writer  says  :  "  Knovv  ing,  per- 
*'haps  not  entirely  from  all  his  own  experience,  of  whatconsequence  the  charac- 
*'  ter  of  integrity  and  virLue  is  even  to  a  statesman,  he  with  great  industry  and 
*'  secrecy  spread  about  misrepresentations  of  the  primate,  as  a  man  devoid  of  all 
**  principles  of  religion  and  honour  ;  as  a  monster  swaged  by  unnatural  appe- 
**  tites.  To  the  first  of  these  charges,  it  must  be  confessed,  the  primate  gave 
'*  some  countenance,  by  a  conduct  a  little  too  free  for  a  person  at  the  head  of 
**  the  ecclesiastical  body.  Having  had  a  liberal  education  himself,  and  hav- 
•*  ing  always  lived  with  those  MdK)  had,  he  could  not  confine  himself  within  the 
•*  narrow  sphere  of  his  profession.  There  was  more  foundation  for  the  second 
**  than  for  any  other  part  of  the  charge.  He  was  not  always  as  cautious  in  his 
**  promises  as  prudence  required.  Even  when  he  did  not  promise,  his  answers, 
*'  from  a  fear  of  offending,  and  a  desire  of  uniting  every  body  to  him,  were  ex-  , 
*'  pressed  in  sucli  a  manner,  as  drew  in  the  persons,  to  whom  they  were  given, 
*'  to  guess  at  more  than  he  meaned.  A  practice  often  used  by  statesmeji,  but 
*'  which  seems  as  little  agreeable  to  good  policy,  as  it  is  to  morality.  Hence 
"  every  body  left  him  contented  and  assured  of  his  friendship,  receiving 
*'  all  iiis  expressions  of  kindness  as  so  many  absolute  promises  of  what  they 
**  solicited.  It  is  not  then  very  extraordinary  that  he  should  be  charged  with 
•'  many  breaches  of  faith,  and  that  the  truth  of  those  aspersions  on  this  head, 
*'  with  which  he  was  so  frequently  bespattered,  should  be  attested  by  many. 
"  To  the  last  abominable  charge  his  virtue  gave  rise.  Whether  from  a  cold- 
"  ness  in  his  constitution,  or  what  is  more  probable,  out  of  respect  to  his  eccle- 
"  siastical  function,  he  totally  abstained  from  women.  It  was  impossible,  in 
"  a  country  which  piques  itself  upon  indispensable  attachments  to  the  fair  sex, 
"  that  this  should  not  be  taken  notice  of,  and  become  a  general  topic  of  conver- 
•'  sation.  His  enemies  laid  hold  of  this  opportunity  to  blacken  his  character, 
"  with  the  imputation  of  a  vice,  the  more  easily  credited,  by  how  much  the 
"  more  abominable  ;  and  to  which  some  of  his  connections,  for  Vvhich  people 
"  could  not  easily  account,  did  not  a  little  contribute." 

*  Speech,  on  the  10th  of  February,  1800,  p.  27. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  41 

"  surplus  remained  in  the  exchequer,  after  defraying  every 
"  charge  upon  it;  so  that  in  elFect  the  crown  was  little,  if  at  all 
''  dependant  on  parliament  for  support :  and  it  is  difficult  to  say 
*'  how  long  this  oligarchy  might  have  kept  its  ground,  if  the  in- 
"  trigues  of  the  ambitious  ecclesiastic,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Irish 
"  church,  had  not  laid  the  foundation  of  party  heat  and  animo- 
"  sities,  which  have  long  disturbed  and  degraded  our  parliamen- 
"  tary  proceedings.  The  great  trial  of  strength  between  the 
"  primate  and  the  then  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  w^as 
"  made  in  1753,  when  a  bill  was  proposed  for  applying  the  sur- 
"  plus  then  in  the  exchequer  to  pay  a  public  debt,  which  had 
''  been  some  time  before  contracted.  The  courtiers  of  that  day 
"  ranged  under  the  ecclesiastical  banner,  contended  that  this 
*'  sjLU-plus  belonged  to  the  crown;  and,  therefore,  that  the  king^s 
*■'  previous  assent  to  its  application  ought  to  be  signified  before 
"  the  commons  could  appropriate  it.  The  patriots,*  ranged 
"  under  the  speaker's  banner,  insisted  that  no  such  assent  was 
necessary,  and  beat  their  political  adversaries  by  a  small  ma- 
jority. Heads  of  a  bill  for  the  appropriation  passed  the  com- 
mons without  taking  notice  of  the  king's  previous  assent  to  it. 
rhey  were  rejected  by  the  crown,  and  the  surplus  was  applied 
*'  by  the  royal  authority,  without  the  intervention  of  parliament. 
'^  But  the  commons  took  effectual  care,  that  the  question  should 
"  not  occur  a  second  time,  by  appropriating  every  future  sur- 

*  True  it  is,  that  a  very  numerous  party  at  this  time  rang-ed  themselves 
under  the  appellation  of  patriots,  bat  it  follows  not,  that  the  views  of  many  of 
them  were  truly  patriotic  :  but  as  a  standard  of  patriotism  was  then  erected, 
and  the  victory  was  to  be  g-ained  by  numbers,  it  will  readily  be  admitted,  that 
too  scrupulous  a  test  of  sincerity  was  not  required  of  those,  v.ho  offered  to  en- 
list under  the  banners  of  either  party.  Thus  too  frequently,  alas,  are  private 
and  mischievous  projects  effected  under  the  disguise  of  patriotism  :  whence 
the  very  term  has  latterly  lost  its  real,  and  acquired  equivocal  import.  There 
is  no  question  but  that  a  certain  party,  wliether  they  be  termed  an  opposhiony 
antiministerial,  country  party  or  patriots,  had  acquired  such  an  ascendency  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  that  government  could  no  longer  ensure  a  question  against 
them.  The  primate  had  kept  on  terms  with  many  of  them  ;  but  the  manage- 
ment of  the  king's  business  under  such  checks  was  incompatible  with  the  un- 
controlable  spirit  of  that  prelate  :  he  withdrew  the  mask,  and  openly  avowed 
his  intentions  of  carrying  every  measui-e  of  the  British  cabinet,  which  he 
speciously  termed  the  iing^s  business,  with  a  high  hand,  in  spite  of  all  opposi- 
tion. Open  war  was  proclaimed  between  the  contending  parties,  and  a  standard 
was  erected  by  this  aspiring  prelate,  to  which  ail  who  expected  preferment  in 
church  or  state,  or  who  were  dissatisHed  with  their  own  party,  were  invited 
to  resort.  From  subsequent  events,  the  reports  of  certain  disappointments 
amongst  the  patriots  in  their  negotiations  with  the  primate  appear  not  to  have 
been  altogether  groundless.  Thus  tlie  blunt  refusal  of  a  reversionary  grant  of 
the  Mastership  of  the  Rolls  to  Mr.  Carter's  son,  drove  the  flither  into  a  most 
determined  and  vindictive  opposition.  The  primate,  from  the  age  and  infir- 
mity of  Mr.  Carter,  considered  the  reversion  of  tliat  lucrative  employment 
.much  nearer  than  it  fell  in  ;  for  the  master  of  the  rolls  lived  to  see  the  suc- 
cess of  his  opposition  to  the  primate  end  in  that  prelate's  disgrace  and  confusiori, 
though  he  did  not  succeed  in  his  own  private  vie\\s, 
VOL.    II.  '  F 


42  AK  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

*'  plus  to  their  private  use,  under  the  specious  pretence  of  local 
*'  public  improvements.  Wind-mills  and  water-mills,  and  canals, 
"  and  bridges,  and  spinning  gennies,  were  provided  at  the  pub- 
"  lie  expence ;  and  the  parliamentary  patrons  of  these  great 
"  national  objects  were  entrusted  with  full  discretionary  powers 
"  over  the  money  granted  to  complete  them.  From  this  sys- 
"  tern  of  local  improvement,  a  double  advantage  arose  to  the 
*'  Irish  aristocracy  :  it  kept  their  followers  steady  in  the  ranks, 
"  and  by  reducing  the  crown  to  the  necessity  of  calling  for  the 
"  supplies,  made  the  political  services  of  the  leaders  necessary 
*'  for  the  support  of  the  king's  government.  But  the  precedent 
"  was  fatal,  and  a  system  has  gradually  been  built  upon  it,  which 
"  would  beat  down^he  most  powerful  nation  of  the  earth." 

As  one  of  the  prominent  objects  of  the  Union  was  to  remove 
the  possibility  of  that  maladministration  of  the  Irish  govern- 
ment, which  the  noble  earl  said  xvould  beat  douon  the  most  poxvev' 
Jul  nation  of  the  earthy  it  will  be  necessary  to  enter  more  fully 
into  the  grounds  of  that  opposition,  which  the  patriots  then 
made  against  the  English  ititerest.  It  had  been  the  invariable 
usage,  as  it  was  the  inherent  duty  of  the  commons,  since  the 
Revolution,  to  superintend  the  expenditure  of  the  annual  sup- 
plies which  they  raised  j  in  order  if  there  should  be  a  deficiency, 
that  they  might  supply  it ;  if  a  surplus,  that  they  might  apply 
it  to  the  credit  of  the  nation :  and  the  received  notion,  was,  that 
they  had  a  right  to  dispose  of  such  surplus  of  the  revenue,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  sovereign  :  accordingly  in  the  year  1749 
they  prepared  a  bill  with  the  following  preamble  :  "  Whereas 
"  on  the  25th  of  March  last  a  considerable  balance  remained  in 
*'  the  hands  of  the  vice-treasurers  or  receivers  general  of  the 
"  kingdom,  or  their  deputy  or  deputies,  unapplied  ;  and  it  will 
*'  be  lor  your  majesty's  service,  and  for  the  ease  of  your  faithful 
*'  subjects  in  this  kingdom,  that  so  much  thereof  as  can  be  con- 
**  veniently  spared  should  be  paid,  agreeably  to  your  majesty's 
"  most  gracious  intentions,  in  discharge  of  part  of  the  national 
*' debt."  This  assumption  of  right  in  the  Irish  commons  to 
apply  the  unappropriated  surplus  of  the  revenue  without  the 
previous  and  express  consent  of  the  crov/n,  gave  great  offence 
to  the  British  cabinet,  which  in  tenderness  to  the  royal  preroga- 
tive instructed  the  Duke  of  Dorset,  who  had  returned  lord 
lieutenant  to  Ireland  in  1751,  to  assure  the  parliament,*  that  he 
was  commanded  by  the  king  to  acquaint  them,  that  his  majesty, 
ever  attentive  to  the  ease  and  happiness  of  his  subjects,  would 
graciously  consent  and  recommend  it  to  them,  that  such  a  part 
of  the  money  then  remaining  in  his  treasury,  as  should  be 
thought  consistent  with  the  public  service,  should  be  applied  to- 

*  Journ.  Com.  p.  91J 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  43 

wards  the  further  reduction  of  the  national  debt.  This  declara- 
tion, although  it  fell  in  with  their  intention  of  appropriating  the 
surpkis,  yet  alarmed  the  commons  as  a  reflex  attempt  upon  their 
privileges  :  accordingly  in  their  address  of  thanks,  which  is 
usually  a  mere  echo  of  the  king's  speech,  they  omitted  to  notice 
in  any  manner  this  consent  of  the  crown  ;  and  they  acknow- 
ledged, generally,  his  majesty's  attention  to  their  ease  and  hap- 
piness, in  recommending  the  application  of  the  surplus.  In  con- 
sequence of  this,  they  resolved  to  apply  120,000/.  of  that  sur- 
plus towards  discharging  the  national  debt:  and  in  the  preamble 
of  the  bill  framed  for  this  purpose  they  made  no  mention  of  his 
majesty's  consent ;  which  studied  omission  v/as  extremely  re- 
sented by  the  English  ministry,  as  an  intended  and  overt  attack 
upon  the  prerogative.  The  bill  was  sent  back  amended  in  the 
preamble  by  an  insertion  of  his  majesty's  consent,  as  well  as  his 
recommendation.  The  House  of  Commons  had  then  been  for  _ 
some  time  deeply  engaged  in  a  most  important  investigation  of 
the  embezzlement  and  misapplication  of  public  money,  by  Mr. 
Nevil,  one  of  their  own  house,  surveyor  and  engineer  general, 
who  was  found  guilty  of  the  grossest  peculation,  embezzle- 
ment and  fraud  in  his  management  of,  and  contracts  for  the  bar- 
racks.*" Such  abuses  of  public  trusts  had  been  long  complained 
of,  and  much  longer  felt  by  the  Irish  nation  ;  but  till  the  patriots 
of  that  day  had  acquired  sufficient  strength  to  raise  an  effectual 
opposition  to  the  abuses  of  the  Anglo-Irish  government,  all  ad- 
dresses, remonstrances,  and  efforts  for  redress  had  (as  usually 
is  the  case)  but  aggravated  the  evil,  whilst  the  state  delinquents 
were  shielded  by  that  factious  majority  in  parliament,  which  it 
was  the  boasted  policy  of  those  times  to  support,  under  the  ap- 
pellation of  an  English  interest*  An  insult  and  injury  to  Ire- 
land which  the  Union  can  alone  eftectually  repair.  As  this 
public  attack  upon  a  servant  of  the  crown  for  gross  abuse  of 
public  trust  was  the  first  effort  of  this  nature,  which  seemed  to 
promise  success  from  the  daily  accumulating  strength  of  the 
patriots  and  the  glaring  notoriety  of  the  charges,  the  commons 
were  unwilling  to  embroil  themselves  further  with  government, 
until  they  had  ensured  this  first  victory.  They  therefore  pas- 
sed the  bill  with  the  alteration,  without  even  debating  the  ques- 
tion. Having  succeeded  in  convicting  the  surveyor  and  engi- 
neer general  of  misapplying  the  public  money  and  abusing  the 
public  trust,  and  ordering  by  a  resolution  of  their  house,  that  at 
his  own  expence,f  and  without  any  further  charge  to  the  public 
he  should  render  the  barracks  fit  for  the  reception  of  the  troops, 

*  Foi'  the  different  reports  and  resolutions  against  him  vide  5  Com.  Journ. 
passim. 

t  Mr.  Nevil  v/as  afterwards  expelled  the  house,  and  his  name  ordered  to  be 
expelled  out  of  the  list.    5  Journ.  Com .  p.  165. 


44  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

they  now  reserved  themselves  to  make  head  against  this  en- 
croachment of  the  crown  upon  their  own  privileges  and  uncon- 
trolable  right  of  raising  and  applying  the  surplus  of  the  nation. 

The  duke  of  Dorset  was  sent  a  second  time  to  assume  the 
government  of  Ireland,  in  the  full  expectation,  that  the  popu- 
larity he  had  gained  in  his  first  administration,  would  have  been 
successfully  employed  in  stemming  the  progress  of  patriotism, 
which  not  perhaps  so  much  from  its  intrisic  merits,  as  from  the 
popularity  of  Lucas,  and  the  disgrace  and  punishment  of  Nevil> 
had  become  highly  alarming  to  the  English  cabinet.  The  fate 
of  that  lord  lieutenant,  is  an  important  lesson  to  the  statesman, 
of  the  evil  and  disgrace  of  prostituting  principle  to  place  and 
favour.  That  nobleman  was  remarkable  for  his  suavity  of  man- 
ners, and  when  formerly  governor,  had  manifested  such  modera- 
tion, prudence,  and  caution,  that  nearly  bordered  upon  timidit}^. 
He  had  no  personal  enemj^,  and  was  really  friendly  to  the  wel- 
fare and  prosperit}^  of  Ireland.  Upon  his  first  arrival,  he  was 
received  by  all  degrees  and  ranks  of  men,  with  all  the  marks  of 
joy  and  gratitude,  that  could  be  manifested  by  those,  who  had 
experienced  the  goodness  and  mildness  of  his  former  admistra- 
ton,  and  who  had  long  regretted  his  absence.  The  change  of  the 
public  disposition  towards  his  grace  was  as  sudden,as  his  devotion 
to  the  English  interest  was  determined.  Primate  Stone,  to  whose 
nod  the  whole  Irish  government  moved,  was  execrated  in  the 
country  for  the  detestable  vices  he  was  charged  with  :  and 
Lord  George  Sackville  the  lieutenant's  son,  the  secretary,  gave 
general  offence  to  the  nation  by  the  loftiness  of  his  carriage  :  he 
was  disdainful  and  impetuous :  and  though  eloquent  was  often 
petulant  and  generally  sarcastic  in  his  language.  The  patriots 
complained  loudly,  that  under  these  two,  namely,  an  English 
archbishop,  (no  very  staunch  model  of  morality  or  virtue)  and  a 
yOimg  supercilious  boy,  giddy  and  intoxicated  with  power,  the 
Irish  nation  was  governed  without  controul.*     The  duke  was 

*  How  general  the  national  hatred  of  the  secretary  and  the  primate  was, 
appears  from  some  of  the  standing  toasts  at  that  thue  used  at  the  convivial  meet- 
ings of  the  patriots  :  May  ail  Secretary  Bashaws  and  lordly  High  Priests,  be  kept 
to  their  tackle,  the  sword  and  the  Bible.  And  may  the  importation  of  Ganytnedes 
be  discontinued  in  Ireland.  These  fixed  public  expressions  of  the  sense  of  a 
party,  prove  not  the  truth  but  the  prevalence  of  certain  opinions,  under  wliich 
they  acted.  In  a  country  where  the  vice  of  drinking  has  at  all  times  been 
prevalent,  and  is  tlie  occupation  of  a  principal  part  of  the  day,  these  convivial 
hours  were  naturally  rendered  subservient  to  the  political  purposes,  which 
generally  brought  the  parties  together.  Mr.  Carter,  the  master  of  the  rolls, 
was  eminent  for  his  perseverance  at  the  bottle,  and  keeping  the  table  in  a  roar 
of  laughter  by  his  archness,  vivacity,  and  wit.  To  him  indeed  was  ascribed 
the  facetious  device  of  systematically  conveying  point  and  satyrc  in  toasts, 
which  afterwai'ds  gained  circulation  through  the  newspapers,  and  found  their 
>vay  to  the  heart  by  being  frequently  repeated  in  the  effervescence  of  hilarity 
and  heat  of  intemperance.  Thus  did  the  most  pointed  apophthegms  of  politics, 
miite  the  company  and  sharpen  the  wit  and  malice  of  individuals  against  their 
poijimou  enemy. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  45 

Considered  as  the  mere  passive  tool  of  government ;  though  he 
had  no  enemies  to  his  person,  he  now  found  a  host  against  his 
government. 

When  in  1753^  the  Duke  of  Dorset  opened  the  session,  he 
again  informed  the  commons,  that  he  was  commanded  by  his 
majesty  to  inform  them,  that  he  would  graciously  consent  and 
recommend  it  to  them,  that  so  much  of  the  money  remaining 
in  his  treasury,  as  should  be  necessary,  should  be  applied  to  the 
discharge  of  the  national  debt,  or  to  such  part  thereof  as  they 
should  think  expedient.^  They  again  omitted  the  word  coJl- 
se?U  out  of  their  address,  and  resolved,  in  their  bill  of  applica- 
tion, not  only  to  sink  this  odious  term,  but  likewise  to  abate  in 
their  complaisance  to  the  crown,  by  leaving  out  the  expression 
of  grateful  acknowledgment,  which  had  met  with  such  a  cold 
reception  above.  By  this  time  the  contest  had  kindled  up  two 
violent  factions,  and  diffused  a  general  spirit  of  resentment 
through  the  whole  Irish  nation.  I'he  commictee,  who  prepared 
the  bill,  instead  of  inserting  the  usual  compliments  in  the  pre- 
amble, mentioned  nothing  but  a  recital  of  facts,  and  sent  it  over 
in  a  plain  dress,  quite   destitute  of  all  embroidery. f     The  mi- 

*  5  Journ.  Coni.  p.  167. 

■\  The  primate  upqn  this  occasion,  summoned  a  few  of  his  most  intimate 
friends,  to  constdt  \\hat  step  slioidd  be  taken.  The  onl}-  doubt  was,  whethei' 
an  amendment  on  tlie.se  heads  of  a  bill,  should  be  ])roposcd  to  the  house  upon 
the  report,  or  whether  they  should  be  permitted  to  pass  in  the  shape  they  were 
broug'ht  in,  and  the  alteration  tf  thcui  left  to  be  made  in  England  :  the  latter 
of  these  methods  was  resolved  on,  and  followed  up  on  this  reasoning-:  if  the 
bill  w'jien  altered  in  England,  should  upon  its  return  be  j)assed  by  the  com- 
mons, the  patriots  must  inevitably  lose  their  intere.st  with  the  people:  if  they 
should  oppose  it,  that  Avould  be  a  good  pretence  to  deprive  th.cm  of  their  oin- 
ployments,  which  they  lield  at  tlie  will  of  the  crown,  and  of  which  the  primate 
hoped  to  have  the  disposal.  To  nuikc  the  ganie  more  secure,  and  to  engage 
the  crown  more  deeply  in  the  contest,  a  letter  was  procured  to  accompany  the 
])ill  to  the  privy  council,  signed  by  most  of  the  ofHcers  of  state  in  Great  Britain, 
declaring,  that  it  was  a  point  of  prerogative,  from  wlience  his  majesty  would 
never  depart.  As  cnuncils  too  subtil  often  produce  contrary  and  unthought 
of  ends,  so  this,  though  it  h.ad  the  linmediatc  eifects,  which  had  been  fore* 
seen,  yet  in  the  end  it  produced  very  ditlcrent  consequences  from  what  he  who 
gave  it  expected.  The  bill  was  rejected  iri  the  commons  by  a  majority  of  five, 
in  consequence  of  which,  several  of  the  principal  members  of  the  patriots 
were  immediately  removed  from  their  employments  :  at  these  vi(;ient  proceed- 
ings the  whole  nation  took  fire.  The  degraded  members  of  the  patriots  ex- 
alted by  their  disgrace,  became  the  idols  of  tlie  ])eople,  and  were  worshipped 
as  Martyrs  for  the  liberties  of  their  country.  In  this  temper  it  was  hazardous 
lo  let  the  commons,  who  had  been  adjourned  for  a  few  day.s,  meet.  The  par- 
liament was  suddenly  prorog'ued,  and  several  bills  equally  necessary  to  the 
crown  as  to  the  subject,  feirto  the  ground.  The  i^rimate  who  was  considered 
as  the  author  of  all  these  measures,  de.spairing  to  gain  the  affections  of  the  peo- 
ple, determined  to  awe  them  into  submission  by  others  still  more  violent:  he 
urged  the  Duke  of  Dorset  to  remove  from  their  employmenis  not  only  all, 
who  opposed  him,  but  those  whom  he  suspected  to  have  any  connection  with 
the  opposite  party.  But  tlie  Duke  had  not  the  courage  or  vigour  of  mind, 
cqvialto  such  an  undertaking.  He  dreaded  the  tumults  of  the  people  ;  every 
shout  of  tlic  mob  threw  him  into  panics  ;  andthit3  being  known,  they  nc\cr  let 


46  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

nistry,  intent  upon  vindicating  the  prerogative  from  such  an  un- 
mannerly attack,  filled  up  the  omissions  of  the  committee,  and 
sent  it  back  with  this  alteration  :  "  and  your  majesty,  ever  at- 
"  tentive  to  the  ease  and  happiness  of  your  faithful  subjects,  has 
*'  been  graciously  pleased  to  signify  that  you  would  consent^  to 
"  recommend  it  to  us,  that  so  much  of  the  money  remaining  in 
*'  your  majesty's  treasury,  as  should  be  necessary,  be  applied  to 
"  the  discharge  of  the  national  debt,  or  such  part  thereof,  as 
'^  should  be  thought  expedient  by  parliament."  This,  then  be- 
ing the  crisis,  which  was  to  determine  a  constitutional  point  of 
such  importance,  namely,  whether  the  people  in  parliament  as- 
sembled, had  a  right  to  deliberate  upon,  and  vote  the  applica- 
tion of  any  part  of  the  unappropriated  revenue,  without  the  pre- 
vious consent  of  the  crown  ;  those  who  were  the  most  zealously 
attached  to  the  liberties  of  their  country  resolved  to  exert  them- 
selves in  opposing  what  they  conceived  to  be  a  violation  of  their 
liberties ;  and  the  bill,  with  alterations,  was  rejected  by  a  majo- 
rity of  five  voices.  The  success  of  their  endeavours  was  cele- 
brated with  the  most  extravagant  rejoicings,  as  a  triumph  of 
patriotism  over  the  arts  of  ministerial  corruption,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  all  the  servants  of  the  crown,  who  had  joined  the 
popular  cry,  on  this  occasion,  were  in  a  little  time  dismissed  from 
their  employments.  The  rejection  of  the  bill  was  a  great  dis- 
appointment to  the  creditors  of  the  public,  and  the  circulation 
of  cash  was  almost  stagnated. 

In  this  contest  for  constitutional  rights,  the  Earl  of  Kildare 
was  prominently  conspicuous  :  he  as  well  as  the  most  conside- 
rable men  of  fortune  in  Ireland,  that  were  not  under  some  spe- 
cial tie  or  obligation  to  government,  sided  with  the  patriots.  It 
was,  notwithstanding,  most  industriously  circulated  from  the 
castle,  both  in  print  and  otherwise,  that  the  majority  of  the 
House  of  Commons  of  Ireland  was  a  Popish  and  Jacobite  party, 
that  was  endeavouring  to  destroy  the  royal  prerogatives,  in 
order  to  pave  the  way  to  his  majesty's  expulsion  from  the 
throne  :    and   such  undoubtedly  were  they  represented  to  the 

liim  rest  a  moment.  However  for  the  present  to  rid  himself  of  importunities, 
he  promised  the  primate,  that  upon  his  return  to  Eng-land,  which  he  wished 
for  with  the  utmost  impatience,  he  would  do  every  thing-  he  could  desire.  The 
Duke  of  Dorset  soon  after  this,  vmder  the  protection  of  the  guards  and  of  a 
mob  hired  and  made  drunk  for  the  purpose,  by  a  man  who  was  amply  rewarded 
for  that  service  by  a  pension  on  the  public  establishment,  made  his  escape  out 
of  that  king-dom.  The  primate,  who  was  continued  in  the  government,  em- 
ployed every  expedient  of  menaces  and  promises  to  break  the  party.  Threats 
could  not  terrify  those,  who  had  so  bold  an  example  set  before  them  by  their 
leaders,  and  who  v^ere  secure  of  the  protection  of  the  people.  Rewards  would 
not  seduce  those,  who  foresaw  the  downfall  of  the  pi-imate,  and  were  made  to 
expect  much  greater,  and  more  permanent  rewards  from  the  exaltation  of  the 
patriots,  which  they  now  looked  upon  as  certain.  But  what  principally  kept 
men  steady,  was  the  disgrace  of  becoming  apostates  from  those  principles, 
which  they  had  before  considered  with  a  kind  of  religious  reverence. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  4r 

king  and  the  ministry  in  England.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  Earl  of  Kildare  presented  with  his  own  hand  a  most  spirit- 
ed memorial*  to  the  king,  in  which,  after  referring  to  the  he- 
reditary loyalty  of  his  family  from,  the  days  of  Henry  II.  he 
assured  his  majesty,  that  he  was  the  rather  induced  to  lay  that 
memorial  at  his  feet,  as  it  was  on  good  presumption  surmised, 
that  all  access  to  his  royal  ear  was  ehut  up,  and  his  liege  sub- 
jects debarred  the  liberty  of  complaining  :  that  as  no  notice  had 
been  taken  of  several  remonstrances  lately  made  by  his  majes- 
ty's liege  subjects,  it  was  humbly  presumed,  that  such  remon- 
strances had  been  stopped  and  debarred  in  their  progress  to  the 
royal  ear :  that  he  ventured  on  that  bold  step  at  the  request  of 
thousands  :  that  in  general  the  face  of  his  loyal  kingdom  of  Ire- 
land wore  discontent :  a  discontent  not  coloured  from  caprice 
or  faction,  but  purely  founded  on  ministerial  misapplication. 
This  strong,  though  necessary  measure  of  the  Earl  of  Kildare 
gave  great  offence  and  some  alarm  to  the  British  cabinet,  though 
they  affected  to  treat  it  as  an  act  of  folly  and  temerit}^,  which 
nothing  but  the  extreme  mildness  of  government  would  permit 
to  pass  unpunished.f 

*  Vide  the  mensonal  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LVIII, 

•f  This  appears  fVom  a  letter  written  by  the  Earl  of  Holderness  to  the  Chan- 
cellor of  Ireland, 

My  good  Lord  Chancellor, 

I  AM  not  a  little  concerned  that  the  noble  Earl  of  Kildare 
should  take  so  bold  a  step  as  he  may  repent  hereafter,  and  do  assure  you  that 
I  think  he  has  not  shewn  himself  a  person  of  discretion,  be  the  act  never  so 
popular. 

He  was  but  ill  received,  and  very  coolly  dismissed,  as  indeed  the  presump- 
tion well  merited  ;  for  why  should  his  majesty  receive  any  remonstrances  con- 
cerning- his  kingdom  or  government,  but  from  the  proper  ministers,  or  through 
the  usual  channel,  viz.  both  houses  in  parliament.  I  desire  my  compliments 
may  attend  his  grace  the  Lord  Primate,  and  wdsh  him  successin  all  laudable 
endeavours  for  poor  Ireland. 
I  am 

Your  excellency's  iTiost  obedient  servant, 

Holderness. 
Another  letter  upon  the  same  subject  came  to  light  about  the  same  time, 
written  by  the  Duke  of  Dorset  to  Primate  Stone,  viz. 

Touching  the  Earl  of  Kildare's  memorial  presented  to  the  king  my  mas- 
ter, it  has  neither  served  him,  nor  injured  us.  It  is  looked  upon,  as  it  justly  de- 
serves to  be,  an  act  of  presumption,  and  a  step  of  faction.  In  a  less  mild  ad- 
ministration and  under  a  reign  less  merciful,  it  would  have  proved  an  act  full 
of  danger. 

If  the  subjects  of  Ireland  were  discontented  with  the  measures  of  govern- 
ment, 'was  not  the  privy  council  open  to  receive  the  complaints  ?  v/ere  not  your 
excellencies  accessible  to  complaints  of  grievances  ?  but  for  one  man,  because 
the  first  peer  of  the  realm,  to  take  the  kingdom's  distresses  on  his  shoulders, 
and  like  another  Hercules,  to  put  his  shoulders  to  the  government,  in  whicht 
he  had  neither  place  nor  concern,  was  sure  unworthy  of  his  prudence,  if  he 
had  any.  I  am  not  for  hot  water,  my  design  is  pacific,'  and  tending  to  the  pub- 
lic good. 

I  am 

Your  lordship's  friend, 

DORSXT. 


48  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  distressed  and  embarrassed  situation  of  his  country  roused 
the  patriot  attention  of  that  ilkistrious  nobleman,  who  truly  re- 
flected honour  en  nobility  :'  his  intrepidit}-  suggested  the  reso- 
lution of  awakening  the  guardian  care  of  the  father  of  his  country^ 
by  becoming  a  personal  advocate  for  his  peple,  pointing  out 
their  grievances,  and  the  source  of  them,  and  opening  again  the 
channel  of  communication,  after  its  natural  current  had  been 
obstructed,  on  which  the  very  life  and  being  of  public  happi- 
ness essentially  depend.  If  it  were  without  a  precedent,  so 
was  the  occasion,  that  made  it  necessary.  The  good  of  his 
country  was  at  once  its  motive  and  its  justification;  and  the 
rage  and  violence  it  excited  evinced  how  great  and  unexpected 
a  shock  it  was  to  the  English  interest.  It  did  not  however  lose 
its  effect  upon  the  king.  The  popular  clamour  became  so  loud, 
that  government  was  terrified  into  measures,  to  which  every 
man  will  apply  a  quality  according  to  his  own  political  concep- 
tions. The  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  was  promoted 
to  the  dignity  of  an  earl*:  and  several  other  patriots  accepted  of 

*  Viz.  Of  Shannon  :  he  bad  also  a  pension  of  iJOOO/.  per  ann.  for  31  j'ears. 
There  was  much  intrii^ue  in  bringl;).^  about  these  chang-es  in  Ireland.  The? 
Primate  was  over-reached  by  his  own  insincerity  and  ambition.  He  had  pro- 
mised the  same  appointments  to  several  with  the  intent  of  disappointing  each. 
"He  entered  into  a  close  connection  with  the  Earl  of  Besborough,  who  had 
long  wished,  but  had  been  bafRed  by  the  patriots,  in  setting  up  an  independent 
interest  in  the  commons  :  his  particular  view  was  to  place  his  son  Mr.  Ponson- 
by,  in  the  chair.  In  tliis  union  of  the  Primate  with  the  Earl  of  Besborough,  the 
principles  of  each  were,  that  the  earl  thinking  the  primate  to  be  more  attentive 
to  power  than  to  richtj,  fed  himself  with  tlie  hopes  of  dravving  the  profits 
to  himself;  the  primate,  inordinately  ambitious,  made  no  doubt  of  governing 
the  youthful  speaker,  and  so  bringing  the  whole  power  of  the  state  into  his 
own  hands.  Desparing  of  the  speaker's  removal,  the  Primate  endeavoured  to 
force  him  to  a  resignation  b}'  rendering  his  situation  uneasy :  this  also  failed, 
and  made  him  rally  his  friends  in  his  own  support,  which  raised  him  above  the 
efforts  of  his  enemies  to  displace  him.  The  speaker  in  fact  was  a  deeper 
pohtician  than  the  primate.  The  simplicity  and  unaffected  ease  of  his  address 
and  a  natural  politeness  of  manper  rendered  him  amiable  even  to  his  opponents. 
In  appearance  he  was  most  open,  in  reality  most  reserved :  he  had  the  art  of 
extracting  tlie  secrets  of  others,  and  of  preserving  his  own  without  any  shew  of 
art  or  constraint.  He  had  been  raised  to  the  chair  and  supported  in  it  by  the 
people,  at  least  without  the  assistance,  if  not  in  opposition  to  the  government. 
He  had  shewn  much  firmness  in  resisting  attacks  upon  him  in  carrying  matters 
through  the  house,  and  had  the  vmcommon  address  of  preserving  his  popu- 
larity even  in  supporting  unpopular  acts.  The  English  cabinet  alarmed  at  the 
disturbances  in  Ireland  resolved  to  sacrifice  the  Duke  of  Dorset  to  their  fears  ; 
and  his  succesor.  Lord  Harrington,  was  appointed  through  the  means  Mr.  Fox 
(afterwards  Lord  Holland)  then  secretary  of  state,  who  was  known  to  be  in  the 
closest  union  with  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  Tiie  sagacity  and  experience  of  the 
Earl  of  Besborough  led  him  to  foresee  the  approaching  downfall  of  the  primate, 
and  to  avail  himself  of  the  advantages  of  his  situation  whilst  he  could  keep  it : 
so  that  to  the  very  close  of  this  prelate's  career  of  power,  all  the  new  appoint- 
ments v/ere  made  with  their  joint  assent.  Nothing  could  be  more  favourable 
to  the  political  views  of  this  earl,  than  the  appointment  of  the  new  lord  lieute- 
nant ;  through  him  lie  hoped  to  reconcile  himself  to  the  patriots,  whom  he  had 
j^reatly  offended  by  his  ccaUtion  with  the  primate  ;   and  tlirough  them  he 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  49 

lucrative  employments.  Primate  Stone,  who  had  been  the 
chief  fomenter  of  the  late  disturbances,  was  by  his  majesty's 
command  strucken  off  the  list  of  privy  counsellors,  and  most  of 
those,  who,  by  his  intrigues  had  been  displaced  for  voting  for 
the  money  bill,  were  reinstated  with  honour.     The  Marquis  of. 

expected  to  place  his  son  in  the  chair  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Before  the 
new  lord  lieutenant  had  arrived  in  Ireland,  a  secret  treaty  was  entered  into 
between  him  and  the  two  leading-  patriots  (Mr.  Malone  and  the  speaker) 
through  the  Earl  of  Kildare :  and  to  this  treaty  th.e  Earl  of  Besborough  was  not 
only  admitted  but  consenting.  The  new  lord  lieutenant  immediately  upon  his 
arrival  expressed  the  most  gracious  favour  to  all  those,  who  had  most  violently 
opposed  his  predecessor  :  and  the  conduct  of  the  vvhole  administration  appear- 
ed for  some  time  mysterious.  The  patriots  talked  loudly  of  impeachments  and 
expulsions  ;  and  the  primate,  whose  chief  supporters  were  placemen  and  pen- 
sioners, found  himself  necessitated  to  adopt  all  the  measures  of  the  lord  lieute- 
nant, which  he  did  with  more  zeal,  than  some  thought  either  necessary  or  prudent. 
Each  party  for  obvious  reasons  appeared  fearful  of  opposition.  The  primate 
was  intimidated  out  of  the  violent  measures,  which  his  imperious  and  vindic- 
tive nature  prompted  him  to  :  and  the  patriots  naturally  held  back,  till  their 
new  an*angements  were  announced.  Besides  the  promotion  of  Mr.  Boyle  to 
the  Earldom  of  Shannon,  Mr.  Ponsonby  was  elected  speaker  without  opposi- 
tion;  Mr.  Malone  was  to  succeed  Mr.  Boyle  in  the  chancellorship  of  the  exche- 
quer ;  Mr.  Carter  having  been  induced  to  accept  of  the  secretar3ship  ;  but 
the  outcry  of  the  people  against  him,  and  particularly  of  his  own  connections^ 
forced  him  to  decline  it.vThis  however  turned  to  his  advantage,  for  Mr.  Boyle 
(then  Earl  of  Sh  ainon)  continued  in  the  office,  and  Mr.  Malone  received  the 
profits.  This  did  not  restore  Mr.  Malone  to  the  favour  of  the  people,  though 
it  suspended  their  resentment  against  him.  Mr.  Stannard,  a  man  in  high 
favour  M'ith  the  people,  had  been  induced  to  undergo  the  odium  of  succeeding 
Mr.  Malone  as  prime  serjeant,  by  being  told  that  his  majesty  had  himself 
noitiinated  him  to  that  office,  and  had  hegged  that  he  w'ould  accept  of  it 
to  oblige  him.  It  was  now  too  late  in  the  session  to  form  a  party  to  make  head 
ugainst  the  united  force  of  so  many  chiefs  ;  yet  many  symptoms  ajipeared  of 
growing  discontents  :  some  sharp  things  were  thrown  out  against  the  lord 
lieutenant ;  alarmed  at  the  symptoms  of  a  rising  storm,  he  resolved  to  leave  no 
time  for  mischief,  and  abruptly  put  an  end  to  the  session  at  the  moment  it  was 
expected,  that  the  commons  were  about  to  pass  a  resolution  to  vindicate  the 
honour  of  the  nation. 

The  patriots  had  the  support  of  the  whole  body  of  the  Presbyterians,  from 
their  natural  antipathy  to  prelacy,  not  only  in  order  to  oppose  the  influence  of 
the  primate,  but  also  to  crush  the  unnatural  ascendancy  of  an  English  interest 
in  Ireland.  And  such  of  the  Catholics  as  took  an  active  concern  in  the  poli- 
tics of  the  day  sided  also  with  them  through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Malone,  who 
was  the  most  respected  and  most  entrusted  by  their  body  of  any  person  in  that 
kingdom.  He  moderated  their  councils,  and  had  publicly  supported  their 
interest,  whenever  occasion  required  it.  This  species  of  coalition  between 
the  Dissenlers  and  the  Roman  Catholics  gave  unusual  alarm  to  the  primate: 
in  it  he  fully  read  the  future  triumph  of  the  Irish  over  the  English  interest,  by 
the  union  ot  the  Irish  people  amongst  themselves  :  and  tlie  Duke  of  Devon- 
.shire,  whose  enlarged  principles  had  overlooked  the  stinted  monopoly  of  En- 
glish power  in  Ireland,  kept  up  so  systematiaally  by  his  predecessor,  in  his 
farewell  speech  to  the  parliament,  no  longer  confined  his  reconmiendations  to 
an  union,  between  Irish  Protestants  against  the  common  enemy;  but  he  fS 
Com.  yourn.  p.  409. J  encouraged  harmony  and  union  amongst  all  his  'majes- 
ty''s  faithful  subjects.  The  laudable  views  of  the  new  changes  and  coalition  were 
to  engage  the  natural  influence  of  Ireland  in  the  cause- of  fair  civil  liberty  upon 
Vi'ue  constitutional  grounds. 

VOL.    Jl.  G 


oO  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Hartington,  afterwards  Duke  of  Devonshire,  went  over  as  lord 
lieutenant :  upon  his  return  to  England  in  1756,  Lord  Chancel- 
lor Joce'nn  and  the  Earls  of  Kildare  and  Besborough  were  ap- 
pointed lords  justices.  Much  of  the  popular  ferment  now  sub- 
sided, and  the  kingdom  once  more  resumed  the  appearance  of 
tranquillity. 

Loud  as  v/as  the  cry  of  patriotism,  firm  as  was  the  stand  made 
by  the  patriots  of  1753  against  the  encroachments  of  an  English 
interest,  and  strengthened  as  were  supposed  to  be  the  constitu- 
tional principles  of  civil  liberty  by  the  late  appointments,  yet 
lamentable  is  it  to  reflect,  that  when  the  boasted  purity  of  these 
very  patriots  was  called  into  action  by  some  of  the  few  sincere 
supporters  of  the  party,  the  majority  of  them  became  as  recreant 
from  the  cause  of  civil  freedom  and  legislative  independence  as 
the  most  venal  prostitute  to  systematic  corruption.  On  the 
17th  of  March,  1756,  the  House  of  Commons  according  to  or- 
der resolved  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  house,  to  take 
into  consideration  the  heads  of  a  most  wholesome  bill  to  secure 
the  freedom  of  parliament,  by  vacating  the  seats  of  such  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Commons,  as  should  ac<:ept  of  any  pension 
or  civil  office  of  profit  from  the  crown  :  and  after  some  time 
spent  therein,  upon  the  report  of  progress,  and  motion  for  leave 
to  sit  again  on  the  next  day,  the  house  divided,  59  for  the  bill, 
and  85  against  it.  This  was  a  fatal  warning  to  the  Irish  nation, 
against  the  lubricity  of  their  representatives,  whenever  their  pri- 
vate interest  could  interfere  with  the  national  welfare  and  pros- 
perity.^ The  loss  of  this  truly  patriotic  question  too  closely 
bears  upon  the  general  system  of  governing  that  kingdom,  not 
to  enter  more  fully  into  the  detail  of  that  transaction  in  order  to 
illustrate  to  the  Irish  nation  the  advantages,  which  the  Union 
must  necessarily  bring  with  it,  by  abolishing  that  power,  which 
had  on  so  many  occasions  sacrificed  the  rights,  welfare,  and  hap- 
piness of  the  Irish  nation  to  private  lucre  or  British  influence. 

The  patriots  however  rallied  once  more  successfully  upon  a 
most  important  question,  namely,  whether  the  great  represen- 
tative body  of  the  nation  should  be  deprived  of  access  to  the 
throne  by  any  ministerial  influence,  through  which  channel  the 

*  3  Journ.  Com.  p.  38.  On  the  clay  of  this  debate  a  list  of  tlie  pensions 
granted  upon  the  civil  establishment  of  Ireland  was  according-  to  order  given 
in  to  the  house  :  it  amounted  to  44,393/.  15.y.  and  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix 
to  that  volume  of  the  Journals  CCZCVI.  In  this  list  of  pensioners  are  to  be 
read  many  of  the  first  names  of  Ireland,  many  foreigners,  few  orno  meritorious 
servants  of  tlie  public  ;  the  Countess  of  Yarmouth  stood  upon  it  for  4000/.  Mi*. 
Belli ngham  Boyle  had  been  added  to  it  within  twelve  months  for  800/.  during 
pleasure,  and  the  Earl  of  Shannon  closed  it  for  2000/.  The  constitution,  by 
iodg'ing  the  source  of  remuneration  in  tlie  crown,  evidently  did  it  for  the  wise 
purpose  of  encouraging-  zeal  and  industry  for  the  public  service  :  and  the  con- 
sideration of  the  royal  favour  and  grace  should  alvv'ays  form  a  distinct  column 
tn  the  OiTicial  schedules  of  such  g-rants. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  ^1 

petitions  and  grievances  of  the  nation  are  most  properly  laid  be- 
fore the  throne  ?  The  steadiness  and  resolution  of  the  majoritv 
who  attended  the  business  of  their  country  on  this  occasion,  and 
particularly  the  firm  zeal  of  Mr.  John  Pcnscnby,  the  speaker, 
cannot  be  over-rated.  Like  true  and  sincere  patriots,  they  im- 
moveably  supported  the  just  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  the  dig- 
nity and  privileges  of  parliament,  and  the  liberties  and  known 
rights  of  the  people. 

*  Mr.  John  Bourke  reported  from  the  committee  (appointed 
to  inspect  the  public  accounts  of  the  nation)  the  resolutions, 
which  the  committee  had  directed  him  to  report  to  the  house, 
which  he  read  in  his  place,  and  afterwards  delivered  in  at  the 
table,  where  the  same  v;ere  read,  and  are  as  fellows  : 

Resolved^  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  the 
several  pensions  and  salaries  placed  upon  the  civil  establish- 
ment of  this  kingdom  since  the  23d  of  March,  1755^  amount  to 
the  annual  sum  of  twenty-eight  thousand  one  hundred  and  three 
pounds. 

Resolved^  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  seve- 
ral of  the  said  pensions  are  pranted  to  persons  who  do  not  reside 
in  this  kingdom. 

Resolved^  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  se- 
veral of  the  said  pensions  are  granted  for  long  and  unusual 
terms. 

Resolved^  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  the 
list  of  pensions  returned  as  a  charge  upon  this  establishment 
(exclusive  of  the  military  pensions)  for  two  years,  from  the  25th 
of  March  1755,  to  the  25th  of  March  1757,  exceed  the  whole 
charges  of  the  rest  of  the  civil  list  twenty-two  thousand  two 
hundred  and  fifty-eight  pounds,  four  shillings  and  seven  pence 
three  farthings. 

Resolved^  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  an 
improvident  disposition  of  the  revenue  is  an  injury  to  the  crov/n 
and  public. 

To  which  resolutions,  the  questions  being  severally  put,  the 
house  did  agree  nemine  contradkente, 

Resohed^  nemine  contradicente^  That  the  granting  of  pensions 
upon  the  civil  establishment  of  this  kingdom  to  persons  who  do 
not  reside  in  it,  is  a  prejudice  to  it. 

Resolved^  nemine  contradicente^  That  the  increase  of  civil  pen- 
sions for  many  years  past,  is  a  grievance  to  the  nation,  and  de- 
mands redress. 

Resolved^  neriwie  contradlcente^  That  the  granting  of  pensions 
for  a  long  term  of  years,  is  an  alienation  for  so  much  of  the  pub- 
lic revenue,  and  an  injury  to  the  crown  and  this  kingdom. 

*  6  Journ.  Com.  p.  21. 


52  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Resolved^  nemine  contradicente^  That  the  granting  of  so  iriuch 
of  the  public  revenue  in  pensions,  is  an  improvident  disposition 
of  the  revenue,  an  injury  to  the  crown,  and  detrimental  to  the 
public. 

Resolved^  That  the  house,  with  its  speaker,  do  attend  his 
grace  the  lord  lieutenant,  with  the  said  resolutions,  and  desire 
his  grace  will  be  pleased  to  lay  the  same  before  his  majesty  as 
the  sense  of  this  house. 

On  the  9th,  application  was  made  to  know  when  his  grace  the 
lord  lieutenant  w^ould  be  attended  in  order  to  give  an  answer, 
when  he  would  transmit  the  resolutions  to  be  laid  before  his 
majesty,  pursuant  to  the  desire  of  the  house. 

On  the  11th,  Mr.  Secretary  acquainted  the  house,  that  his 
grace  would  be  attended  the  day  following,  at  two  of  the  clock. 

The  12th,  the  house  with  JMr.  Speaker  attended  the  lord 
lieutenant,  who  was  pleased  to  give  them  the  following  answer, 
viz. 

"  The  matter  contained  in  those  resolutions  is  of  so  high  a 
''  nature,  that  I  cannot  suddenly  determine  whether  it  be  proper 
*'  for  me  to  transmit  them  to  his  majesty."  On  the  speaker^s 
return,  the  answer  being  reported,  Mr.  Secretary  moved,  that 
the  same  should  be  entered  in  the  journal  of  the  house  as  expli- 
cit and  satisfactory  ;  and  being  debated,  and  the  question  put, 
Mr.  Secretary  apprehending  the  majority  against  the  motion, 
desired  leave  to  withdraw  it,  which  prevented  a  division  at  that 
time. 

On  the  I4th,  the  house  being  met,  a  motion  was  made,  that 
all  orders,  not  proceeded  on,  should  be  adjourned  to  the  next 
day,  the  house  not  having  received  an  answer  from  the  lord  lieu- 
tenant relative  to  transmitting  the  resolutions  of  the  Commons 
en  the  1st  of  November,  in  respect  to  pensioners. 

Here  the  grand  debate  arose,  as  those  who  declared  for  the 
adjournment  were  for  supporting  the  resolutions,  to  have  them 
laid  before  his  majesty,  and  those  who  were  for  suppressing  the 
resolutions,  and  preventing  national  grievances  being  laid  before 
the  throne,  were  against  the  adjournment,  the  fate  of  which  was, 
in  fact,  a  determination  of  the  main  question,  which  was  of  no 
less  importance  in  its  consequences,  than  whether  the  people  of 
Ireland  were  to  be  deprived  of  the  parliamentary  means  of  laying 
their  grievances  before  the  crown  ?  and  the  question  being  put, 
upon  a  division,  those  for  the  adjournment  carried  it  by  a  ma- 
jority of  twenty-one  voices. 

In  consequence  of  the  foregoing  question,  on  the  15th  Mr. 
Secretary  Rigby  informed  the  house,  that  he  was  commanded 
by  his  grace  the  lord  lieutenant  to  acquaint  the  house,  that  their 
resolutions  of  the  1st  of  November  should  be  forthwith  trans- 
mitted to  his  mojest3% 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  53 

Had  not  this  message  been  delivered  to  the  house,  serious 
indeed  might  have  been  the  consequences ;  but  the  instant  it 
was  received  the  house  proceeded  to  business  ;  and  the  money- 
bill,  granting  supplies  to  his  majesty,  passed  unanimously  on  the 
same  day.  *  Happy  would  it  have  been  for  Ireland,  had  these 
resolutions  of  the  commons  been  acted  up  to,  with  the  effect  they 
certainly  merited. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  was  appointed  to  be  lord  lieutenant  of 
Ireland  in  the  year  1757 :  and  it  is  fitting  to  remark,  that  he  was 
the  first  chief  governor  of  Ireland,  since  the  revolution,  who 
ventured  to  profess  a  favourable  disposition  to  the  body  of  Ca- 
tholics :f  under  his  government  did  the  first  dawn  of  toleration 
break  in  upon  that  suffering  people:  to  his  administration  must 
be  allowed  the  credit  of  having  restored  suspended  animation  to 
the  members  of  that  paralyzed  body,  which  has  since  acquired 
such  health,  vigour,  and  strength  of  constitution  under  the  benign 
reign  of  his  present  majesty.  Several  Roman  Catholic  gentle- 
men had  about  that  time  devoted  their  thoughts  to  the  most 
effectual  means  of  removing  from  their  shoulders  some  part  at 
least  of  the  oppression,  under  whicli  they  laboured.  Heads  of  a 
registery  bill,  prepared  under  the  late  administration  of  Ireland, 
which,  had  it  passed,  would  have  operated  as  a  new  and  very 
severe  penal  law  upon  the  Catholics,  were  handed  about  and 
created  much  alarm  in  that  body.i  Their  fears  drove  them  to 
consultation,  and  consultation  animated  them  to  action :  a  com- 
mon sense  of  the  existing  and  fear  of  additional  severities  taught 
them,  that  the  surest  means  of  preventing  fresh  laws  from  being 
enacted  would  be  to  make  some  vigorous  exertion  for  the  repeal 
of  those,  by  which  they  were  most  galled.  They  held  frequent 
meetings,  in  which  there  was  much  diversit}'  of  opinion.  It  was 
natural,  that  long  habits  of  suffering  and  the  exclusion  from  all 
public  concerns,  should  disqualify  such  a  body  from  acting  in 
concert.  They  formed  into  two  parties :  one  was  headed  by 
Lord  Trimbleston,  the  other  by  Doctor  Fitzsimon.  Although 
neither  part}^  could  for  a  considerable  time  bring  themselves  to 

*  As  matter  of  historical  curiosity  a  list  of  the  orentlemen  who  divided  upon 
these  resolutions  is  i^Iven  in  tlie  Appendix,  No.  LIX. 

t  He  was  appointed  lord  lieutenant  on  the  25th  of  September,  and  had  so 
enrly  intimated  this  humane  disposition  of  g-overnment  towards  the  Catholics, 
that  within  ten  days,  viz.  on  tlie  2d  of  October  1757,  a  form  of  esliortation 
was  read  from  the  altar  by  the  Catholic  clergy  of  Dublin,  Vvhich  noticed  that 
some  very  honourable  personag-es  iiad  encouraged  them  to  ]io])e  for  a  mitiga- 
tion of  the  penal  laws.  The  Vvholc  is  short,  but  appropriate  to  the  situation 
of  their  congregations,  and  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LX. 

X  Mr.  Charles  O'Connor  of  Ballencgarc,  the  celebrated  Irish  scholar  and  anti- 
quarian, was  one  of  the  most  active  of  the  Catholics.  His  letter  to  Dr.  Curry  on 
this  occasion,  which  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXI,  will  let  tlie  reader 
into  the  spirit  of  the  sense  and  feeling  of  the  gentlemen  of  that  persuasion  at 
that  period  of  time. 


54  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

agree  to  the  expediency  of  addresses  or  appeals,  they  were  both 
unanimous  in  adhering  to  their  ancient  principles.  Doctor 
O'Keefe,  the  titular  bishop  of  Kildare,  proposed  to  Lord  Trim- 
bleston's  meeting  a  declaration  of  the  principles  of  their  church, 
as  far  as  they  could  bear  upon  their  civil  duties,  to  be  signed  by 
the  chief  of  their  body,  and  published  as  an  answer  to  the  mis- 
representations and  calumnies  they  had  laboured  under  since 
the  reformation  of  the  national  religion :  the  declaration  was 
unanimously  adopted ;  it  was  signed  by  many  clergymen  and 
gentlemen  of  rank  and  property,  and  sent  to  Rome  as  the  act 
and  deed  of  the  Catholics  of  his  diocese.*  This"  was  the  first 
public  act  of  tiie  Catholics  for  obtaining  some  relaxation  from  the 
penal  laws.  In  this  same  year,  however,  Mr.  CConnor,  Dr. 
Curry,  and  Mr.  Wyse  of  Waterford  first  thought  of  establishing 
a  Roman  Catholic  committee  in  Dublin,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
conduct  the  political  concerns  of  the  body  vrith  more  order  and 
effect  near  the  seat  of  government ;  and  their  first  meeting,  at 
which  only  seven  gentlemen  attended,  v/as  holden  at  the  Globe 
Tavern  in  Essex  Street ;  and  the^'e  Mr.  Wyse  delivered  in  a 
written  plan  for  their  future  proceedings. f  These  movements 
of  the  Catholics  awakened  the  vigilance  of  government,  and  oc- 
casioned a  more  rigorous   execution  of  the  penal  laws,  which 

*  This  declaration  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXI.  And  it  will  be 
hereafter  remembered  that  it  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Catholic  commit- 
tee of  1793,  which  Mr.  George  Ponsonby  so  highly  commended  in  his  speech 
upon  the  Catholic  question. 

f  At  this  meeting  were  present  Mr.  O'Connor,  Mr.  Wj'se,  Dr.  Jennings, 
Mr.  Anthony  Macdermott,  Mr.  James  Reynolds  of  Ashe  street,  and  one  more. 
This  proposal  whicli  is  still  in  existence  in  the  hand  writing  of  Mr.  Wyse  is 
to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXII.  The  original  is  in  the  possession  of 
Mr.  O'Connor's  grandson,  together  with  a  large  collection  of  letters  and  papers 
relating  to  tlie  aftairs  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland.  The  representatives 
thus  appointed  adopted  the  measure  proposed  to  them  by  Dr.  Curry  and  Mr. 
O'Connor,  of  employing  the  most  leading  literary  men  of  the  day  to  write  in 
favour  of  Catholic  claims,  and  among  others,  the  celebrated  Dr.  Johnson,  who, 
as  appears  from  G.  Faulkner's  letters,  often  spoke  of  the  Roman  Catholics  as  an 
oppressed  and  degraded  people,  for  v/hom  humanity  loudly  demanded  that 

something  should  be  done  to  elevate  them  to  the  dignity  of  human  nature 

There  is  a  letter  in  the  same  collection  from  Faulkner  to  Dr.  Jennings  en- 
g-aglng  him  to  write  pressingly  to  Mr.  O'Connor  to  collect  fifty  guineas  among 
his  friends  to  send  as  a  douceur  to  Dr.  Joimson,  with  an  abstract  of  the  penal 
lawis,  and  Mr.  O'Connor's  own  writings  on  the  subject.  "  I  send  the  doctor 
••  my  last  javelin,  (says  Mr.  O'Connor,  speaking  of  his  maxims  in  reply  to  Jen- 
"  nings)  but  I  fear  I  have  thrown  it  in  vain;  men  in  power  v/ill  not  be  con- 
"  vinced,  there  is  an  obstinacy  yoked  with  pride  in  this  case,  and  a  phantom  of 
*•  hatred  stalks  behind  to  cement  the  league  between  them.  I  am  glad  howe- 
"  ver  that  I  threw  it,  as  Dr.  Johnson  will  see,  that  a  negative  on  the  plan  rela- 
*'  tive  to  our  waste  lands,  v;ill  render  our  task-masters  inexcusable  ;  it  will 
'*  shew  that  they  persecute  merely  for  the  sake  of  persecution,  and  that  the 
"  injury  they  do  us  in  not  granting  us  leases  of  the  red  bogs  of  Ireland  falls 
"  ultimately  on  tliemselves."  Why  Doctor  Johnson  did  not  undertake  the 
task  proposed  in  favour  of  the  claim.s  of  the  Irish  Catholics,  after  having  spo- 
kcnsofavourably  of  them,  does  not  appear. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  35 

terrified  the  Catholics  more,  by  how  much  more  mildly  they  had 
lately  been  executed.  A  private  occurrence  in  the  next  year 
gave  rise  to  much  public  menace,  and  some  additional  severity 
in  executing  the  laws.  A  young  lady  of  the  name  of  Toole, 
who  was  strongly  importuned  by  her  friends  to  conform  to  the 
established  religion,  had  taken  refuge  in  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Saul, 
a  merchant  in  Dublin,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  their  importunities. 
The  affair  was  taken  up  with  a  high  hand;  Mr.  Saul  vfas  prose- 
cuted; and  he  was  publicly  assured  from  the  bench,  that  the  laws 
did  not  presume  a  Papist  to  exist  in  the  kingdom^  nor  could  they 
breathe  without  the  connivance  of  government,^  The  publica- 
tion of  Dr.  Curry's  Historical  Meraoirs  of  the  Irish  rebellion  of 
164lt  though  anonymously,  in  the  year  1759,  still  further 
awakened  the  attention  of  all,  and  the  rigour  of  many  towards 
the  Catholics.  So  little  at  that  time  was  the  public  accustomed 
to  publications  favourable  to  the  Catholics,  that  the  book  created 
a  considerable  ferment  in  the  nation,  and  gave  great  offence  to 
most  of  the  Protestants :  it  appeared  at  first  to  counteract  its 
own  object  by  irritating  rather  than  reconciling  the  minds  of 
men. 

On  the  29th  day  of  October,  1/59,  the  Duke  of  Bedford  de- 
livered a  message  to  the  parliament  to  the  following  effect :.... 
That  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Secretary  Pitt,  written  by  his  majes- 
ty's express  command,  it  appeared  that  France,  far  from  resign- 
ing her  plan  of  invasion,  on  account  of  the  disaster  that  befel  her 
Toulon  squadron,  was  more  and  more  confirmed  in  her  pur- 
pose, and  even  instigated  by  despair  itself  to  attempt  at  all  haz- 
ards the  only  resource  she  seemed  to  have  left  for  thwarting,  by 
a  diversion  at  home,  the  measures  of  England  abroad,  in  prose- 
cuting a  war,  which  hitherto  opened  in  all  parts  of  the  world 
so  unfavourable  a  prospect  to  the  views  of  French  ambition : 
that  in  case  the  body  of  French  troops,  amounting  to  eighteen 
thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  d'Aiguillon, 
assembled  at  Vannes,  where  also  a  sufficient  number  of  trans- 

*  Mr.  Saul's  letter  to  Mr,  O'Connor  upon  this  subject,  dated  November  the 
15th,  1759,  gives  an  interesting-  account  of  this  transaction,  and  of  its  conse- 
quences to  Mr.  Saul,  whom  it  drove  out  of  the  king-dom.  His  family  has  been 
ever  since  settled  in  France.  Vide  Appendix,  No.  LXIII.  The  original  is 
in  Mr.  O'Connor's  collection. 

t  The  Memoirs  were  published  with  the  utm.ost  secrecy  and  caution.  The 
motives  and  reasons  for  their  publication  will  best  appear  from  the  correspon- 
dence between  Dr.  Curry  and  Mr.  O'Connor  upon  the  subject,  in  the  Appeu- 
di.-^,  No.  LXIV.  The  orig-inal  letters  being-  in  the  before  mentioned  collection. 
Although  these  memoirs  were  no  more  than  a  m.ere  compilation  of  original 
and  autlientic  docvmients,  all  from  Protestant  authors,  yet  the  compiler  of 
them,  when  lie  came  to  be  known,  was  exposed  to  a  torrent  of  the  most  viru- 
lent abuse  and  invective.  The  probability  or  even  certainty  that  truth  will  be 
ill  received,  is  no  just  excuse  for  suppressing  it ;  especially  when  its  publica- 
tion becomes  an  act  of  justice  to  an  individual  and  much  more  so  to  a  nation. 


56  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ports  was  prepared,  should  be  able  to  elude  the  British  squadron, 
Ireland  would  in  all  probability  be  one  of  their  chief  objects  ;  his 
grace  thought  it  therefore  incumbent  upon  him,  in  a  matter  of 
such  high  importance  to  the  welfare  of  that  kingdom,  to  com- 
municate this  intelligence  to  the  Irish  parliament.  He  told  them 
his  majesty  would  make  no  doubt  but  that  the  zeal  of  his  faith- 
ful Protestant  subjects  in  that  kingdom  had  been  already  suffi- 
ciently quickened  by  the  repeated  accounts  of  the  enemies  dange- 
rous designs,  and  actual  preparations  made,  at  a  vast  expence, 
in  order  to  invade  the  several  parts  of  the  British  dominions. 
He  gave  them  to  understand  he  had  received  his  sovereign's 
commands  to  use  his  utmost  endeavours  to  animate  and  excite 
his  loyal  people  of  Ireland  to  exert  their  well  known  zeal  aad 
spirit  in  support  of  his  majesty's  government,  and  in  defence  of 
ail  that  was  dear  to  them,  by  timely  preparation  to  resist  and 
frustrate  any  attempts  of  the  enemy  to  disturb  the  quiet  and 
shake  the  security  of  that  kingdom.  He,  therefore,  in  the 
strongest  manner  recommended  it  to  them  to  manifest,  upon 
this  occasion,  that  zeal  for  the  present  happy  establishment,  and 
that  affection  for  his  majesty's  person  and  government,  by  which 
the  parliament  of  that  kingdom  had  been  so  often  distinguished. 
Immediately  after  this  message  was  communicated,  the  House 
of  Commons  unanimously  resolved  to  present  an  address  to  the 
lord  lieutenant ;  thanking  his  grace  for  the  care  and  concern 
he  had  shewn  for  the  safety  of  Ireland,  in  having  imparted 
intelligence  of  so  great  importance  ;  desiring  him  to  make  use 
of  such  means,  as  should  appear  to  him  the  most  effectual  for 
the  security  and  defence  of  that  kingdom  ;  and  assuring  him, 
that  the  house  would  make  good  whatever  expence  should  be 
necessarily  incurred  for  that  purpose.  That  however  they  might 
despise  the  attempt, yet  should  they  not  omit  to  pursue  the  most 
speedy  and  effectual  means  to  frustrate  and  defeat  it :  and  to  con- 
vince the  world,  that  his  majesty's  faithful  people  of  Ireland 
were  subjects  not  unworthy  of  their  glorious  monarch.  This 
intimation,  and  the  steps  that  were  taken  in  consequence  of  it 
for  the  defence  of  Ireland,  produced  such  apprehensions  and  dis- 
tractions among  the  people  of  that  kingdom,  as  had  nearly 
proved  fatal  to  the  public  credit.  In  the  first  transports  of 
popular  fear,  there  was  such  an  extraordinary  run  upon  the 
banks  of  Dublin,  that  several  considerable  bankers  were  obliged 
to  stop  payment ;  and  the  circulation  was  in  danger  of  being 
suddenly  stagnated,  when  the  lord  lieutenant,  the  members  of 
both  houses  of  parliament,  the  lord  mayor,  aldermen,  merchants, 
^nd  principal  traders  of  Dublin  engaged  in  an  association  to 
support  public  credit,  by  taking  the  notes  of  bankers  in  pay- 
ment ;  a  resolution  wliich  effectually  answered  the  purpose  in- 
tended. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  ir 

Amongst  other  delusive  motives,  which  at  this  time  actuated 
the  umvise  councils  of  Versailles,  in  hazarding  this  rash  inva- 
sion of  Ireland,  were  the  false  hopes  holden  out  to  them  by  some 
of  the  expatriated  Irish  in  the  service  of  France,  that  an  invad- 
ing army  would  have  been  immediately  joined  by  the  physical 
force  of  the  country.  That  the  bulk  of  the  nation  was  dis- 
contented with  the  government,  sore  at  being  excluded  from 
their  native  rights  of  citizens,  and  eager  for  an  opportunity  of 
retaliating  upon  their  oppressors  nearly  two  centuries  of  perse- 
cution and  slavery  for  the  sake  of  their  religion.  The  conduct 
of  the  Catholics  on  this,  as  on  every  former  occasion  of  alarm  or 
danger  to  the  establishment,  was  that  of  the  most  exemplary 
firmness  to  principle  and  duty.  On  the  earliest  alarm  of  the  in- 
tended invasion  of  Conflans,  Mr.  O'Connor  and  Dr.  Curry 
called  a  meeting  of  the  Catholic  committee  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  tender  of  their  allegiance  in  times  of  danger,  as  well 
as  in  times  of  peace.  Mr.  O'Connor  drew  up  the  form  of  an 
address,  which  was  unanimously  approved  of.  It  was  dated 
1st  of  December,  1759;  and  on  the  ensuing  day  at  a  meeting 
of  the  most  respectable  merchants  in  Dublin  it  was  signed  by 
about  300  persons.  Mr.  Anthony  M'Dermott  and  Mr.  John 
Crump  presented  it  to  Mr.  John  Ponsonby,  the  speaker  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  to  be  presented  by  him  to  the  lord 
lieutenant.  Mr.  Ponsonby  received  it  without  making  any 
observation ;  no  direct  answer  was  given  from  the  castle ; 
some  days  elapsed  in  awful  and  mysterious  silence :  without 
any  public  notice  taken  of  it,  it  was  laid  on  the  table  of  the  House 
of  Commons  for  the  inspection  of  the  members.  On  the  10th 
of  December  his  grace  gave  a  most  gracious  answer  to  the  ad- 
dress, which  appeared  in  the  Dublin  Gazette  on  the  15th  of  De- 
cember, 1759.^  The  speaker  sent  for  Mr.  Anthony  M'Der- 
mott  and  Mr,  Crump,  and  from  the  chair  ordered  the  former  to 
read  the  address  to  the  house.  Mr.  M'Dermott,  after  having 
read  the  address,  thanked  the  speaker  as  delegate  from  the  Ca- 
tholics of  Dublin  for  his  condescension.  The  speaker  replied, 
that  he  counted  it  a  favour  done  him  to  be  put  in  the  way  of 
serving  so  respectable  a  body,  as  that  of  the  gentlemen,  who 
had  signed  that  loyal  address.  The  gracious  acceptance  of 
this  address  was  the  first  re-admission  of  the  Catholic  body  over 
the  threshold  of  the  constitutional  freedom  of  their  country.^ 

*  The  address,  and  the  Duke  of  Bedford's  answer  are  to  be  seen  in  the  Ap- 
pendix, No.  LXV. 

t  To  the  unwearied  zeal  and  perseverance,  to  the  temperate  and  manly  ex- 
ertions of  these  respeclable  gentlemen  of  the  first  Catholic  committee,  does 
the  Irish  nation  owe  peculiar  gratitude,  for  having  been  the  immediate  in- 
struments of  opening  the  door  to  all  the  relief  their  long  and  sorely  suffering 
countrymen  have  since  received  from  the  benign  sympathy  of  our  present 
most  gracious  soyerei^.  Notwithstanding  this  first  successful  cftbrt  of  the 
VOL.    II,  H 


58  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Immediately  upon  the  vrelcome  tidings  being  circulated  of  the 
gracious    acceptance    gf  this   address,    the   Roman   Catholrcs 

merchants'  address,  it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  a  most  determined,  and  not 
altogether  temperate  dissension  of  the  Catholic  body  had  unfortunately  taken 
place,  upon  tlie  ]:;ropriety  of  addressing  the  lord  lieutenant.  The  clergy, 
nobility,  and  landed  interest  were  anti-addressers  ;  their  fears  or  hopes,  or 
dependencies  upon  the  castle  convinced  them,  that  as  Catholics  were  not  sub- 
jects in  the  eye  of  the  law,  they  had  no  right  to  address  :  that  an  address 
therefore  would  be  deemed  presumptuous  :  and  that  tlie  only  plan  for  them  to 
pursue,  was  to  express  their  obedityice  by  letter,  and  ?iot  by  address.  Fortunately 
for  Ireland,  this  pusillanimous  and  vreak  delicacy  of  the  ardi-addressers  was 
overruled' by  the  opposite  party,  who  were  guided  by  the  sound  sense  and  manly 
policv  of  Mr.  O'Connor,  and  Dr.  Curry  :  the  latter  of  whom  in  a  letter  to  the 
former  of  the  29th  of  December,  1759,  informs  him,  that  a  great  man  was 
heard  to  say  at  the  castle  :  "  By  G....,  I  find  that  I  was  m.istaken  in  thinking 
**  that  Papists  were  led  by  the  nose  by  their  clergy.  I  have  been  assured,  that 
*'  the  Dublin  address  was  drawn  up  and  signed  against  their  advice  and  com- 
"  miand."  This  early  triumph  of  the  commercial  interest  over  that  of  the 
clergy  and  landed  property,  was  a  happy  omen  to  the  Catholics  at  large.... 
Reason  connected  Mr.  O'Connor  and  Dr.  Curry,  both  men  of  ancient  family 
and  landed  estates,  vvith  the  forme*  ;  and  reason  shews,  that  the  intermediate 
concerns  of  the  merchant  and  tradesman  between  the  highest  and  the  lovrest 
ranks  of  society  amalgamates  them  more  completely  with  the  mass  of  the 
community,  and  fits  them  better  both  in  theory  and  practice  for  judging  of 
their  rights,  advantages,  and  happiness,  than  those  who  are  exalted  by  rank 
or  station  above  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  are  removed  from  immediate  in- 
tercourse with  them,  and  consequently  must  be  presumed  ignorant  of  their 
wants.  It  must  also  in  historical  candour  be  allowed,  that  there  exists  to  this 
hour  more  distance  between  the  rich  and  tlie  poor  in  Ireland,  than  in  any  part 
of  the  British  empire  :  it  jKU-tly  proceeds  from  a  national  ijitemperate  lust  of 
pov/er,  partly  from  the  vicious  system  of  mesne  tenantry,  which  destroys  all 
privity  between  the  owner  and  occupier  of  the  soil,  and  partly  as  Lord  Taaffe. 
complained  in  his  Observations  on  the  Allairs  of  Ireland  in  1767  (p.  13),  from 
'  the  expulsion  of  that  useful  body  of  people,  called  Yeomanry  in  England, 
denominated  Sculoags,  in  Ireland  ;  who  were  communities  of  industrious 
.housekeepers  who  in'his  own  time  herded  together  in  large  villages^  cultivated 
tlie  lands  every  v.here,  and  lived  comfortably,  till  some  rich  grazier  negociat- 
ing  privately  with  a  sum  of  ready  money  took  the  lands  over  their  heads. 
'"  The  Sculuag  race  (continues  that  nobleman),  that  great  nursery  of  labourers. 
*'  and  manufacturers,  has  been  broke  and  dispersed,  in  every  quarter,  and  v;e 
.  *'  have  nothing  in  lieu,  but  the  most  miserable  wretches  on  earth,  the  cotta- 
*'  gers  ;  naked  slaves,  who  labour  without  any  nourishing  food,  and  li\  e  while 
*'  they  can  v.ithout  houses  or  covering,  under  the  lash  of  m.erciless  and  relent- 
"  less  task  masters."  It  must  be  further  allowed,  without  derogating  from 
the  innate  reverence,  which  the  Irish  have  ever  shewn  to  the  ministers  of  their 
religion,  that  in  the  pxu'suit  and  defence  of  civil  rights,  the  clergy,  from  their 
habit  of  life  and  dependencies  upon  the  great,  are  of  all  men  the  least  likely 
to  be  prudtnt,  firm,  and  vig'orous. 

If  the  portrait  \\hich  Mr.  Arthur  Young  has  given  of  the  Irish  landlord 
amidst  his  tenants  bears  any  resemblance  to  tlie  original,  we  shall  find  in  it  a 
Host  of  reasons  for  disqualifying  the  nobility  and  gentry  from  judging  and  act- 
ing as  fairly  for  the  mulciiude,  as  tlie  commercial  interest.  The  landlord  of 
an  Irish  estate  inhabited  by  Roman  Catholics,  is  a  sort  of  despot,  who  yields 
obedience  \\\  whatever  coiuems  the  poor  to  r,o  law  but  that  of  his  will.  To 
discover  what  the  liberty  of  a  people  is,  we  must  live  among  them,  and  not 
'  Took  for  it  in  the  statutes  of  the  realm.  The  language  of  written  laAv  may  be 
that  of  liberty,  but  the  situation  of  the  poor  may  speak  no  language  but  that 
of  sla.very.  There  is  too  much  of  this  contradiction  in  Ireland.  A  long  series 
of  oppression,  aided  by  many  very  ill-judged  laws,  have  brought  landlords. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  59- 

pDured  in  addresses  to  the  castle,  from  every  quarter  of  the 
kingdom,  expressive  of  the  most  loyal,  zealous,  and  active  ar- 
dour in  defence  of  their  king  and  country. 

It  is  impossible  for  the  historian  always  to  fathom  the  secret 
motives  and  views  of  the  measures  -which  it  is  his  duty  to 
retail.  It  appears  however  not  improbable,  that  one  motive  at 
least  for  shewing  this  new  indulgent  disposition  to  the  Catholics 
w^as  to  reconcile  that  body  to  the  then  crudely  digested  plan  of 
an  Union.  But  the  country  w^as  not  then  ripe  for  such  a  mea- 
sure^ It  was  the  interest  of  too  many  persons  in  power  then 
to  oppose  it,  and  they  artfully  predisposed  the  mob  against 
it,  without  appearing  to  take  an  active  part  in  opposing  the 
measure,  which  they  then  eifectually  strangled  in  embryo,... 
They  also  took  advantage  of  those  qualities  of  the  Duke  of 
Bedford,  Mdiich  tended  to  estrange  from  him  the  personal  af- 
fections of  the  Irish  nation,  namely  his  pride,  coldness  and 
csconomy.*     The  outrages  of  this  m.obwere  attempted  bvsome 

into  a  habit  of  exerting  a  veiy  lofty  siiperiovity,  and  tlicir  vassals  into  tliatof  an 
almost  unlimited  submission  :  speaking"  a  lang-uag-e  that  is  despised,  profess- 
ing- a  religion  that  is  abhorred,  and  being  disarmed,  the  poor  find  themselves 
in  many  cases  slaves  even  in  the  bosom  of  Wiitten  liberty.  Landlords,  that 
have  resided  much  abroad  are  usually-  liumane  in  their  ideas  ;  but  the  habit 
of  tyranny  naturally  contracts  the  mind,  so  that  even  in  this  polished  age  there 
are  instances  of  a  severe  carriage  towards  the  poor,  which  is  quite  unknown 
in  England.  Nay,  I  have  heard  anecdotes  of  the  lives  of  people  being  made 
free  vfith,  without  any  appreliension  of  tlie  justice  of  a  jury.  But  let  it  not  be 
imagined  that  is  common  :  formerly   it  happened  every  day ;  but  law  gains 

ground The  execution  of  the  law  lies  very  inuch  in  the  hands 

of  justices  of  the  peace,  many  of  whom  are  drawn  from  the  most  illiberal  class 
in  the  kingdom.  If  a  poor  man  lodges  a  complaint  against  a  gentleman,  or 
any  animal  that  chuses  to  call  itself  a  gentleman,  and  tlie  justice  issues  out  a 
summons  for  his  appearance,  it  is  a  fixed  affront,  and  he  will  infallibly  be  called 
out.  Where  manners  are  in  conspiracy  against  law,  to  whom  arc  the  oj)pressed 

people  to  have   recourse  ? They  know  their  situation  too   well  to 

think  of  it  :  they  can  have  no  defence  but  by  means  of  ])rotection  from  one 
gentleman  against  another,  who  probably  protects  his  vassal,  as  he  would  the 
sheep  he  intends  to  eat. 

The  colours  of  this  picture  are  not  charged.  To  assert  that  all  these  cases 
are  common  would  be  an  exaggeration;  but  to  say  that  an  unfeeling  landlord 
will  do  all  tills  with  impunity,  is  to  keep  strictly  to  truth  ;  and  what  is  liberty 
but  a  farce  and  jest,  if  its  blessings  are  received  as  the  favour  of  kindness  and 
humanity,  instead  of  being  the  inheritance  of  right.  Toung's  Tour,  Dublin 
edit.  vol.  a.  p.  4-0  and  4-1. 

*  4  Smol.  p.  469.  Although  no  traces  of  disaffection  to  his  majesty's  fami- 
ly appeared  on  this  trying  occasion,  it  must  nevertheless  be  acknowledged, 
that  a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction  broke  out  with  extraordinary  violence  among 
the  populace  of  Dublin.  The  present  lord  lieutenant  was  not  remarkably 
popular  in  his  administration.  He  had  bestowed  one  place  of  considerable 
importance  upon  a  gentleman,  whose  person  was  obnoxious  to  many  people  in 
that  kingdom,  and  perliaps  failed  in  that  affability  and  condescension  which  a 
free  and  ferocious  nation  expects  to  find  in  the  character  of  him  to  v/hose  rule 
they  are  subjected.  Whether  the  offence  taken  at  his  deportment  had  creat- 
ed enemies  to  his  person,  or  the  nation  in  general  began  to  entertain  doubts 
and  jsalousies  of  the  government's  designs,  certain  it  is,  great  pains  v.'erjc 


60  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

persons  in  parliament  to  be  thrown  on  the  Cathohcs  ;  for  the 
attack  on  parliament  happened  on  the  very  day  after  the  address 
to  the  lord  lieutenant  had  been  signed  and  presented.  On  the 
4th  of  December,  1759,  the  commons  resolved  upon  an  address 
to  his  grace  the  lord  lieutenant,  to  return  him  thanks  for  his 
seasonable  interposition  in  using  the  most  effectual  means  on 
the  preceding  day  to  disperse  a  most  dangerous  and  insolent 
multitude  of  people  assembled  before  the  parliament  house,  in 
order,  most  illegally  and  audaciously,  to  obstruct  and  insult  the 
members  of  both  houses  of  parliament  attending  the  pubUc  ser- 
vice of  the  nation,  in  manifest  violation  of  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  parliament.* 

taken  to  propagate  a  belief  among  the  lower  sort  of  people,  that  an  union  would 
soon  be  cftected  betv/een  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  in  which  case  this  last 
kinijdom  would  be  deprived  of  its  parliament  and  independency,  and  be  sub- 
lected  to  the  same  taxes,  that  are  levied  upon  the  people  of  Eng-land.  This 
notion  inflamed,  the  populace  to  such  a  deg-ree,  that  they  assembled  in  a  prodi- 
gious multitude,  broke  into  the  House  of  Lords,  insulted  the  peers,  seated  an 
eld  woman  on  the  throne,  and  searched  for  the  Journals,  which,  had  they  been 
found,  they  would  have  committed  to  tlie  flames.  Not  content  with  this  out- 
rage, they  compelled  the  members  of  both  houses,  whom  they  met  in  the 
streets,  to  take  an  oath  that  they  would  never  consent  to  such  an  union,  or  give 
any  vote  contrary  to  the  true  interest  of  Ireland.  Divers  coaches  belonging-  to 
obnoxious  persons  were  destroyed,  and  their  horses  killed ;  and  a  gibbet  was 
erected  for  one  gentleman  in  particular,  who  narrowly  escaped  the  ungoverna- 
ble rage  of  those  riotous  insurgents.  A  body  of  horse  and  infantry  w^ere 
drawn  "out  on  this  occasion,  in  order  to  overawe  the  multitude,  which  at  night 
dispersed  of  itself  Next  day  addresses  to  the  lord  lieutenant  were  agreed 
to  by  both  houses  of  parliament,  and  a  committee  of  enquiry  appointed,  that 
the  ringleaders  of  tlie  tumult  might  be  discovered  and  brought  to  condign  pun- 
ishment. 

*  The  Duke  of  Bedford  made  the  most  honourable  smends  to  the  Catholics 
he  could  on  this  occasion,  by  directing  Mr.  John  Ponsoby,  the  speaker,  to  read 
from  the  chair  his  answer  to  their  address  ;  which  was  an  approbation  of  their 
past  conduct,  and  an  assurance  of  his  future  favour  and  protection  as  long  as 
they  continued  in  it.  Thus  clearing  them  from  the  foul  aspersion  in  the  very 
place,  in  which  it  had  been  cast  upon  tliern.  It  is  remarkable  that  no  trace 
of  this  whole  transaction  is  to  be  found  in  tlie  journals  of  the  commons.  And 
yet  so  unusual  a  prticeeding  affecting  the  rights  of  the  bulk  of  the  Irish  nation 
should  naturally  have  found  its  place"  in  the  parliamentary  minutes  of  that  day. 
On  the  occasion  of  that  malicious  attack  upon  the  Catholics,  the  Prime  Ser- 
geant Stannard,  who  had  come  in  upon  the  late  change,  spoke  warmly  in  reply 
to  some  of  the  high-flying  patriots,  who  most  violently  opposed  the  Duke  of 
Bedford's  administration.'  Contrasting  the  riotous  conduct  of  the  Lucasians 
(as  they  were  then  called  after  their  chief,)  with  the  quiet  and  dutiful  behaviour 
of  the  Roman  Catholics,  in  that  and  other  dangerous  conjunctures,  he  gave 
the  following  honourable  testimony  in  favour  of  the  latter.  "We  have  lived 
•*  amicably  and  in  harmony  among  ourselves,  and  without  any  material  party 
*'  distinctions  for  several  years  past,  till  within  the.se  few  months,  and  during 
*' the  late  wicked  rebellion  in  Scotland,  we  had  the  comfort  and  satisfaction 
"  to  see  thai  all  was  quiet  here.  And  to  the  honour  of  the  Roman  Catholics  be 
*'  it  remembered,  that  not  a  man  of  them  moved  tongue,  pen,  or  sword,  upon 
"  the  then,  or  the  present  occasion  ;  and  I  am  glad  to  fii^.d,  that  they  have 
"  a  grateful  and  proper  sense  of  the  mildness  and  moderation  of  our  govem- 
"  ment.  For  my  part,  while  they  behave  with  duty  and  allegiance  to  the  pre- 
'•'  sent  establishment,  I  sha'l  hold  them  as  men  in  equal  esteem  with  others, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  61^ 

The  grand  embarkation  designed  for  Ireland  v/as  to  be  made 
from  Vannes  in  Lower  Britanny.     To  cover  it,  a  fleet  was  fitted 
out  at  Brest,  commanded  by  M.  de  Conflans.       The  execution 
of  this  scheme  v/as  delayed  by  Sir  Edward  Hawke,  who  blocked 
up  that  harbour  with  twenty-three  ships  of  the  line.     But  bois- 
terous winds  having  driven  the  British  fleet  ofl"  their  station,  in 
the  month  of  November,  Conflans  embraced  the  opportunity, 
and  sailed  with  twenty-one  large  ships  and  four  frigates.     On 
the  twentieth,  Sir  Edward  Hawke  pursued  and  came  up  with 
the  French  fleet.     He  had  been  reinjforced  by  a  few  ships  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Duff,  who  had  for  some  time  been  crui- 
sing from  Port  I'Orient  in  Bretagne  to  the  Point  of  St.  Gilles  in 
Poitou.     In  the  neighbourhood  of  Beileisle  the  van  of  the  En- 
glish engaged  the  rear  of  the  enemy  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
forenoon.     Happy  for  Britain  and  to  the  unspeakable  advantage 
of  this  country.  Providence  favoured  the  English  fleet  with  a 
complete  victory.     In  October,  the  squadron  designed  for  the 
North  of  Ireland  had  sailed  from  Dunkirk:    it  consisted  origi- 
nally of  five  ships  :  one  of  forty-eight,  two  of  thirty-six,  and  two 
of  twenty-four  guns  each,  and  carried  a  thousand  two  hundred 
and  seventy  land  forces.     The  reputation  acquired  by  M.  Thu- 
rot,  as  captain  of  a  privateer,  raised  him  to  the  command  of  th^ 
naval  department  employed  in  this  expedition.     Adverse  and 
tempestuous  winds  drove  the  squadron  to  Gottenburgh.  Having 
continued  here  a  few  days,  they  set  sail  and  proceeded  to  the 
place  of  destination.     Upon  arriving  on  the  coast  of  Ireland 
they  were  overtaken  by  a  storm,  to  escape  which  they  attempted 
to  shelter  themselves  in  Lough  Foyle,  but  the  wmd  changed 
and  continuing  to  blow  tempestuously,  obliged  them  to  keep 
the  sea,  two  of  the  ships  were  separated  from  the  rest  by  the 
violence  of  the  storm  and  returned  to  France.     The  remaining 
three  directed  their  course  to  the  island  of  Hay,  where  they  an- 
chored, repaired  some  damages  they  had  sustained,  took  in  a 
small  quantity  of  fresh  provisions,  and  to  procure  a  supply  more 
adequate  to  their  necessities,  sailed  for  Carrickfergus.     They 
arrived  here  on  the  twenty-first  of  February,  and  about  two 
miles  from  the  town,  landed  their  forces  now  reduced  to  six 
hundred  men.     Meanwhile  an  officer  belonging  to  the  small 
number  of  troops  of  which  the  garrison   consisted,  advanced 
with  a  reconnoitring  party,  and  took  post  on  a  rising  ground  to 
observe  the  motions  of  the  enemy.     Having  made  the  best  dis- 
position of  his  men  which  the  time  and  circumstances  would 
permit,  and  ordered  them  to  make  every  eflfort  to  retard  the 
approaches  of  the  French,  he  returned  to  communicate  the  ne- 

**  in  every  point  but  one  ;  and  wliile  their  private  opinion  interferes  not  with 
*'  public  tranquillity,  I  think  their  in^M-^fry  and  alleg-iancc  ousht  to  be  encou- 
"  raged."  ^  ^  -^ 


62  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

cessary  Information  to  the  commanding  officer.  The  troops 
were  on  parade,  from  whom  detachments  were  sent  to  defend 
the  gates  and  all  the  avenues  leading  to  the  town.  A  number 
of  French  prisoners,  then  in  Carrickfergus,  were  sent  off  to 
Belfast  with  all  possible  expedition.  By  this  time  the  fire  had 
begun  betwixt  the  reconnoitring  party  and  the  enemy,  which 
killed  several  of  them,  and  wounded  Brigadier  General  Clo- 
bert,  their  commanding  officer.  This  accident  threw  them  into 
confusion,  and  for  some  time  retarded  their  approach.  The 
reconnoitring  party  having  expended  their  powder  and  ball 
were  forced  to  retreat  to  their  garrison,  who,  after  having  at- 
tempted in  vain  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  entering  the  town, 
shut  themselves  up  within  the  castle.  Though  they  were  not 
in  any  respect  prepared  for  such  an  attack,  a  number  of  them 
being  quite  undisciplined,  and  there  being  a  breach  in  the  wall 
fifty  feet  long,  they  defended  themselves  with  spirit  until  their 
ammunition  was  expended.  They  were  now  obliged  to  capi- 
tulate :  it  is  supposed,  that,  previous  to  the  surrender  of  the 
castle,  a  hundred  of  the  French  were  killed,  among  whom  were 
four  officers,  one  of  them  a  person  of  distinction,  much  regret- 
ted for  his  courage  and  amiable  qualities.  Of  the  garrison  not 
more  than  three  lost  their  lives.  When  intelligence  of  the 
landing  of  the  enemy  reached  different  parts  of  the  countiy, 
volunteer  companies  flocked  to  Belfast  from  all  quarters.  By 
the  willingness  which  they  discovered  to  risk  their  lives  in  the 
service  of  their  country  they  acquired  much  honour,  but  they 
were  strangers  to  discipline,  and  numbers  of  them  unprovided 
with  arms.  Had  they  proceeded  to  attack  the  enemy,  as  was 
proposed  by  some,  many  would  have  been  sacrificed,  and  the 
probabiiit)'  of  success  was  much  against  them.  However  the 
French  were  alarmed  and  would  have  left  Carrickfergus  v»^ith- 
out  delay,  had  they  not  been  detained  by  unfavourable  winds  : 
having  plundered  the  town,  they  re-embarked  on  Tuesday  the 
twenty-sixth  of  February.  To  avoid  the  imminent  danger  to 
which  they  were  exposed  from  the  English  ships  of  war,  they 
v/ished  to  return  by  the  North  of  Ireland,  but  the  wind  was  ad- 
verse, and  compelled  them  to  attempt  a  passage  through  the 
Channel.  Very  soon  their  hopes  of  escaping  vanished.  The 
day  on  which  they  re-embarked,  Captain  Elliot,  of  his  majesty's 
ship  ^Solus  of  thirty-two  guns,  received  information  from  govern- 
ment of  the  arrival  of  the  French  at  Carrickfergus.  Taking 
with  him  the  Pallas  and  Brilliant,  each  of  them  with  the  same 
force,  with  respect  to  guns,  he  set  sail  in  quest  of  the  enemy. 
The  twenty-eighth  he  discovered  them,  gave  chace,  and  came  up 
v>'Llh  them  near  the  Isle  of  Man.  Having  engaged  with  them 
about  an  hour  and  a  half,  they  struck,  being  much  injured  in 
their  masts  and  rigging,  and  three  hundred  of  their  men  killed- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.    ^  63 

Thurot  lost  his  life  in  the  action.  Thurot  had  in  the  course  of 
the  preceding  year  signalized  his  courage  and  conduct  in  a 
large  privateer,  called  the  Belleisle,  which  had  scoured  the 
North  seas,  taken  a  number  of  ships,  and  at  one  time  maintained 
an  obstinate  l^attle  against  two  English  ft-igates,  which  were 
obliged  to  desist  after  having  received  considerable  damage."^ 

In  consequence  of  these  events,  it  v/as  resolved  by  the  House 
of  Commons,  "  that  the  thanks  of  that  house  should  be  given 
"  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Jennings,  for  his  prudent  and  resolute 
"  conduct  at  Carrickfergus,  and  for  the  gallant  stand  he  made 
"  there  against  a  much  superior  force,  by  which  he  gained  time 
"  for  the  militia  to  assemble,  and  preserved  Belfast  from  being 
"  plundered."  It  was  also  resolved,  "  that  the  zeal,  courage, 
"  and  activity,  exerted  on  the  landing  of  the  French  In  this 
"  kingdom,  by  the  counties  of  Antrim,  Armagh,  and  Down,  and 
"  by  the  citizens  of  the  city  of  Londonderry,  were  highly  ho- 
"  nourable  and  beneficial  to  themselves,  and  their  country.".... 
The  inhabitants  of  Belfast  presented  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hig- 
ginson  of  the  62d  regiment  of  foot,  with  a  large  and  elegant 
silver  cup,  having  an  inscription  expressive  of  their  gratitude 

*  4  Smol.  p.  460.  The  ideal  approximation  of  circumstances  trivial  and 
remote,  frcqueiitly  leads  to  consequences  of  great  importance  and  peculiar  re- 
levancy. On  account  of  the  penal  laws  then  existinp:,  the  author  and  several 
other  children  of  Catholic  parents  being-  sent  abroad  for  a  foreign  education  , 
in  July  1759  were  taken  in  the  packet  by  Thurot,  between  Dunkirk  and  Os- 
tend  :  and  were  actually  prisoners  on  board  tlic  Belleisle  when  she  was  attack- 
ed by  what  Mr.  Smollet  calls  English  frigates  :  the  Belleisle  mounted  40  guns, 
and  had  another  privateer  in  company  v/ith  her  of  36  guns.  On  tlie  very  day 
of  the  capture  of  the  packet  thi'ce  small  English  vessels  mounting  20, 12  and 
8  guns  gave  chace  to  and  came  up  with  the  French  privateers  about  midnight, 
and  engaged  them  briskly  till  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  they 
were  obliged  to  sheer  off.  Thurol'.s  ship  suffered  so  much,  that  it  put  in  to 
Flushing  to  repair  ;  where  his  prisoners  lay  for  several  weeks  before  they 
were  exchanged.  Here  a  mutiny  happened  on  board  the  Belleisle,  which 
Thurot  quelled  by  killing  two  of  the  ringleaders  with  his  own  hands,  and  cut- 
ting off  the  cheek  of  a  third.  The  three  English  vessels  were  commanded  by- 
Captain  (afterwards  Commodore)  Boys,  upon  which  a  marine  muse  produced 
the  following  lines. 

Conflans,  De  la  Clue,  and  such  brave  men  as  those. 
We  send  Hawke,  Boscawen,  always  to  oppose. 
But  when  that  Thurot  our  island  annoys, 
^Ve  think  it  sufficient  to  send  only  £ojs. 

With  unspeakuble  gratitude  does  the  author  contrast  those  times,  when 
under  a  borrowed  name  he  v/as  necessitated  to  fly  to  a  foreign  country  for  edu- 
cation, witli  the  present,  in  which  through  the  liberality  of  government  he 
has  the  liapplness  of  giving  that  same  education  to  his  ov.ti  children  in  their 
native  soil. 

As  this  descent  of  Thurot  was  the  only  attempt  of  an  enemy  to  land  in  Ire- 
land for  upv/ards  of  two  centuries  every  particular  concerning  it  may  be  inte- 
resthig  to  the  Irish  reader:  we  have  therefore  inserted  in  the  Appendix,  No. 
LXVI.  the  official  letter  of  General  Strode,  who  then  commanded  .it  Belfast, 
dated  February  the  23d,  1^60,  to  the  lord  lieutenant, 


64 


AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


for  the  exertion  of  his  great  military  knowledge,  vigilance  and 
activity,  for  the  security  of  the  town  of  Belfast,  on  the  landing 
of  the  French  troops  at  Carrickfergus,  the  like  compliment  was 
paid  to  Colonel  Jennings.* 

On  the  25th  of  October,  1760,  his  late  majesty  George  II. 
died  at  Kensington  at  the  advanced  age  of  77  years ;  none  of 
his  predecessors  on  the  throne  lived  to  so  great  an  age  ;  none 
enjoyed  a  more  happy  or  glorious  reign  ;  it  was  a  peculiar  bless- 
ing to  this  monarch,  that  the  love  and  affection  of  his  subjects 
encreased  constantly  to  the  close  of  his  reign.  He  was  a  prince 
of  personal  intrepidity :  upright  and  honourable  in  his  conduct, 
though  not  distinguished  for  any  extraordinary  brilliancy  of 
talent ;  he  was  particularly  fortunate  in  the  choice  of  his  la^t 
ministry,  under  Mr.  Pitt.  His  British  subjects  ill-relished  his 
marked  predilection  for  his  German  dominions,  and  complained, 
that  he  visited  them  more  frequently,  than  was  consistent  with 
the  welfare  of  the  state. 


Antrim  County  ....  108 
Temple  Patrick  ....  100 
Randlestown 120 


A  List  of  the  Militia  that  marched  against  the  French  on  this  occasion. 

Belfast  3  comp.  -  -  - 
Ballymoney  .... 
Lisburn     -.---. 

Argum 

Donaghadee       .... 

Bangor 

Hollywood 80 

Hillsborough      ....     -       60 

Market-hill 6 

Dromore 40 

Richhill  light  horse     ...      70 


Ballymena     -  - 

Boroughshane  - 

C  lough     -     -  - 

KiUylea     -     -  - 

Cumber    -     -  - 
Purdesburn 

Grayabby      -  - 

Newton     -     -  • 
Loughbrickland 

Armagh    .     -  - 


...  140 

...  46 

...  100 

...  60 

...  60 

-     .     .  100 

...  70 

...  70 

-     -     .  50 

...  40 

...  60 

Glenarm 100 

"Ballinere  and  Ballisten     -    -  100 


300 
70 
40 

100 
70 
60 


Tottil     2220 


AkU  clothed  and  armed  at  their  o'ati  expence 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  6S 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  REIGN  OF  GEORGE  THE  THIRD. 

From  his  accession  to  the  Throne  to  the  Declaration  of  Irish 
Independence  in  1782. 

NO  prince  ever  ascended  the  throne  more  to  the  joy  and 
satisfaction  of  his  people  than  our  gracious  sovereign.  Pleased, 
said  Junius,  with  the  novelty  of  a  young  prince,  whose  counte- 
nance promised  even  more  than  his  words,  they  were  loyal  to 
him  not  only  from  principle,  but  passion.  It  was  not  a  cold 
profession  of  allegiance  to  the  first  magistrate,  but  a  partial  ani- 
mated attachment  to  a  favourite  prince,  the  native  of  their  coun- 
try. In  his  first  speech  to  the  British  parliament,  he  said,.... 
''  Born  and  educated  in  this  country,  I  glory  in  the  name  of 
"  Briton :  and  the  peculiar  happiness  of  my  life  will  ever  con- 
"  sist  in  promoting  the  welfare  of  a  people,  whose  loyalty  and 
"  warm  affection  to  me  I  consider  as  the  greatest  and  most  per- 
"  manent  security  of  my  throne  :  and  I  doubt  not  but  their 
"  steadiness  in  those  principles  will  equal  the  firmness  of  my 
"  invariable  resolution  to  adhere  to  and  strengthen  this  excellent 
"  constitution  in  church  and  state  ;  and  to  maintain  the  tolera- 
"  tion  inviolable.  The  civil  and  religious  rights  of  my  loving 
"  subjects,  are  equally  dear  to  me  with  the  most  valuable  pre- 
"  rogatives  of  the  crown  :  and  as  the  surest  foundation  of  the 
*'  whole  and  the  best  means  to  draw  down  the  divine  favour  on 
"  my  reign,  it  is  my  fixed  purpose,  to  countenance  and  encou- 
"  rage  the  practice  of  true  religion  and  virtue."  In  these  flat- 
tering assurances  of  the  new  monarch  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain,  Lord  Halifax,  then  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland,  had  it  in 
command  to  declare  to  the  sister  kingdom,  that  his  subjects  of 
Ireland,  were  fully,  and  in  every  respect,  comprehended.^  Con- 
gratulatory addresses  to  the  throne  flowed  in  from  all  descrip- 
tions of  persons  :  amongst  which,  none  were  more  remarkable 
than  the  addresses  from  the  people  called  Quakers  and  the  Ro- 
man Catholics :  the  former,  contained  more  moral  sentiment 
and  less  common  place  flattery,  than  are  usually  contained  in 
such  addresses  :  the  latter  was  strongly  expressive  of  their  loy- 

*  Com,  Journ.  vol.  7.  p.  13. 
VOL.    II.  I 


66  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

alty :     their    acknowledgment  of  past  indulgence,   and   their 
earnest  confidence  of  future  favour.^ 

With  respect  to  the  general  state  of  Ireland  at  this  period, 
the  prospect  is  truly  gloomy.  It  appears  from  the  public  ac- 
counts, that  at  Lady  Day,  1759,  the  nation  was  in  credit 
65,774/.  4s,  l^d.  ;  however  the  arrears  upon  the  establishments 
had  increased  so  considerably  towards  the  conclusion  of  that 
year,  that  it  became  necessary  to  order  150,000/,  to  be  raised 
at  4  per  cent,  upon  debentures  to  be  made  transferable..,.. 
This  is  to  be  considered,  as  the  funded  debt  of  Ireland :  for 
the  payment  of  the  interest  of  this  sum,  certain  duties  were 
granted.  In  the  bc-ginning  of  1760,  his  late  majesty  having  or- 
dered a  considerable  augmentation  of  his  forces,  it  became  ne- 
cessary to  recur  to  another  loan  to  raise  the  intended  levies  ; 
and  accordingly  a  vote  of  credit  was  passed  by  the  commons  for 
raising  300,000/.  at  5^  per  cent,  and  as  it  was  found  difficult  to 
obtain  the  former  loan  at  4  per  cent,  an  additional  interest  of 
1  per  cent,  was  ordered  to  be  given  for  the  150,000/.  before 
mentioned.f 

*  These  two  addresses  are  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXVII, 
t  The  late  respectable  and  patriotic  Hely  Hutchinson,  gives  the  following 
Just  account  of  the  national  distress  on  account  of  the  decline  of  public  credit. 
(Com.  Rest.  p.  59.)  "  The  revenue,  for  the  reasons  already  given,  decreased 
"  in  1755,  fell  lower  in  1756,  and  still  lower  in  1757.  In  "the  last  year,  the 
*,'  vaunted  prosperity  of  Ireland  was  changed  into  misery  and  distress ;  the 
"  lower  classes  of  our  people  wanted  food,  the  money  arising  from  the  extra- 
**  vagance  of  the  rich  was  freely  applied  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  poor. 
"  One  of  the  first  steps  of  the  late  Duke  of  Bedford's  administration,  and 
"  which  reflects  honour  on  his  memory,  w-as  obtaining  a  king's  letter,  dated 
"  31st  of  March,  1757,  for  20,000/.  to  be  laid  out  as'his  grace  should  think 
"  the  most  likely  to  aflbrd  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  relief  to  his  majesty's 
*'  poor  subjects  of  thjs  kingdom.  His  grace,  in  his  speech  from  the  throne, 
*'  humanely  expresses  his  wish,  that  some  method  might  be  found  out  to  pre- 
"  vent  the  calamities,  that  are  the  consequences  of  a  want  of  corn,  which  had 
*'  been  in  part  felt  the  last  jear,  and  to  which  this  country  had  been  too  often 
**  exposed.  The  Commons  acknowledge,  that  those  calamities  hadbeen  fre- 
**  quently  and  were  too  sensibly  and  fatally  experienced  in  the  course  of  the 
"  last  year  ;  thank  his  grace  for  his  early  and  charitable  attention  to  the  neces- 
*'  sities  of  the  poor  of  this  country  in  their  late  distresses,  and  make  use  of 
**  those  remarkable  expressions,  "  that  they  v: ill  most  cheerfully  embrace  every 
**  practicable  tnethod  to  pro'ynote  tillage."  They  knew  that  the  encouragement 
"  of  manufactures  were  the  effectual  means,  and  that  these  means  were  not 
"  in  their  power.  The  ability  of  the  nation  was  estimated  by  the  money  in 
"  the  treasury,  and  the  pensions  on  the  civil  establishment,  exclusive  of  French, 
*'  which  at  I.ady  Day  1755,  were  38,003/.  15j.  Od.  amounted  at  Lady  Day 
f*  1757,  to  49,293/.  15„".  Od. 

"  The  same  ideas  were  entertained  of  the  resources  of  this  country  in  the 
"  session  of  1759.  Great  Britain  had  made  extraordinary  efforts,  and  engaged 
**  in  enormous  expencea  for  the  protection  of  the  whole  enlpire.  This  country 
**  was  in  immediate  danger  of  an  invasion.  Every  Irishman  was  agreed,  that 
"  she  should  assist  Great  Britain  to  the  utmost  of  her  ability,  but  this  ability 
"  was  too  highly  estimated.  The  nation  abounded  rather 'in  loyalty  than  in 
"  wealth.  Our  brethren  in  Great  Britain  had  however  formed  a  different  opi- 
"  uion,  and  surveying  their  own  strength,  were  incomplete  judges  of  our 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  67 

It  is  an  unexceptionable  axiom,  that  a  distressed  peasantry- 
argues  a  corrupt  or  unwise  government:  the  excesses  therefore 
of  desperate  wretchedness  are  to  be  immediately  sought  in  the 
soreness  and  irritation  of  the  sufferers :  though  the  efficient 
cause  of  the  suffering  must  be  traced  to  an  higher  and  less  re- 
sponsible source.  From  the  accession  of  the  Hanover  family, 
tlie  execution  of  the  Popery  laws  in  Ireland  had,  as  far  as  the 
personal  disposition  of  the  sovereign  could  influence  the  coiiduct 
of  the  Irish  administration,  been  softened  and  mitigated.  The 
rebellions  of  1715  and  1745  had  been  raised  and  suppressed, 
v/ithout  the  slightest  tarnish  to  the  loyalty  of  Ireland  -/^  prone 
as  her  enemies  ever,  have  been  to  invent  and  provoke  cause  of 
persecution  and  punishment  in  that  devoted  kingdom.  In  the 
general  rejoicing  of  the  British  empire  at  the  descent  of  the 
crov/nupon  a  native  monarch  crowned  v/ith  early  laurels  of  vic- 

**  weakness.  A  lord  lieutenant  of  loo  much  virtue  and  magnanimity  to  speak 
*'  what  he  did  not  think,  takes  notice  from  the  throne,  of  the  prosperous  state 
"  of  this  country,  improving  daily  in  its  manufactures  and  commerce.  His 
"  grace  had  done  much  to  bring  it  to  that  state,  by  obtaining  for  us  some  of 
♦*  the  best  laws  in  our  booko  of  statutes.  But  tbis  ])art  of  the  speech  was 
*'  not  taken  notice  of,  either  in  the  address  to  his  majesty,  or  to  his  grace, 
**  from  a  House  of  Commons  well  disposed  to  give  every  mark  of  duty  and 
"  respect,  and  to  pay  every  compliment  consistent  with  truth.  The  event 
"  proved  tlie  wisdom  of  their  reserve.  The  public  expcnces  were  greatly 
"  increased,  the  pensions  on  the  civil  establishments,  exclusive  of  French,  at 
*'  Lady  Day,  1759,  amounted  to  55,497/.  5s.  od.  :  there  was  at  the  same  time 
*'  a  gi-eat  augmentation  of  military  expence.  Six  new  regiments  and  a  troop 
"  were  raised  in  a  very  short  space  of  time.  An  unanimous  and  unlimited  ad- 
*'  dress  of  confidence  to  his  grace,  a  specific  vote  of  credit  for  150,000/.- 
"  which  v/as  afterwards  provided  for  in  the  loan  bill  of  that  session,  a  second 
"  vote  of  credit  in  the  same  session  for  300,000/.,  the  raising  the  rate  of  inte- 
*'  rest  paid  by  government  one  per  cent,  and  the  payment  out  of  the  treasuiy 
**  in  little  more  than  one  year,  of  703,957/.  3*.  1  I-2f/.  were  the  consequences 
*'  of  those  cncrcased  expences.  The  ellects  of  these  exertions  were  imme- 
«'  diately  and  severely  felt  by  the  kingdom.  Th.ese  loans  could  not  be  sup- 
*'  phedby  a  poor  country,  without  draining  the  bankei-s  of  their  cash  ;  three  of 
"  the  principal  houses  (Clement's,  Dawson's,  and  Mitchell's,)  among  them 
**  stopped  payment,  the  three  remainino-  banks  in  Dublin  discounted  no  paper, 
^*  and  in  fact  did  no  business.  Public  and  private  credit,  that  had  been  droop- 
*'  ing  since  the  year  1754  had  now  fallen  prostrate.  At  a  general  meeting  of 
"  the  merchants  of  Dublin,  in  April  1760,  with  several  members  of  the  House 
**  of  Commons,  tlie  inability  of  the  former  to  carry  on  bitsiness  was  universally 
"  acknowledged,  not  from  the  want  of  capital,  but  from  the  stoppage  of  all  pa- 
**  per  circulation,  and  the  refusal  of  the  remaining  bankers  to  discount  the  bills 
"  even  of  the  first  houses." 

*  It  is  notorious  that  when  Murray,  the  Pretender*s  secretary,  gave  w\i  all 
the  letters  and  papers  relative  to  the  last  rebellion  in  Scotland,  a  scheme  which 
had  been  planning  and  contriving  for  sev.n  years  before,  it  plainly  appeared, 
that  the  Jacobite  party  had  no  dependance  upon  or  connection  or  correspon- 
dence with  any  Roman  Catholic  in  Ireland,  llie  very  name  of  that  kingdora 
not  having  been  once  mentioned  throughout  the  whole  correspondence.  When 
in  March,  1762,  a  general  fast\vas  ordained  by  the  government  for  the  success  of 
his  majesty's  arms,  the  form  of  prayer  and  exhortation  to  the  Iloman  Catholic 
congregations  in  Ireland  Vvcre  as  staunclily  loyal  as  any  of  the  estabhshraeat,  as 
may  he  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXVIII. 


68  .AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tory  in  the  wide  extent  of  the  war,  in  which  he  found  his  people 
engaged,  Ireland  alone  was  doomed  to  weep.  In  the  southern 
province  of  that  kingdom  great  misery,  great  soreness,  and  great 
disturbances  existed  in  the  lowest  class  of  the  wretched  peasan- 
try. They  being  chiefly  Catholics,  religion  of  course  was  stu- 
pidly and  maliciously  saddled  with  the  cause  of  these  riots.  The 
insurgents  at  first  committed  their  outrages  at  night ;  and  appear- 
ing generally  in  frocks  or  shirts  were  denominated  white-boys  : 
they  seized  arms  and  horses,  houghed  the  cattle,  levelled  the 
enclosures  of  commons,  turned  up  new  made  roads,  and  perpe- 
trated various  other  acts  of  outrage  and  violence.  These  unfor- 
tunate wretches,  as  is  the  case  in  all  insurgencies,  raised  a 
popular  cry  against  the  rapacity  and  tyranny  of  their  landlords  : 
against  the  cruel  exactions  of  tithemongers,  and  against  the  ille- 
gal enclosures  of  commons. 

The  only  useful   allusion  to  past  riots,  the  only  seasonable 
reflections,  that  arise  out  of  them,  the  only  fair  historical  pur- 
pose, to  which  the  details  of  them  can  be  applied,  are  such  as 
tend  to  their  future  prevention.    The  most  pointed  exhortations 
to  the  discontented  mass,  but  tend  to  aggravate  whilst  their  sore- 
ness lasts  ;  little  avails  it  in  the  moment  of  fermentation  whether 
their  grievances  be  ideal  or  real ;   whether  the  cause  of  their 
irritation  be  just  or  groundless.     Few,  if  any  of  the  deluded 
multitude  will  read  the  history  of  their  own  misconduct  in  the 
pages,  which  fall  under  the  perusal  of  those,  who  alone  com- 
mand the  efficient  means  of  prevention.     Various  causes  about 
this  period  concurred  in  reducing  this  forlorn  peasantry  to  the 
most  abject  wretchedness.    An  epidemic  disorder  of  the  horned 
cattle  had  spread  from  Holstein  through  Holland  into  England, 
where  it  raged  for  some  years,  and  consequently  raised  the  pri- 
ces of  beef  cheese,  and  butter  to  exorbitanc}^ ;   hence  pasturage 
became  more  profitable  than  tillage  ;   and  the  whole  agriculture 
of  the  south  of  Ireland,  which  had  for  some  time  past  flourished 
under  the  mild  administration  of  the  Popery  laws,   instantly 
ceased;  the  numerous  families,  which  v/ere  fed  by  the  labour  of 
agriculture,  were  turned  adrift  without  means  of  subsistence. 
Cottiers  being  tenants  at  will  were  every  where  dispossessed  of 
their  scanty  holdings,  and  large  tracts  of  grazing  land  were  set 
to  wealthy  monopolizers,^  who,  by  feeding  cattle,  required  few 
hands,  and  paid  higher  rents.     Pressed  by  need,  most  of  these 
unfortunate  peasants  sought  shelter  in  the  neighbouring  towns, 
for  the  sake  of  begging  that  bread  which  they  could  no  longer 
earn:  and  the  only  piteous  resource  of  the  affluent  was  to  ship  off" 
as  many  as  would  emigrate  to  seek  maintenance  or  death  in  fo- 
reign climes.     The  price  then  paid  for  the  little  labour,  that  was 

*  In  the  cant  of  these  wretched  rioters  they  were  called  la7id-piratcs. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  69 

done,  kept  not  pace  with  the  rise  of  necessaries  :  it  exceeded  not 
the  wages  given  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth.  The  landlords  de- 
manded extravagant  rents  from  their  cottiers,  and  to  reconcile 
them  to  their  lettings,  they  allowed  them  generally  a  right  of 
common,  of  which  they  soon  again  deprived  them  by  enclosures; 
the  absolute  inability  of  these  oppressed  tenants  to  pay  their 
tithes  beside  their  landlord's  rent,  made  them  feel  the  exaction 
and  levying  of  them  by  the  proctors,  as  a  grievance  insupporta- 
ble.^    These  insurrections  became  daily  more  alarming  to  go- 

*  Consequences  have  flowed  (says  Mr.  Young)  from  these  oppressions,  which 
ought  long  ago  to  have  put  a  stop  to  them.     In  England  we  have  heard  much 
of  White  Boys,  Steel  Boys,  Oak  Boys,  Peep  of  day  Boys,  ISfc.     But  these  vafious 
insurgents  are  not  to  be  confounded,  for  they  are  very  different.     The  proper 
distinction  in  the  discontents  of  the  people   is  into  Protestant  and  Catholic. 
All  hut  the  White  Boys  were  among  the  manufacturing  Protestants  in  the 
North.     The  White  Boys  Catholic  labourers  in  the   South.     From  the  best 
intelligence  I  could  gain,  the  riots  of  the  manufacturers  had  no  other  founda- 
tion, but  such  variations  in  the  manufacture  as  all  fabrics  experience,  and 
which  they  had  themselves  known  and  submitted  to  before.     The  case,  how- 
ever, was  different  with  the  White  Boys,  who,  being  labouring  Catliolics,-  met 
with  all  those  oppressions  I  have  described,  and  would  probably  have  continued 
in  full  submission,  had  not  very  severe  treatment  in  respect  of  tithes,  united 
with  great  speculative  rise  of  rents  about  the  same  time,  blown  up  the  flame 
of  resistance  ;  the  atrocious  acts  they  v.-ere  guilty  of  made  them  the  object  of 
general  indignation  ;   acts  were  passed  for  their  punishment,  which  seemed 
calculated  for  the  meridian  of  Barbary ;   this  arose  to  such  a  height,  that  by 
one  they  were'  to  be  hanged  under  circumstances  without  the  common  for- 
malities of  a  trial,  which,  though  repealed  the  following  sessions,  marks  the 
spirit  of  punishment ;  while  others  remain  yet  the  law  of  the  land,  that  would, 
if  executed,   tend  more  to  raise  than  quell  an  insurrection.    From  all  which  it 
is  manifest,  that  the  gentlemen  of  Ireland  never  thought  of  a  radical  cure  from 
overlooking  the  real  cause  of  the  disease,  which  in  f:ictlay  in  themselves,  and 
not  in  the  'wretches  they  doomed  to  the  gallows  ;   let  them  change  their  own 
conduct  entirely,  and  the  poor  will  not  long  riot.     Treat  them  like  men  who 
ought  to  be  as  free  as  yourselves;  put  an  end  to  that  system  of  religious  persecu- 
tion, which  for  seventy  years  has  divided  the  kingdom  against  itself:   in  these 
two  circumstances  lies  the  cure  of  insurrection,  perform  them  completely,  and 
you  will  have  an  affectionate  poor,  instead  of  oppressed  and  discontented  vas- 
sals.    fTouvg's  Tour,  vol.  it. p.  41,  42.J     The  late  Lord  Taaffe,  whose  high 
sense  of  honour,  frankness,  and  independence  had  endeared  him  personally  to 
his  sovereign,  as  well  as  to  all  who  knew  him,  has  spoken  of  these  Munster 
insurrections  in  a  manner  that  cannot  fail  to  carry  full  conviction  to  the  unbiassed 
reader.     (^Observations  on  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  2  edit.  1767,  p.  19  J     "The 
"  insurrection  of  some  of  the  cottagers,  in  a  few  coimties  of  Munster,  is  no 
*'  exception  to  the  duty  they  owe  and  pay  to  their  sovereign  ;  nor  is  it  fair 
*'  to  reproach  them  with  the  madness  of  a  route  of  peasants,  wearied  with  life, 
**  and  desperate  from  invincible  poverty.  The  whole  body  of  Roman  Catholics, 
*'  however,  have  been  reproached,  and  are  in  some  degree  reproached  still  on 
*'  this  account.    It  has  turned  out  a  very  serious  and  tragical  affair,  and  had  it 
"  not  proved  so,  it  would  be  cause  of  mirth  to  consider,  how  keen  the  appetite 
"  for  Popi.sh  plots  must  have  been,  which  fed  upon  the  idea,  that  France  on  the 
"  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace  v/ith  Britain,  and  evidently  interested  in  the 
"  temporary  observance  of  it,  should  immediately  employ  here  the  prevailing 
'•'  plenipotentiaries  of  money,  arms,  and  officers'  to  conclude  another  private 
"  treaty  with  the   Munster  rabble,   and  all  this  with  the  vievv'  of  exciting  a 
"  Popish  massacre  and  rebellion  through  every  quartei-  of  this  kingdom.  Such 


ro  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

vermiient:"''^  they  instituted  a  commission  of  some  gentlemen, 
of  distinguish  loyalty  and  eminence    in  the  law,    to  enquire 

«'  is  the  idea  that  has  been  propagated,  and  so  sillily  have  some  played  their 
«*  game,  that  they  admitted  every  bod}-  to  look  into  their  hands.  It  is  happy 
«*  that  they  did  so.  Others  were  less  to  be  blamed  for  being  seduced  to  think, 
«'  like  Scrub  in  the  play,  that  there  must  be  a  plot  because  they  knew  nothing 
««  about  it.  But  men  of  good  sense,  the  friends  of  their  country  and  of  virtue, 
*'  went  upon  surer  grounds,  shewed  no  unwillingness  to  be  well  informed,  and 
«*  are  now  very  successfully  pushing  this  affair  into  day-light.  In  and  out  of 
•'  the  parliament  they  are  doing  good;  and  may  their  country  receiv^e  the  full. 
**  benefit  of  their  moderation  and  patriotism.  The  Irish  Catholics  easily  fore- 
*'  saw  that  the  disorders  of  the  Munster  levellers  would  affect  them  ;  and  on 
*'  the  first  rising  of  that  mob  addressed  the  Earl  of  Halifax,  then  in  the  go- 
•'  vernment,  with  the  strongest  assurances  of  their  allegiance  to  his  majesty. 
"  The  superiors  of  the  Catholic  clergy  in  that  province,  were  at  the  same  time 
"  edifyingly  active  in  pressing  the  duty  of  obedience  and  loyalty  on  their  peo- 
«'  pie.  This  is  well  known.  He  of  Waterford  exerted  himself,  by  giving  the 
*'  government  the  best  and  earliest  intelligence  he  could  get  of  the  intentions 
*'  and  motions  of  those  miscreants.  He  of  Ossory  distinguished  himself  also, 
•'  by  excellent  instructions  (published  in  the  public  papers)  for  the  civil  con- 
*'  duct  of  the  people  uioderhis  care.  They  issued  excommunications,  and  de- 
*'  nounced  in  vain  the  most  tremendous  censures  of  the  Church  against  the  in- 
**  corrigible  and  obstinate." 

*  In  the  month  of  January,  1762,  the  White  Boys  first  appeared,  and  in  one 
night  dug  up  twelve  acres  of  rich  fattening  ground,  belonging  to  Mr.  Max- 
well, of  Kilfinnam,  in  the  county  of  Limerick.  A  special  commission  was  im- 
mediately issued  to  try  them,  v/hen  two  of  them  were  found  guilty,  Bangyard 
and  Carthy,  and  executed  at  Gallows  Green,  the  19th  of  June.  CHist.of  Linir 
p.  129  J 

Doctor  Campbell  makes  the  following  observations  upon  the  state  of  the 
White  Boys.  Fb.  Stir.  p.  293.  After  considering  all  this,  yet  seeing  at  the 
same  time  that  the  greater,  and  certainly  ihe  best  part  of  what  I  have  seen, 
instead  of  being  in  a  progressive  state  of  improvement,  is  verging  to  depopu- 
lation ;  that  the  inhabitants  are  either  moping  under  the  sullen  gloom  of  inac- 
tive indigence,  or  blindly  asserting  the  rights  of  nature  in  nocturnal  insurrec- 
tions, attended  with  circumstances  of  ruinous  devastation  and  savage  cruelty, 
must  we  not  conclude,  that  there  are  political  errors  somewhere  ?  Cruelty  is 
not  in  the  nature  of  these  people  moretlian  of  other  men  ;  for  they  have  many 
customs  among  them,  which  discover  uncommon  gentleness,  kindness,  and 
affection.  Nor  are  they  singular  in  their  hatred  of  labour  ;  Tacitus's  charac- 
ter given  of  the  Germans,  applies  to  them,  and  all  mankind  in  a  rude  state, 
mird  diversitate  naturce,  cum  iidein  homines,  sic  ainent  incrtiani,  sic  oderint 
qiiieum.  At  present  their  hands  are  tied  up,  and  they  have  neither  the  actions 
of  a  savage,  nor  the  industry  of  civilized  people.  There  is  no  necessity  for 
recurring  to  natural  disposition,  when  the  political  constitution  obtrudes  upon 
us  so  many  obvious  and  sufficient  causes  of  the  sad  effects  we  com.)lain  of. 
The  first  is,  the  suffering  avarice  to  convert  the  arable  lands  into  pasture.  The 
evils  arising  from  this  custom  in  England,  were  30  grievous,  that  Lord  Bacon 
tells  us,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  a  statute  was  enacted  to  remedy  them.  But 
the  mischief  still  increasing,  Henry  VIII.  revived  all  the  ancient  statutes,  and 
caused  them  to  be  put  in  execution.  Yet  notwithstanding  this  care,  so  great 
was  the  discontent  of  the  people,  from  poverty  occasioned  by  decay  of  tillage 
and  increase  of  pasturage,  that  they  rose  in  actual  rebellion  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  VI.  and  sharpened  by  indigence  and  oppression,  demolished  in  many 
counties  t'le  greatest  part  of  tlie  inclosures.  Here  you  see  an  exact  prototype 
of  the  present  disturbances  m  Tvlunster,  carried  on  by  the  rabble,  originally 
railed  levellers,  from  their  levelling  the  inclosures  of  commons,  but  now  White 
Boys,^  from  their  wearing  their  shirts  over  their  coats,  for  the  sake  of  distinc- 
tion in  the  night.     There  it  was  a  rebellion,  here  it  is  only  a  star-light  insur- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  H 

upon  the  spot  into  the  real  causes  and  circumstances  of  these 
riots,  who  reported,  "  that  the  authors  of  those  riots  consisted 
"  indiscriminately  of  persons  of  different  persuasions,  and  that 
"  no  marks  of  disaffection  to  his  majesty's  person  or  government 
"  appeared  in  any  of  these  people  :"*  which  report  was  con- 
firmed by  the  judges  of  the  Munster  circuit,  and  by  the  dying 
protestations  of  the  first  five  of  the  unhappy  men,  who  were 
executed  at  Waterford,  in  1762,  for  having  been  present  at  the 
burning  of  a  cabin,  upon  the  information  of  an  approver,  who 
was  the  very  person,  that  had  set  fire  to  it  with  his  own  hand. 
Fortunately' for  the  country,  Sir  Richard  Aston,t  lord  chief  jus- 
tice of  the  Common  Pleas,  was  sent  down  upon  a  special  com- 
mission to  try  great  numbers  of  these  rioters  ;  and  so  well  sa- 
tisfied with  the  impartiality  of  his  conduct  were  the  inhabitants 
of  those  parts,  that  upon  his  return  from  Clonmel,  where  they 
were  tried,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  road  lined  on 
both  sides  w^ith  men,  women,  and  children,  thanking  him  for 
the  unbiassed  discharge  of  his  duty,  and  supplicating  Heaven  to 
bless  him  as  their  protector,  guardian,  and  deliverer. 

rection  ;  disavowed  by  every  body  ;  and  the  impotence  of  those  engas^ed  to  do 
any  thing-  effectual  drives  them  into  wanton  and  malignant  acts  of  cruelty  on, 
individuals.  Hopeless  of  redress,  they  are  provv-^kcd  to  acts  of  desperation. 
The  rebellion  in  England  did  not  remove  the  evil ;  it  v,  as  not  however  alto- 
gether fruitless  ;  a  commission  was  appointed  to  enquire  into  the  cause  of  it^ 
and  from  a  proclamation  thereupon  issued,  it  appears,  that  government  be- 
came possessed  of  the  true  state  of  the  case.  It  is  so  remarkably  apposite  to 
the  present  state  of  the  South  of  Ireland,  that  I  cannot  forbear  citing  an  ex- 
tract or  two  from  it.  It  sets  forth  "  that  the  king,  and  the  rest  of  the  privy 
"  council  were  put  in  remembrance  by  divers  pitiful  complaints  of  the  poor 
"  subjects,  as  well  as  by  other  wise  and  discreet  men,  that  of  late,  by  enclosing 
•'  arable  ground,  many  had  been  driven  to  extreme  povert}',  and  compelled  to 
*'  leave  the  places  where  they  were  born,  and  seek  their  livings  in  other  coun- 
*'  tries  ;  insomuch,  as  in  times  past,  where  ten,  twenty,  yea  in  some  places  two 
"  hundred  people  have  been  inhabiting,  there  is  nothing  now  but  sheep  and 
"  bullocks.  All  that  land  which  was  heretofore  tilled  and  occupied  by  so 
*'  many  men,  is  now  gotten,  by  the  insatiable  greediness  of  men,  into  one  or 
*'  two  men's  hands  ;  and  scarcely  dwelt  upon  by  one  poor  shepherd,  so  that 
•'  the  realm  is  thereby  brought  into  marvellous  desolation,  &c."  The  case  of 
Ireland  is  now  like  that  of  England  then.  Some  would  insinuate  that  Popery 
is  at  the  bottom  of  what  they  call  this  dark  affair  ;  and  to  give  tlieir  opinion 
&n  air  of  probabihtv,  they  tell  you,  that  the  first  rising  of  these  deluded  people 
was  in  the  very  year  that  Thurot  made  a  landing  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  and 
that  Conflans  was  to  have  attempted  the  like  in  the  south,  ^  But  I  can  find  no 
evidence  that  the  French  king  employed  any  agents,  at  this  time,  to  practise 
on  the  discontents  of  the  rabble  of  Munster. 

*  Vide  Dublin  Gazette,  and  also  Ti^e  Enquiyy  into  the  Causes  of  the  Outraged 
coTninitted  by  the  Len:e Hers  per  totiivi. 

t  A  more  uncorrupt,  firm,  and  humane  j.'idge  never  graced  the  Bench.  The 
extraordinary  exvdtction  of  the  Irish  on  this  occasion,  is  a  strong  though  me- 
lancholy proof,  that  the  chaste  impartiality  and  inde{)endencc,  from  which  that 
learned  and  revered  judge  never  departed,  had  hitherto  been  a  novelty  to  the 
Irish  people.  He  has  received  the  most  honourable  test  of  his  uprightness  in 
the  blame  cast  at  him  by  the  author  o^Tbe  Memoirf^.qf  the  different  RpbelUom 
in  Ireland,  p.  34.  ' 


72  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  execution  of  scores  of  these  unfortunate  objects  of  mi- 
sery and  desperation  would  not  answer  the  views  of  those,  (and 
too  many  there  shamefully  were)  who  from  their  own  private 
ends  connived  at  and  fomented  these  tumults.  They  sought  a 
victim  of  more  renown ;  and  selected  Nicholas  Sheehy,  the 
parish  priest  of  Clogheen  in  the  county  of  Tipperary,  a  district 
then  particularly  infested  by  the  White  Boys,  as  a  fit  object  for 
their  wicked,  though  ultimately  ineffectual,  purpose  of  implicat- 
ing the  Catholic  religion,  the  Pope,  the  French,  and  the  Pre- 
tender in  the  tumultuary  outrages  of  these  wretched  despera- 
does. They  had  him  proclaimed  upon  false  informations  ;  and 
a  reward  of  300/.  was  set  upon  his  head.  He,  conscious  of  his 
innocence,  immediately  upon  hearing  of  the  proclamation,  of- 
fered to  Mr.  Secretary  Waite  to  spare  government  the  reward 
offered,  and  surrender  himself  instantly  to  take  hid  trial  out  of 
hand  ;  not  indeed  in  Clonmel,  where  he  feared  the  malice  and 
power  of  his  enemies  would  (as  they  afterwards  proved)  be  too 
prevalent  for  justice,  but  in  the  court  of  King's  Bench  in  Dub- 
lin. His  proposal  having  been  accepted,  he  was  accordingly 
brought  up  to  Dublin,  and  tried  there  for  rebellion,  of  which, 
however,  after  a  severe  scrutiny  of  fourteen  hours,  he  was  ho- 
nourably acquitted  ;  no  evidence  having  appeared  against  him 
but  a  blackguard  boy,  a  common  prostitute,  and  an  impeached 
thief,  all  brought  out  of  Clonmel  jail,  and  bribed  for  the  purpose 
of  witnessing  against  him. 

His  enemies,  who  had  failed  in  their  first  attempt,  were  pre- 
determined upon  his  destruction  at  all  events.  One  Bridge,  an 
informer  against  some  of  those  who  had  been  executed  for  these 
riots,  was  said  to  have  been  murdered  by  their  associates,  in 
revenge,  although  his  body  could  never  be  found,*  and  a  con- 
siderable reward  w^as  offered  for  discovering  and  convicting  the 
murderer.  Sheehy,  imiqediately  after  his  acquittal  in  Dublin 
for  rebellion,  was  indicted  by  his  pursuers  for  this  murder,  and 
notwithstanding  the  promise  given  him  by  those  in  office  on  sur- 
rendering himself,  he  was  transmitted  to  Clonmel,  to  be  tried 
there  for  this  new  crime,  and  upon  the  sole  evidence  of  the  same 
infamous  w^itnesses,  whose  testimony  had  been  so  justly  repro- 
bated in  Dublin,  was  there  condemned  to  be  hanged  and  cjuar- 
tered  for  that  murder. 

The  night  before  his  execution,  which  was  but  the  second 
after  his  sentence,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Major  Sirr,  wherein  he 
declared  his  innocence  of  the  crime,  for  which  he  was  next  day 
to  suffer  death  ;  and  on  the  morning  of  that  day,  just  before  he 

*  It  was  positively  sworn,  by  two  unexceptionable  witnesses,  that  he  pri- 
vately left  the  kingdom  some  short  time  before  he  was  suid  to  have  been 
iniirdered.  See  notes  of  the  trial  taken  by  one  of  the  jury  in  Exshaw's  Maga- 
zine for  Jiine  1766. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  75 

was  brought  forth  to  execution,  he,  in  presence  of  the  sub-sheriff 
and  a  clergyman  who  attended  him,  again  declared  his  inno- 
cence of  the  murder  ;  solemnly  protesting  at  the  same  time,  as 
he  was  a  dying  man,  just  going  to  appear  before  the  most  awful 
of  tribunals,  that  he  never  had  engaged  any  of  the  rioters  in  the 
service  of  the  French  king,  by  tendering  them  oaths,  or  other- 
wise ;  that  he  never  had  distributed  money  among  them  on  that 
account,  nor  had  ever  received  money  irom  France  or  any  other 
foreign  court,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  for  any  such  purpose; 
that  he  never  knew  of  any  French  or  foreign  officers  being 
among  these  rioters ;  or  of  any  Roman  Catholics  of  property  or 
note  being  concerned  with  them.  At  the  place  of  execution  he 
solemnly  averred  the  same  things,  adding,  that  he  never  heard 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  any  foreign  prince  proposed  or  adminis- 
tered in  his  life -time  ;  nor  ever  knew  any  thing  of  the  murd^  r  of 
Bridge,  until  he  heard  it  publicly  talked  of:  nor  aid  he  know 
that  there  ever  was  any  such  design  on  foot.  The  prompt  sur- 
render of  Mr.  Sheehy  when  he  commanded  the  readiest  means 
of  escape,  his  accquittal  before  a  Dublin  jury  of  the  rebellion 
charged  in  the  proclamation,  and  his  being  afterwards  found 
guilty  of  the  murder  of  Bridge  upon  the  evidence  of  those  very 
suborned  wretches,  v/hose  testimonies  had  been  rejected  on  his 
former  trial  in  the  King's  Bench,  and  were  afterwards  also  re- 
jected on  the  trial  of  a  Mr.  Keating  for  another  pretended  mur- 
der at  Kilkenny,  when  coupled  with  other  circumstances  of 
atrocious  violence,  intimidation,  and  injustice  attending  the  trial 
of  Sheehy,  known  to  and  testified  by  hundreds  of  eye  witnesses, 
many  of  whom  are  still  living,  leave  no  doubt  upon  the  mind  of 
every  unbiassed  man,  that  Mr.  Sheehy  was  the  devoted  victim 
of  the  rankest  malice  and  perjury.^ 

*  On  the  (lay  of  this  man's  trial,  a  party  of  horse  surrounded  the  court,  ad- 
mitting- and  excluding-  wliomsoever  they  thought  proper,  while  others  of  them 
with  a  certain  knig-ht  at  tlieir  head,  scampered  the  streets  in  a  formidable 
manner,  forcing  into  inns  and  private  lodgings  in  the  town,  challenging  and 
questioning  all  new  comers,  m.enacing-his  friends,  and  questioning- his  enemies. 
During  the  trial,  Mr.  Keating-,  a  person  of  known  property  and  credit  in  that 
country,  having-  given  the  clearest  and  fullest  evidence,  that,  during  the  whole 
ni,ght  of  the  supposed  murder  of  Bridge,  the  prisoner,  Nicholas  Sheehy,  had 
lain  in  his  house,  that  he  could  not  have  left  it  in  the  night  time  without  his 
knowledge,  and  consequently  that  he  could  not  have  been  present  at  the  mur- 
der;  the  Reverend  Mr.  H.  an  active  manager  in  these  trials,  stood  up,  and 
after  iookin^g  on  a  paper  that  he  held  in  his  hand,  informed  the  court,  that  he 
had  Mr.  Keating's  name  on  his  list,  as  one  of  those  that  were  concerned  in  the 
killing-  a  corporal  and  Serjeant  in  a  former  rescue  of  some  of  these  levellers: 
upon  which  he  was  immediately  hurried  away  to  Kilken.iy  jail,  where  he  lay 
for  some  time  loaded  with  irons  in  a  dark  and  loathsome  dungeon.  By  this 
proceeding-,  not  only  his  evidence  vv^as  rendered  useiess  to  Sheehy,  but  also 
that  of  many  others  was  prevented,  who  came  on  purpose  to  testify  the  same 
thing-,  but  instantly  v/ithdrew  tliemselves,  for  fear  of  meeting  witli  the  same 
treatment.  Mr.  Keating  was  afterwards  tried  for  this  pretended  murder  at 
the  assizes  of  Kilkenny,  but  was  honourably  acquitted:  too  late,  however, to 
VOL,    II.  K 


74  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

In  vaiii  from  the  beginning  of  these  insurrections  did  a  certain 
party  attempt  to  fix  the  body  of  Roman  Catholics  v/ith  the  trea- 
son and  disloyalty  attending  them.  The  plain  truth  is,  that 
these  oppressed  wretches  being  too  ignorant  to  know  the  law, 
iirid  too  poor  to  bear  the  expence  of  it,  betook  themselves  to  vio- 
lence as  to  their  only  resource.  Fatal  experience  teaches  us  that 
mobs  seldom  rise,  till  they  have  suffered  some  grievance  ;  and 
seldomer  disperse  till  they  have  occasioned  great  mischief.  The 
very  occasion,  which  such  risings  afford  to  private,  and  secret, 
and  generally  unwarrantable  engagements  with  each  other,  is 
one  of  the  most  pernicious  evils,  that  can  befal  society.  Linked 
by  common  ties,  they  acquire  gregarian  firmness,  but  seldom 
coalesce  upon  a  specific  ground  of  grievance.  Yet  whilst  these 
lVhit3  Boys  continued  to  exist,  they  were  generally  consistent  in 
the  nature  of  their  complaints;  of  v/hich  hovrever  the  loudest 
and  most  lasting  were  against  the  extortions  of  the  tithe  proc- 
tors ;  the  landlords  and  graziers,  in  order  to  divert  the  irritation 
of  this  wretched  and  oppressed  peasantry  from  themselves,  did 
hot  scruple  to  cherish,  or  at  least  connive  at  their  resistance  to 
the  ever  unpopular  demands  of  the  clergy.  This  suffering  and 
misguided  people  bound  themselves  to  each  other  by  an  oath.* 

be  of  any  service  to  Mr.  Slieehy,  who  lind  been  hang-ed  and  quartered  some 
time  before  Mr.  Keating's  acquittal.  The  very  same  evidence,  which  wa.-i 
looked  upon  at  Clonmel  as  g'ood  and  suiTicient  to  condemn  Mr.  Sheehy,  hav- 
ing been  afterwards  rejected  at  Kilkenny,  as  prevaricating  and  contradictory, 
when  ofiered  against  Mr.  Keating.  James  Prendergast,  Esq.  a  Protestant 
of  the  established  church,  a  witness  for  Mr.  Edward  Sheehy,  deposed,  that 
on  the  day  and  hour  on  which  the  murder  of  Bridge  was  sworn  to  have  been 
committed,  viz.  about  or  belv/een  the  hours  often  and  eleven  o'clock  on  the 
night  of  the  2Sth  of  October,  1764,  Edmund  Sheehy,  the  prisoner,  was  with 
him  and  others  in  a  distant  part  of  the  country;  that  they  and  their  wives  had 
on  the  aforesaid  28th  of  October,  dined  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Tenison,  near 
Ardsinan,  in  the  county  of  Tipperary,  where  they  continued  till  after  supper  ; 
that  it  was  f.bout  eleven  o'clock  v/hen  he  and  the  prisoner  left  the  house  of 
Mr.  Tenison,  and  rode  a  considerable  way  together  on  their  return  to  their 
respective  homes;  that  the  prisoner  had  his  wife  behind  him,  that  when  he 
(Mr.  Prendergast)  got  home,  he  looked  at  the  clock,  and  found  it  was  the 
hour  of  twelve  exactly.  This  testimony  was  confirmed  by  several  corroborat- 
ing circumstances,  sworn  to  by  two  other  witnesses,  against  whom  no  excep- 
tion seems  to  have  been  taken  :  and  yet  because  Mr.  Tenison,  although  he 
confessed  in  his  deposition,  that  the  prisoner  had  dined  with  him  in  October 
1764,  and  does  not  expressly  deny,  that  it  was  on  the  28th  of  that  month,  but 
savs,  conjecturally,  that  he  was  inclined  to  think  that  it  was  earlier  than  the 
23th,  the  prisoner  was  brought  in  guilty.  This  positive  and  particular  proof, 
produced  by  Mr.  Prendeigast,  witli  the  circumistances  of  tlie  day  and  the  hour, 
attested  upon  oath  by  tu  o  other  witnesses,  whoje  veracity  seem.s  not  to  have 
been  questioned,  was\)verruled  and  set  aside,  by  tb.e  vague  and  indeterminate 
surmise  of  Mr.  Tenison.  See  E::shaw's  Gentleman's,  and  London  Magazine, 
"for  April  and  June,  1766. 

*  Of  whicli  the  tbllowing  is  said  to  have  been  the  form,  and  which  the  most 
wi.ful  traducer  of  the  Irish  cannot  distort  into  any  engagement  to  the  Pope, 
.  French,  or  Pretender  .- 

"  I  do  hereby  solemnly  and  sincerely  svrear,  th.at  I  will  not  make  known 
"  aj.y  secrcr  now  jiven  rae,  or  that  hereafter  may  be  given  me,  to  any  one  in 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  75 

The  public  mind  was  much  agitated  by  these  proceedings, 
and  many  undue  means  were  used  to  exaggerate  the  evil,  and 
convert  it  into  a  Popish  plot  to  overturn  the  government,  to  mas- 
sacre the  Protestants,  and  to  fy.vour  our  enemies  in  their  dreaded 
invasion.  Acts  of  popular  outrage  are  committed  generally  bv 
the  lower  order  of  the  people  ;  and  as  that  order  principally  con- 
sists in  this  kingdom  of  Roman  Catholics,  it  was  in  some  respect 
a  natural  consequence  to  attribute  the  misdemeanours  of  the 
Southern  insurgents,  indiscriminately,  to  persons  of  that  per- 
suasion. The  House  of  Commons  therefore  appointed  a  com- 
mittee "  to  enquire  into  the  causes  and  progress  of  (what  v/as 
termed)  the  Popish  insurrection  in  the  province  of  Munster.'' 

*^  On  the  2od  of  January,  1762,  Mr.  Hamilton,  secretary  to 
Lord  Halifax,  communicated  to  the  House  of  Commons  the 
message  from  the  lord  lieutenent,  by  which  he  informed 
them,  that  he  had  it  in  command  from  his  majesty,  that  after 
the  most  conciliatory  efforts  which  his  majesty's  moderation 
could  dictate,  or  his  royal  dignity  permit,  affairs  had  been 
brought  to  an  unhappy,  though  on  his  side  inevitable,  rupture 
with  the  court  of  Spain:  that  in  consequence  his  majesty  had 
directed  an  immediate  augmentation  of  five  battalions  to  the 
establishment,  which  would  render  some  further  supplies  un- 
avoidabl}^  necessary  beyond  those  which  they  had  already 
so  liberally  granted.  And  although  in  this  address  to  par- 
liament there  be  an  exclusive  and  particular  application  to 
his  majesty's  Protestant  subjects  of  Ireland,  it  was  not  as 
before  had  been  the  usual  style  of  the  castle,  to  call  upon 
them  to  make  head  against,  to  resist,  or  punish  the  common 
enemy ;  but  as  none  but  Protestants  v.'ere  members  of  the 
house  which  he  was  then  addressing,  and  none  but  they  could 
affect  the  revenue,  his  majesty  having  in  all  exigencies  the  niost 
full  and  firm  reliance  on  the  experienced  affection  and  loyalty  of 
his  faithful  Protestant  subjects  of  Ireland,  entertained  no  doubt 
that  they  would  concur  v/ith  their  usual  cheerfulness  and  unani- 
mity in  raising  the  additional  supplies.  The  commons  imme- 
diately resolved  on  an  address  of  thanks  to  the  lord  lieutenant, 

*'  the  wovld,  except,  a  sworn  person  belonging-  to  the  society  called  White' Boys, 
"  or  otherwise.... She  Ultagh's  Children. 

*'  Furthermore  I  swear,  that  I  will  be  ready  at  an  hour's  warning-,  if  possible, 
"  being-  properly  summoned  by  any  of  tlie  officers,  Serjeants,  or  corporals  be- 
**  long'ing'to  my  company, 

"  Furthermore  I  swear,  that  I  will  not  wrong-  any  of  the  company  I  belon^^ 
"  to,  of  the  value  of  one  shilling;  nor  suffer  it  to  be  done  by  others,  without 
**  acquainting-  them  tliereof. 

"  Futhermore  I  swear,  I  will  not  make  known,  in  any  shape  whatever,  to  any 
*'  person  that  does  not  belong  to  us,  the  name  or  names  of  any  of  our  fraternity, 
"  but  particularly  the  names  of  our  respective  oflicers. 

"  Lastly  I  swear,  that  I  will  not  drink  of  any  liquor  whatsoever,  Vviiilst  on 
*'  duty,  without  the  consent  of  one  or  other  of  the  officers,  Serjeants,  or  cor- 
•'  porals  ;  and  that  we  will  be  loyal  to  one  another  as  far  as  in  our  power  lies." 

*  8  Journ.  Coin.  p.  136, 


76  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  return  thanks  for  the  very  important  communications  he  had 
been  pleased  to  make  them ;  and  to  assure  his  excellency  of  the 
entire  satisfaction  v/hichthey  had  received  from  his  prudent  and 
just  administration,  during  the  course  of  which  he  had  fully 
maintained  the  dignity  of  the  crown,  and  at  the  same  time  gained 
the  affection  and  esteem  of  the  tvhole  kingdom,^  In  consequence 
of  this  message,  the  augmentation  was  accordingly  ordered,  and 
another  vote  of  credit  passed  for  the  raising  of  500,000/.  at  five 
per  cent.  The  House  of  Commons  also  shortly  after  resolved, 
that  an  address  should  be  presented  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  re- 
questing that  he  would  represent  to  his  majesty  the  sense  of  that 
house,  that  the  entertainments  and  appointments  of  the  lord 
lieutenant  of  Ireland  had  becom.e  inadequate  to  the  dignity  of 
that  high  station,  and  that  it  was  the  humble  desire  of  that  house 
that  his  majesty  would  be  pleased  to  grant  such  an  augmentation 
to  the  entertainments  of  the  lord  lieutenant  for  the  time  being,  as, 
with  the  then  allowances,  should  in  the  whole  amount  to  the 
annual  sum  of  16,000/.  which  measure  was  also  effected. 

At  the  close  of  the  session  of  1762,  Lord  Halifax,  in  his 
speech  to  the  parliament,  thus  alluded  to  the  insurrections  of 
the  White  Boijs:'^  "  I  must  with  concern  observe,  that  not- 
"  withstanding  the  exemplary  behaviour  of  all  ranks  of  people 
^'  in  this  metropolis,  and  throughout  the  greatest  part  of  this  king- 
*'  dom,  some  distant  quarters  of  the  country  have  been  unhap- 
*'  pily  disturbed  with  tumults  and  riots  of  the  lower  sort  of  peo- 
''  pie.  I  have  on  this  occasion  been  reluctantly  obliged  to  call  out 
"  the  military  power,  which  is  sometimes  the  necessary,  but 
"  ought  always  to  be  the  last  resource  of  government.  The 
"  officers  ordered  on  that  service  have  executed  their  duty  v/ith 
*'  activity  and  discretion.  These  tumults  are,  I  hope,  wholly 
"  suppressed.  Many  of  the  persons  concerned  in  them  are  in 
^''  custody,  and  await  the  punishment  of  their  offences.  Others 
*'  are  fled  from  justice,  and  seem  to  want  only  an  occasion 
*'  of  returning  to  their  respective  habitations  with  impunity." 

Amongst  the  various  duties  of  the  historian,  it  is  not  the  last 
or  least,  to  point  out  the  sources  of  disorders,  as  the  best  and 
most  efficient  antidotes  and  remedies  against  their  repetition. 
Although  the  White  Boys  were  generally  suppressed,  yet  the 
spirit  of  insurrection  was  not  eradicated :  the  roots  of  the  evil 
had  spread  wider  than  the  province  of  Munster;  for  elsewhere 
also  the  lower  orders  were  wretched^  oppressed^  and  impover' 
ished. 

As  one  insurrection  has  frequently  proved  to  be  an  encourage- 
ment or  prelude  to  another,  so  Ireland  was  soon  after  disturbed 

*  This  would  not  have  been  the  language  of  the  commons,  had  there  then 
in  reality  existed  a  Popish  conspiracy  against  the  government  of  the  country, 
as  the  malevolent  party  was  endeavouring"  to  make  the  public  believe. 

+  7  Journ.  Com.  p.  173. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  H 

by  risings  in  other  parts,  but  grounded  on  different  principles  j 
Oak  Boys  and  Hearts  of  Steel  Boys  made  their  appearance  suc- 
cessively, in  the  northern  countries. 

The  highwajs  in  Ireland  were  formerl)^  made  and  repaired 
by  the  labour  of  housekeepers.  He  vfho  had  a  horse,  was  obliged 
to  work  six  days  in  the  year ;  himself  and  horse :  he  who  had 
none,  was  to  give  six  days  labour.  It  had  been  long  complained, 
that  the  poor  alone  were  compelled  to  work;  that  the  rich  had 
been  exempt ;  that  instead  of  mending  the  public  roads,  the  sweat 
of  their  brows  was  wasted  on  private  roads,  useful  only  to  over- 
seers. At  length  in  the  years  1763  and  1764,  they  shewed  their 
resentment.  In  the  most  popuioujs,  manufacturing,  and  conse- 
quently civilized  part  of  the  province  of  Ulster,  the  inhabitants 
of  one  parish  refused  to  make  more  of  v/hat  they  called  job- 
roads.  They  rose  almost  to  a  man,  and  from  the  oaken 
branches,  which  they  wore  in  their  hats,  were  denominated  Gak 
Boys, 

The  discontent  being  as  general  as  the  grievance,  the  conta- 
gion seized  the  neighbouring  parishes  :  from  parishes  it  flew  to 
baronies,  and  from  baronies  to  counties,  till  at  length  the  greater 
part  of  the  province  was  engaged.  The  many-headed  monster 
(as  Dr.  Campbell  observes)  being  now  roused,  did  not  know 
where  to  stop,  but  began  a  general  redress  of  grievances,  whether 
real  or  imaginary.  Their  first  object  was  the.  overseers  of  roads; 
the  second  the  clergy,  whom  they  resolved  to  curtail  of  their 
tithes ;  the  third  w^as  the  landlords,  the  price  of  whose  lands 
(particularly  the  turf  hogs')  they  set  about  regulating.  They  had 
several  inferior  objects,  which  only  discovered  the  phrensv  of 
insurrection. 

The  army  was  hereupon  collected  from  the  other  provinces  ; 
for  till  then  the  province  of  Ulster  was  deemed  so  peaceful,  that 
scarcely  any  troops  were  quartered  in  it.  The  rabble  was  soon 
dispersed,  with  the  loss  of  a  few  lives ;  and  the  tumult  was  to 
appearance  quelled  in  a  few  weeks.  In  the  ensuing  session  of 
parliament,  the  matter  was  taken  into  consideration  ;  the  old 
act  Vv'as  repealed,  and  provision  made  for  the  future  repairs  of 
the  roads,  by  levying  a  tax  on  botii  rich  and  poor.  The  cause 
of  the  discontent  being  thus  happily  removed,  peace  and  quiet 
returned  to  their  former  channels.  The  rising  of  the  Steel  Boy f) 
was  not  so  general,  but  it  was  more  violent,  as  proceeding  from 
a  more  particularly  interesting  cause  ;....the  source  of  it  was 
this ;  An  absentee  nobleman,  possessed  of  one  of  the  largest 
estates  in  the  kingdom,  instead  of  letting  it  when  out  of.  lease, 
for  the  highest  rent,  adopted  a  novel  mode,  of  taking  large  fines 
and  small  rents.  The  occupier  of  the  ground,  though  willing  to 
give  the  highest  rent,  was  unable  to  pay  the  fines ;  and  therefore 


78  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

dispossessed  by  the  wealthy  undertaker,  who  not  contented  with 
a  moderate  interest  for  his  money,  racked  the  rents  to  a  pitch 
above  the  reach  of  the  old  tenant. 

Upon  this  the  people  rose  against  forestallers,  destroying  their 
houses,  and  maiming  their  cattle,  which  now  occupied  their  for- 
mer farms.  When  thus  driven  to  acts  of  desperation,  they  knew 
not  how  to  confine  themselves  to  their  original  object,  but  be- 
came like  the  Oak  Boys^  general  reformers.  The  army  however 
soon  subdued  them,  and  some  who  were  made  prisoners,  having 
suffered  by  the  hands  of  the  executioner,  the  country  was  re- 
stored to  its  pristine  tranquillity.  Bodi  these  insurrections  being 
in  the  north,  the  most  opulent,  populous,  and  civilized  part  of  the 
kingdom,  we  may  observe  have  no  similitude  to  that  of  the 
White  Boys  in  the  south,  either  in  their  causes  or  in  their  effects, 
except  in  the  general  idea  of  oppression.  The  cause  which 
generated  the  one  being  removed,  and  that  of  the  other  being 
only  temporary,  the  duration  of  neither  was  long:  the  rise  and 
fall  of  each  was  like  that  of  a  mountain  river,  which  swelled  by 
a  broken  cloud,  at  once  overwhelms  all  around,  and  then  shrinks 
down  as  suddenly  into  its  accustomed  bed. 

The  government  of  Lord  Halifax  ended  with  the  session  of 
ir62  :  this  year  was  an  eventful  sera  to  the  British  empire,  Mr. 
Pitt-'S  and  afterwards  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  retired  from  his 
majesty's  councils  to  make  room  for  Lord  Bute's  administration^ 
v/ho  is  now  generally  admitted  to  have  brought  with  him  the 
highest  sublimation  of  Tory  principles  (with  the  exception  of 
yacGhHlsm)^  and  to  have  commanded  more  personal  influence 
over  his  sovereign,  than  a  Buckingham  or  a  Clarendon.  This 
change  in  his  majesty's  councils  v/as  the  first  check  given  to  the 
V/hig  interest,  by  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Brunswick. 

No  part  of  the  British  empire  v/as  more  sincerely  and  deeply 
affected  by  the  success  of  his  majesty's  arms  and  the  security  of 
his  government  than  Ireland.  Upon  the  resignation  of  Mr. 
Pitt,  and  the   consequent  decline  of  the  Whig  interest,f  to  let 

*  Mr.  Pitt,  whose  vicrorous  and  successful  administration  had  much  endeared 
him  to  the  ]:)eople,  having"  in  Octoher  1761  proposed  in  the  cabinet  an  imme- 
diate declaration  ag-ainst  Spain,  whicli  he  knew  had  recently  entered  into  an 
aluance  vv?ith  France  against  Great  Britain,  and  being- only  supported  by  his 
hrother-in  law,  Earl  Temple,  he  immediately  resig-ned,  in  order,  to  use  his  own 
words,  not  to  remain  responsible  Jo?'  oneasures,  which  he  roas  no  lov.ger  allonxied  to 
j^'ui'.Ie.  The  k'm^  granted  him  a  pension  of  3000/.  which  with  some  difficulty 
and  risk  of  W\s  popularity  he  accepted  :  though  he  then  refused  the  peerage, 
v/hlcti  he  afterwards  accepted.  But  Lis  lady  was  created  Baroness  of  Ciiat- 
ham,  with  remainder  to  her  heirs  male. 

t  The  truly  masterly  strokes  of  Mr.  Burke  upon  this  subject  cannot  fail  to 
instruct  and  delight  the  reader.  In  his  Thoughts  on  the  present  Discontents, 
written  in  1770,  whilst  the  nation  was  sensibly  alive  to  the  consequences  of 
this  new  system,  he  anali/.cs  it  from  its  source  ;  and  although  it  operated  only 
by  rebo'.md,  and  perhaps  imperfectly  upon  Ireland,  j^^et  in  the  uncontrolled 
cleper.danc;;  of  tlio  Irish  administration  on  the  British  cabinet,  his  observations 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  79 

in  the  Earl  of  Bute  with  new  and  opposite,  but  averse  than  the 
old  Tory  principles,  the  merchants  and  traders  of  Dublin  in  a 

cannot  be  irrelevant  to  Ireland.  "  The  power  of  the  crowm,"  says  he,  **  ahnost 
dead  and  rotten,  as  prerogative,  has  grownup  anew  with  much  more  strength, 
and  far  less  odium,  under  the  name  of  i?ifiuence.  At  the  Revolution  the  crov/n, 
deprived,  for  the  ends  of  the  revolution  itself,  of  many  prerogatives,  was 
found  too  weak  to  strug-gle  against  all  the  difficulties,  which  pressed  so  new 
and  unsettled  a  government.  The  court  v/as  obliged  therefore  to  delegate  a 
part  of  its  powers  to  men  of  such  interest,  as  could  support,  and  of  such  fidelity, 
as  would  adhere  to  its  establishment.  Such  men  were  able  to  draw  in  a  gi-eat 
number  to  a  concurrence  in  the  common  defence.  Tliis  connection,  necessary 
at  first,  continued  long  after  convenient,  and  properly  conducted,  might  indeed 
in  all  situations  be  an  useful  iiistrument  of  government.  The  pov.erful  mana- 
gers for  government  were  not  sufliclcntly  submissive  to  the  pleasure  of  thepos- 
sjcssors  of  the  immediate  and  personal  favour;  sometim.es  from  a  confidence 
in  their  own  strength,  natural  and  acquired  :  sometimes  from  a  fear  of  offend- 
ing their  friends,  and  weakening  that  lead  in  the  country,  which  gave  them  a 
consideration  independent  of  the  court.  Men  acted  as  if  the  court  could 
receive,  as  well  as  confer  an  obligation.  This  method  of  governing  by  men  of 
great  national  interest  or  great  acquired  consideration  was  viewed  in  a  very 
invidious  light  by  the  true  lovers  of  absolute  monarchy.  It  is  the  nature  of 
despotisrato  a1)hor  power  held  by  any  means  but  its  own  momentary  pleasure; 
and  to  annihihitc  all  intermediate  situations  betv/een  boundless  strengtii  on  its 
own  part,  and  total  debility  on  tlie  part  of  the  people.  To  g'et  rid  of  all  this 
intermediate  and  independent  importance,  and  to  secure  to  the  court  the  un- 
limited and  uncontrolled  use  of  its  own  vast  influence,  under  the  sole  direction 
of  its  own  private  favour,  has  for  some  years  past  been  the  great  object  of 
policy.  If  this  were  compassed,  the  influence  of  the  crown  must  cf  course  pro- 
duce all  the  effects,  which  the  most  sanguine  partisans  of  tlie  court  could  pos- 
sibly desire.  Government  might  then  be  carried  on  M'ithout  any  concurrence 
on  the  part  of  the  people  ;  without  any  attention  to  the  dignity  of  the  greater, 
or  to  the  affections  of  the  lower  sorts.  A  new  project  was  tlierefore  devised, 
by  a  certain  set  of  intriguing  men,  totally  diilerent  from  the  system  of  adminis- 
tration, which  had  prevailed  since  the  accession  of  the  house  of  Brunswick. 
This  project  I  have  heard  v/as  first  conceived  by  some  persons  in  the  court 
of  Frederick  Prince  of  V/ales.  The  earliest  attempt  in  the  excecution  of 
this  design  was  to  set  up  for  minister,  a  person  in  rank  indeed  respectable,  and 
very  ample  in  fortune  ;  but  who,  to  the  moment  of  this  vast  and  sudden  eleva- 
tion, was  little  known  or  considered  in  the  kingdom  :  to  him  the  whole  nation 
was  to  yield  an  immediate  and  implicit  submission.  But  whether  it  was  for 
want  of  firmness  to  bear  up  against  the  first  opposition,  or  that  things  were  not 
yet  fully  ripened,  or  that  this  method  was  not  found  the  most  eligible,  that  idea 
was  soon  abandoned.  The  instrumental  part  of  the  project  was  a  little  altered 
to  accommodate  it  to  the  time,  and  to  bring  tilings  more  gradually  and  more 
surely  to  the  one  great  end  proposed.  The  first  part  of  the  reformed  plan  was  tv> 
drav/  a  line  which  should  separate  the  court  from  the  ministry.  Hitherto  these 
names  had  been  looked  upon  as  synonimous,  but  for  the  future,  court  and 
administration  were  to  be  considered  as  things  totally  distinct.  By  this  opera- 
tion, tv>'o  systems  of  administration  were  to  be  formed;  one,  which  should  be 
in  the  real  secret  and  confidence  ;  the  other  merely  ostensible,  to  perform  the 
official  and  executory  duties  of  government.  The  latter  were  alone  to  be  re- 
sponsible, whilst  the  real  advisers,  who  enjoyed  all  tlie  power  were  olfectually 
removed  from  all  the  danger.  Secondly,  a  party  under  these  leaders  was  to 
be  formed  in  favour  of  the  court  against  the  ministry:  this  party  was  to  have 
a  large  share  in  the  emoluments  of  governmerit,  and  to  hold  it  totally  separate 
from,  and  independent  of  ostensible  administration.  The  tiiird point,  and  that, 
on  wliich  the  success  of  the  whole  scheme  ultimately  depended,  was  to  bring 
parhumcnt  to  an  acquiescence  in  this  project.  Pavliament  was  therefore  to 
be  taught  by  dcR^rces  a  total  indifference  to  the  persons,  rank,  influence,  ablli- 


QO  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

body,  not  indeed  legally  representing,  but  well  known  to  speak 
the  sentiments  of  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Ireland, 

ties,  connections,  and  character  of  the  ministers  of  the  crown,  by  means  of  a 
discipline,  on  which  I  shall  say  more  hereafter;  that  body  was  to  be  iiabitualed 
to  the  most  opposite  interests,  and  the  most  discordant  politics.  All  con- 
nections and  dependencies  among-  subjects  were  to  be  entn-ely  dissolved.  As 
hitlierto  business  had  gone  through  the  hands  of  leaders  of  Whig-s  or  Tories, 
men  of  talents  to  conciliate  the  people,  and  eng-age  to  their  confidence,  now 
the  method  was  to  be  altered ;  and  the  lead  was  to  be  given  to  men  of  no  sort 
of  consideration  or  credit  in  the  country.  This  want  of  natural  importance  was 
to  be  their  very  title  to  delegated  power.  Members  of  parliament  were  to  be 
hax'dened  into  an  insensibihty  to  pride,  as  well  as  to  duty.  Those  high  and 
haughty  sentiments,  which  are  the  great  support  of  independence,  were  to  be 
let  down  gradually.  Point  of  honour  and  precedence  were  no  more  to  be  re- 
garded in  parliamentary  decorum,  than  in  a  Turldsh  army.  It  was  to  be 
avowed  as  a  constitutional  maxim,  that  the  king  might  appoint  one  of  his 
footmen,  or  one  of  your  footmen,  for  minister  ;  and  that  he  ought  to  be,  and 
that  he  woadd  be,  as  well  follovred  as  the  first  name  foi-rank  or  wisdom  in  the 
nation.  Thus  parliament  was  to  look  on,  as  if  perfectly  unconcerned  ;  while  a 
cabal  of  the  closet  and  back  stairs  was  substituted  in  the  place  of  a  national 
administration.  With  such  a  degree  of  acquiescence,  any  measure  of  any 
court  might  well  be  deemed  thoi-ouglily  secure.  T;ie  capital  objects,  and  by 
much  the  most  flattering  characteristics  of  arbitrary  power,  would  be  obtained. 
Every  thing  would  be  drawn  from  its  holdings  in  tiie  country  to  the  personal 
favour  and  inclination  of  the  prince.  This  favour  uould  be  the  sole  introduc- 
tion to  power,  and  the  whole  toiure,  by  which  it  vras  to  be  held :  so  that  no 
person  looking  towards  another,  and  all  looking  tov/ards  the  court,  it  was  im- 
possible, but  that  the  motive,  which  solely  influenced  every  man's  hopes,  must 
come  in  time  to  govern  every  man's  conduct ;  till  at  last  the  serviUty  became 
universal,  in  spite  of  the  dead  letter  of  any  laws  or  institutions  whatsoever. 
In  the  first  place,  they  proceeded  gradually,  but  not  siowly,  to  destroy  every 
tiling  of  strength  which  did  not  derive  its  principal  nourishment  from  the  im- 
mediate pleasure  of  tlie  court.  The  greatest  v/eight  of  popular  opinion  and 
party  connection  w  ere  then  with  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  and  Mr.  Pitt.  Neither 
of  these  held  their  importance  by  the  nev.'  tenure  of  the  court ;  they  were  not 
^Jierefove  thought  to  be  so  proper  as  others  for  the  services  which  were  re- 
quired by  that  tenure.  It  happened  very  favourably  for  the  new  system,  that 
under  a  forced  coalition  there  rankled  an  iiicurable  alienation  and  disgust  be- 
tween the  parties,  which  composed  the  administration.  Mr.  Pitt  was  first  at- 
tacked. Not  satisfi.ed  with  removing  him  from  power,  they  er.deavoured  by 
various  artifices  to  ruin  his  character.  The  otiier  pa^ty  seemed  rather  pleased 
to  get  rid  of  so  oppressive  a  support;  not  perceiving,  that  their  own  fall  was 
prepared  by  his,  and  involved  in  it.  Many  other  reasons  prevented  them  from 
daring  to  look  their  true  situation  in  the  face.  To  the  great  Whig  families  it 
was  extremiely  disagreeable,  and  seemed  almost  unnatural,  to  oppose  the  ad- 
ministration of  a  prince  (;f  the  house  of  Brunswick.  Day  after  day  they  hesi- 
tated, and  doubted,  and  lingcre-d,  expecting  that  other  counsels  would  take 
place  ;  and  were  slov/  to  be  pei'suaded,  that  all  which  haii  been  done  by  the 
cabal,  was  the  effect  not  of  humour,  but  of  system.  It  was  more  strongly  and 
evidently  the  interest  of  the  nev/  couri  fac;ion,  to  get  rid  of  the  great  Whig 
connections,  than  to  destroy  Mr.  Pitt.  The  power  of  that  gentleman  was  vast 
indeed  and  merited  ;  but  it  was  in  a  greatdcgiee  personal,  and  therefore  tran- 
sient. Theirs  was  rooted  in  the  country.  For  with  a  good  deal  less  of  popu- 
larity, they  possessed  a  iar  mare  natural  and  fixed  intluence.  Long  posses- 
sion of  government ;  vast  property  ;  obligations  of  favours  given  and  received  ; 
connection  of  office  ;  ties  of  blood,  of  alliance,  of  friendship  (things  at  that  time 
supposed  of  some  foice) ;  the  nnme  of  Whig,  dear  to  the  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  the  zeal  early  begun  and  steadily  continued  to  tlie  royal  family:  all  these 
together  formed  a  body  of  power  in  the  nation,  which  was  criminal  and  de- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  81 

presented  a  most  grateful  address  to  Mr.  Pitt,  expressive  of  their 
admiration  of  his  principles  and  conduct,  and  their  sincere  con- 
dolence that  his  country  v/as  clep]  ived   of  his  services.^-     I'he 

voted.  The  |^reat  ruling- principle  of  tliec cabal,  ami  that  which  animated  and 
harmonized  all  their  proceeding's,  how  various  soever  they  may  have  been,  was 
to  sig^nify  to  the  Vi-orld,  that  tlie  court  v.-ou!d  proceed  upon  its  own  proper  forces 
only  ■,  and  that  the  pretence  of  bringing-  any  other  into  its  service  was  an  aiTront 
to  it,  and  not  a  suppoi-t.  Therefore,  when  the  chiefs  were  removed,  inorderto 
go  to  the  root,  the  whole  paity  was  put  under  a  proscription  so  g'eneral  and  se- 
vere, as  to  take  their  hard-earned  bread  from  the  lowest  officers,  in  a  manner 
v/liich  had  never  been  known  before,  even  in  general  revolutions.  But  it  was 
th.ought  necessary  effectually  to  destroy  all  dependencies  but  one,  and  to  shew 
an  example  of  the  fir.mness  and  rigour  v/ith  which  the  new  system  was  to  be 
supported. 

"  1  resta  little  the  longer  on  this  court  topic,  because  it  was  mucli  insisted  up- 
on at  tlie  lime  of  the  great  change,  and  has  been  since  frequently  revived  by  many 
of  the  agents  of  that  party  :  for,  whilst  they  are  terrifying  the  great  ajid  opulent 
witli  the  horrors  of  mob-government,  they  are  by  other  managers  attempting 
(though  hitiierto  with  little  success)  to  alarm  the  peo])le  with  a  phaTitom  ql" 
tyranny  in  the  nobles.  All  this  is  done  upon  tlieir  favourite  principle  of  disunion, 
of  sowing  jealousies  amongst  the  different  orders  of  the  state,  and  of  disjoining 
the  natural  strength  of  the  kingdom,  that  it  may  be  rendered  incapable  of  re- 
sisting the  sinister  designs  of  wicked  men,  v,ho  have  engrossed  the  royal 
power. 

*'  It  must  be  remembered,  that  since  the  revolution,  lUjtil  the  period  we  are 
speaking  of,  the  influence  of  tlie  crov/n  had  been  always  em])!oyed  in  support- 
ing the  ministers  of  stale,  and  in  carrying  on  the  ]}ublic  business  according  to 
their  opinions.  But  the  party  now  in  question  is  formed  upon  a  very  different 
idea.  It  is  to  intercept  the  favovu-,  protection,  and  confidence  of  the  crown  in 
the  passage  to  its  ministers  ;  it  is  to  come  between  tliem  and  their  importance 
in  parliament  ;  it  is  to  separate  them  from  all  their  natural  and  acquired  de- 
pendancies  ;  it  is  intended  as  tlie  control,  not  the  support  of  administration. 
The  machinery  oftliis  system  is  pei-plexed  in  its  movements,  and  false  in  its 
principle.  It  is  f  ^naed  on  a  supposition  that  the  king  is  something  external 
to  his  government,  and  that  he  may  be  honoured  and  aggrandized,  even  by  its 
debihty  ar.d  disgrace.  The  plan  proceeds  expressly  on  the  idea  of  enfeebling 
the  regular  executory  power.  It  proceeds  in  the  idea  of  weakening  the  state 
in  order  to  strengthen  the  court.  The  scheme  depending  entirely  on  distrust, 
on  disconnection,  on  mutability  by  principle,  on  systematic  weakness  in  everv 
particvilar  member  ;  it  is,  impossible,  that  the  total  result  should  be  substantial 
strengtli  of  any  kind." 

Then  having  given  a  most  pointed  sketch  of  this  new  court  corporation,  he 
says:  '*  The  name,  by  which  they  cliuse  to  distinguish  themselves,  is  that  of 
/:ing^s  inen,  or  tb.e  ihig'sfr  lends,  by  invidious  exclusion  of  the  rest  of  his  majes- 
ty's most  lojal  and  aftectiv>nate  sul)jects.  The  whole  system,  comprehending 
the  exterior  and  interior  administrations,  is  com.monly  called,  in  the  technical 
.  language  of  the  court,  double  cabinet.  This  system  has  not  risen  solely  from' 
the  ambition  of  Lord  Bute,  but  from  the  circumstances  Avhich  favoured  It,  and 
from  an  indifference  to  the  constitution,  which  had  been  for  sometime  grow- 
ing among  o«r  gentry.  We  should  have  been  tried  with  it,  if  the  EarJ  of  Bute 
had  never  existed  ;  and  it  will  want  neither  a  contriving  head  nor  active  mem- 
bers, when  the  Earl  of  Bute  exists  no  longer."  Thus  spoke  this  great  man  in 
t*he  unchecked  vigour  of  his  mind,  ere  he  had  yet  discovered  the  difference  be- 
tween an  Old  and  a  Nc-w  Whig. 

*  It  has  often  been  said,  that  the  late  Earl  of  Chatham  was  a  Tory  at  heart, 
notv.itiistanding  his  boasted  avowals  of  Whiggism.  That  in  his  youth  he  v/as  a 
Tory  appears  more  than  probable  •  but  it  would  be  too  harsh  n  ceasure  to  pas,^ 

\'OI,.    TI.  L 


2%  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

merchants,  traders,  and  citizens  of  Dublin  at  this  time  being  the 
most  opulent  and  considerable  body  of  men  in  the  kingdom,  ap- 
pear to  have  taken  the  lead  of  all  their  countrymen  in  watching 
and  forwarding,  according  to  their  rights  and  abilities,  the  civil  in- 
terests of  the  nation  ;  in  ^\hich  they  were  encouraged  and  direct- 
ed by  the  famous  Dr.  Lucas,  who  (after  having  triumphed  over 
ail  his  enemies  and  persecutors)  now  represented  them  in  par- 
liament. 

On  the  very  first  day  of  the  session  of  the  last  parliament  (viz. 
22  Oct.  1761)  the  commons  ordered,  that  leave  be  given  to  bring- 
in  heads  of  a  bill  lo  limit  the  duration  of  parliaments  :  and  Dr. 
Lucas,  Mr.  Ferry,  and  Mr.  Gorges  Lowther  were  ordered  to 
bring  in  the  same.y  This  favourite  and  constitutional  measure 
had  been  most  strongly  recommended  by  Dr.  Lucas,  in  imitation 
of  the  English  septennial  bill :  he  accordingly  presented  accord- 
ing to  order,  on  the  28th  of  October,  heads  of  a  bill  for  limiting 
the  duration  of  parliaments,  which  were  received,  read,  and 
committed  :  several  amendments  were  proposed  and  adopted 
in  the  committee.  On  the  9th  of  December,  1761,  Mr.  Low- 
ther, according  to  order,  reported  from  the  committee  of  the 
whole  house,  to  whom  the  heads  of  the  bill  had  been  commit- 
ted, that  they  had  gone  through  the  same,  which  he  read  in  his 
place,  and  afterv»^ards  delivered  in  at  the  table  ;  and  they  were 
accordingly  read  and  agreed  to.  But  when  a  motion  was  made, 
and  the  question  put,  that  the  speaker  with  the  house  should  at- 
tend his  e>:cellency  the  lord  lieutenant  v,'ith  the  heads  of  the 
bill,  and  desire  the  same  might  be  transmitted  into  Great  Britain 
in  due  form,  and  that  his  excellency  would  be  pleased  to  recom- 
mend the  same  in  the  most  effectual  manner  to  his  majesty  ; 
the  house  divided,  43  for  the  motion,  and  108  against  it.  This 
majority  of  65  upon  a  question  so  reasonable,  so  necessary,  and 
so  constitutional,  shews  the  rapid  decline  of  the  patriotic  interest 
in  Ireland  after  the  late  changes  ;  the  reduction  of  which  was 
very  artfully  effected  by  the  two  first  of  the  lord  justices.  Pri- 
mate Stone,  the  Earl  of  Shannon,  and  Mr.  John  Ponsonby,  the 
speaker.-  The  house  however  ordered,  that  Mr.  G.  Lowther 
should  attend  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant  with  the  said 
heads  of  a  bill,  and  desire  the  same  might  be  transmitted  into 
Great  Britain  in  due  form.  Thus  v/as  Mr.  Lucas's  first  patri- 
otic billlcst,  to  the  no  small  disappointment  and  mortification  of 
the  people  out  of  doors.  It  is  highly  material  to  observe,  that 
in  proportion  as  patriots  fell  off  in  parliament,  they  sprang  up  out 
of  it.     This  ministerial  triumph  was  followed  by  no  popular  dis- 

ou  so  great  a  statesman,  to  concliKle  tliat  his  cor^version  to  Wbigglsm  was 
the  effect  of  interest,  and  not  of  conviction.  Vid.  the  address,  App.  Kq.. 
LXIX. 

t  7  Com.  Tourn.  n.  14. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  83 

turbance,  but  great  discontent :  it  produced  a  more  alaVming  ef- 
fect upon  the  castle  :  riot  and  insurrection  thev  could  easily  have 
subdued,  and  the  quelling  thereof  WiOuld  have  justified  the  verr 
measures,  that  had  excited  them.  But  the  people's  cool^  con- 
siderate, and  firm  conduct  in  investigating  and  peaceablv  fol- 
loiving  up  their  rights  and  interests,  was  trul}-  to  be  dreaded  by 
those,  who  were  attempting  to  in^-ade  and  tliwart  them.  Aftrr 
much  canvassing  the  conduct  of  their  popular  representatives  in 
parliament  on  this  important  occasion,  in  March  .1762  the  mer- 
chants, traders,  and  citizens  of  Dublin  having  assemblecu  came 
to  the  follovv^ing  resolutions,  viz. 

*'  Resolved,  That  vre  shall  ever  regain  the  most  grateful  re- 
"  membrance  of  the  several  lords  and  commons,  who,  in  their 
^^  respective  stations,  have  so  eminently  distinguished  them- 
"  selves  in  support  of  the  Septennial  Bill. 

"  Resolved,  That  although  we  rest  secure  against  common 
"  enemies,  under  the  protection  daily  given  us  by  Great  Britain, 
"  our  protection  against  domestic  invaders  depends  wholly  on 
"  the  limitation  oi  parliaments. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  clandestine  arts  which  are  usualls^  prac- 
"  tised  (and  have  been  sometimes  detected)  in  obstructing  of 
"  bills  tending  to  promote  the  Protestant  interest,  ought  to  make 
"  Protestants  the  more  active  in  supporting  the  Septennial  Bill; 
"  the  rather,  as  no  doubt  can  remain,  that  aseptenniallimitation 
"  of  parliaments,  would  render  the  generality  of  landlords  assi- 
"  duous  in  procuring  Protestant  tenants,  and  that  the  visible 
*'  advantage  accruing,  would  induce  others  to  conform. 

"  Resolved,  That  these,  our  resolutions,  be  presented  to  the 
"  representatives  of  this  city  in  parliament,  intreating  they  will 
"  immediately  take  into  their  most  serious  consideration,  the 
"  state  of  the  Septennial  Bill,  now  five  months  in  Its  progress ; 
"  the  session  of  parliament  near  its  end  ;  all  aids  v^^Ithin  the 
'^  ability  of  this  nation  given  with  unanimity  and  cheerfulness  to 
''  the  crown  ;  and  nothing  yet  known,  with  certainty,  touching 
"  this  act  of  redress." 

These  resolutions,  and  other  popular  expressions  of  the  gene- 
ral discontent  at  the  failure  of  the  Septennial  Bill  raised  an  aw- 
ful alarm  in  government :  and  they  most  unwisely  rivetted  the 
convictions  of  the  people,  that  the  British  ministry  was  against 
the  measure,  by  a  counter-declaration  v>^rapped  up  in  tlie  follow- 
ing  resolutions  of  the  House  of  Commons. ^^ 

""  Resolved,  That  the  suggestions  confidently  propagated, that 
"the  heads  of  a  bill  for  limiting  the  duration  of  parliaments, 
"  and  ascertaining  the  qualifications  of  members  to  serve  in  par- 
"  liament,  if  tliey  had  returned  from  England,  would  have  been 

*  Oi5  ll^.e  26tli  of  April  1762.     Coin.  Journ.  vol,  7,  p.  168. 


84  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  rejected  by  this  house,  though  in  nowise  materially  altered, 
"  are  without  foundation."  Loudly  as  the  public  called  for 
such  a  law,  several  years  past,  and  imperious  circumstances 
arose,  ere  Ireland  obtained  it.  The  failure  in  this  attempt  did 
not  abate  the  patriotic  efforts  of  Dr.  Lucas.  He  presented 
heads  of  a  bill  for  securing  the  freedom  of  parliament,  by  ascer- 
taining the  qualifications  for  knights,  citizens,  and  burgesses  of 
parliament,  and  also  of  another  bill  for  better  securing  the  free- 
dom of  parliament,  by  vacating  the  seat  of  such  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  as  should  accept  of  any  lucrative  office  or 
employment  from  the  Crown,  or  any  person  on  the  establish- 
ment of  Great  Britain  or  Ireland :  neither  of  which  succeeded : 
such  was  the  ascendancy  of  the  court  party  over  the  patriots : 
It  was  now  no  longer  called  the  English  interest^  for  Primate 
Stone  was  too  good  a  politician  to  keep  up  that  offensive  term,, 
after  he  had  so  successfully  brought  over  som.e  of  the  leading 
patriots  to  his  side,  who  in  supporting  all  the  measures  of  the 
British  cabinet,  affected  to  do  it,  still  as  Irish  Patriots. 

The  Earl  of  Halifax  had  been  recalled  to  England  to  succeed 
Mr.  G.  Grenville  as  secretary  of  state  :^  and  the  Earl  of  Nor- 
thumberland came  over  as  lord  lieutenant  to  Ireland  to  meet  the 
parliament,  in  October,  1763.     His  speech  to  the  parliament,  on 
this  occasion,  was  expressive  of  his  majesty's  ju&t  and  gracious 
regard  for  a  dutiful  and  loyal  people:  he  congratulated  them  on 
the  happy  effects  of  so  glorious  a  peace,  and  the  birth  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  and  also  of  another  prince.     The  remainder 
of  his  speech,  referred  to  the  disturbances  in  the  province  of 
Ulster,  of  which  mention  has  been  before  made.     "  Not  only," 
said  his  excellencv,  ••'  my  duty,  but  my  earnest  good  wishes  for 
"  the  prosperity  of  Ireland,  oblige  me  to  take  this  opportunity 
*'  of  mentioning  to  you,  the  only  unpleasing  circumstance,  which 
''  has  occurred  since  my  entrance  upon  this  government ;  the  tu- 
'•  multuous  risings  of  the  lower  sort  of  people,  in  contempt  of 
"  all  laws  and  magistracy,  and  of  every  constitutional  subordi- 
"■'  nation,  must,  if  not  early  attended  to,  be  productive  of  the 
"  most  fatal  consequences  ;  they  are  a  disgrace  to  a  country  of 
"  liberty  ;    they  are  ruinous  to  a  country  of  commerce ;    and 
*■'  nfD^  be  particularly  fatal  here,  where  the  least  check  to  the 
"  rising  spirit  of  industry  is  so  very  sensibly  felt,  and  so  very 
*'  difficult  to  be  relieved  ;  no  means  can  serve  more  effectually 
"  to  prevent  these  disorders  for  the  future,  than  the  encourage- 
"  ment  of  such  institutions,   as  tend  to  impress  on  the  minds 
"  of  the  lower  order  of  the  people  early  habits  of  industry,  and 
"  true  principles  of  religion." 

*  This  happened  on  the  14lh  of  O.ctober,  17&2,  which  situation  he  held  till 
July  12. 1765,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  the  Duke  of  Grafton. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  85 

'  It  has  been  before  observed,*  that  the  chief  of  the  Munster 
insurgents,  called  White  Boys^  were  Catholic  labourers :  and 
that  the  chief  of  the  Ulster  insurgents  called  Steel  Boys,  Oak 
Boys,  Peep  of  Day  Boys,  were  chiefly  manufacturing  Pnjtes- 
tants  in  the  north :  but  as  religion  was  no  ingredient  to  these 
tumultuous  insurrections,  it  was  certainly  something  more  than 
hasty  or  inconsiderate  prejudice  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
when  in  1762t  they  appointed  a  committee  to  enquire  into  the 
causes  and  progress  of  the  subsisting  Popish  insurrection  in  the 
province  of  Munster  :t  and  when  in  1764  they  appointed  a  si- 
milar committee  to  enquire  into  the  causes  of  the  late  tumultu- 
ous risings  in  the  province  of  Uslter ;  so  far  indeed  was  the 
house  from  calling  them  Protestant  insiirreciions,  which  in  fact 
they  were,  as  much  as  tho^^e  in  P/Iunster  were  Popish,  that  when 
a  motion  was  made  and  the  question  proposed,  that  it  should  be 
an  instruction  to  the  committee  to  enquire  into  the  causes  of 
those  risings,  and  into  the  means  used  to  suppress  them,  and 
also  to  enquire  into  the  causes  of  the  insurrections  in  the  south, 
and  to  report  the  whole  matter,  as  it  should  appear  to  them  spe- 
cially, it  was  negatived  in  a  division  upon  the  previous  question 
of  eight}^  against  twenty-six  :  thus  was  the  door  shut  against  en- 
quiry, probably  from  apprehension,  that  the  truth  should  be  re- 
corded, and  an  effectual  stop  put  to  the  system  of  converting 
popular  discontents  into  the  engines  of  state  intriguee,  to  the 
palpable  detriment  of  the  natioa  :  for  to  knov/  the  source  of  a 
disorder,  is  the  first  step  to  its  cure.  When  the  majorit)-  of  the 
house  rejected  this  most  necessary  motion  for  enquiry  and  re- 
]Dcrt,  ^  they  received  from  their  committee  several  resolutions, 
which  Mr.  Bagwell  reported  to  the  house,  and  these  tbey  palmed 
upon  the  nation,  as  an  efficient  check  upon  the  various  tumultu- 
ous rioters.  They  Vv-ere  truisms  in  form  of  resolutions,  that 
riots  existed,  that  unless  checked  they  would  be  attended  with 
fatal  consequences,  that  the  lav/s  if  properly  executed  were  suf- 
ficient to  restrain  the  rioters,  that  it  was  the  duty  of  magistrates 
to  enforce  the  law,  that  to  tender  oaths,  (not  being  lawfully  au- 
thorized) with  threats  and  violence  in  case  of  refusal,  was  a  high 
offence  punishable  by  law,  and  that  it  would  tend  to  suppress 
and  prevent  the  like  disorders,  if  the  abhorrence  in  which  go- 
vernment and  parliament  lield  these  treasonable  offences,  were 
mjide  known  to  the  deluded  people.  Such  unmeaning  gene- 
ralities could  produce  no  effect.  They  gave  no  information : 
they  furnished  no  redress  :  they  supplied  no  means  :  they  af- 
forded no  security  :   they  effected  no  restraint. 

'  On  the  impartial  authority  of  Artliur  Yoimg-. 

t  Journ.  Com.  vol.  7,  p.  161 .         t  Ibid,  p,  293.         h  Ibid. 


86  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Notwithstanding  the  patriots  had  so  often  failed  in  their  par- 
liamentary efforts  to  bring  measures  into  some  constitutional 
consistency,  they  still  persevered,  particularly  in  their  attempt 
to  reduce  and  regulate  the  pension  list.  The  commons  resolved 
themselves  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  house  to  take  into  con- 
sideration the  state  of  the  pensions  upon  the  civil  establishment 
of  that  kingdom,  and  how  the  encreasc  of  them  might  be  pre- 
vented :  but  the  motion  for  addressing  his  majesty  on  the  sub- 
ject -svas  negatived  on  a  division  of  112  against  72,,  So  weak 
were  now  the  patriots  in  the  commons.*  Pensions  continued 
to  be  lavished  with  unchecked  profusion.     The  debate  on  this 

*  This  motion  bcini^  very  special  ar.d  lm})ortant,  will  let  the  candid  reader 
into  the  spirit,  av Inch  at  that  time,  (8th  of  Novemher,  1^63)  directed  the 
cour.ciis  of  the  Irish  administration.  7  Journ  Com.  p.  198.  "  A  motion  was 
"  made,  that  an  humble  addt-css  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  to  represent  in 
"  the  most  dutiful  terms,  that  tlie  debt  of  this  king-dom  is  become  very  great. 
*'  That  the'pensions  now  in  bemg-,that  have  been  placed  on  the  estabhshments  of 
*'  this  kingdom,  are  oneof  the  causes  of  the  encrease  of  the  public  debt.  That 
"  those  pensions  have  been  paid,  and  continue  to  be  paid  out  of  all  tlic  reve- 
*'  nues  of  this  kingdom  without  distinction.  That  it  appears  to  this  house  to 
*'  be  worthy  of  his  majesty's  royal  consideration,  whether  the  grants  that  have 
*'  been  made  of  those  pensions  are  ag-reeable  to  or  warranted  by  the  laws  of 
*'  this  kingdom,  and  whether  the  revenues  of  the  crown,  that  have  been  given 
«'  for  pubhc  uses,  ought,  or  can  by  law  be  applied  to  pensions  :  and  therefore 
"  most  humbly  do  beseech  his  majesty  to  order  it  to  bs*  made  known,  as  his 
*•'  majesty's  royal  will  and  command,  to  the  officers  of  the  treasury  of  this  king- 
*'  dom,  that  no  part  of  the  revenues  of  excise,  customs,  poundage,  hearth  money, 
**  quit  rents,  ale  licences,  wine,  or  strong  water  licences,  or  of  the  additional 
"  duties  granted  or  to  be  granted  in  this  kingdom,  for  any  limited  term,  be 
"  paid  or  applied  to  any  pension  or  annuity  granted  or  to  be  granted  out  of,  or 
"  which  may  any  ways  charge  or  effect  the  said  revenue  of  excise,  customs, 
*'  poundage,' hearth  money,  quit  rents,  ale  licences,  wine,  and  strong  water  li- 
«'  cences,  and  additional  duties,  or  any  of  the  said  revenues,  till  it  shall  first 
*'  be  determined  by  a  court  of  justice  of  competent  jurisdiction,  that  the  crown 
"  m.av  grant  annuities  or  pensions  out  of  the  said  revenues  ;  and  that  his  ma- 
^*  je sty  may  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  his  royal  orders  to  the  officers  of  the 
^'  treasure,  that  no  pensions  be  paid  out  of  the  said  revenues,  in  any  other  man- 
'*  ner  than  the  judgment  or  decree  of  a  court  of  competent  jurisdiction  shall 
*'  determine  to  be  just,  and  agreeable  to  the  laws  of  this  kingdom  ;  and  that 
"  his  majesty  be  graciously  pleased  to  order  his  majesty's  servants  of  the  law 
"  in  this  kingdom,  to  make  that  defence  that  the  laws  of  this  kingdom 
"  shall  warrant,  to  every  suit  that  shall  be  commenced  or  carried  on  by  any 
"  pensioner  or  annuitant,  claiming  any  part  of  the  said  revenues,  till  it  shall 
"  be  judicially  determined  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  and  by  the  dernier 
^*  resort,  that  "the  crown  may  grant  pensions  or  annuities  out  of  the  said  reve- 
"  nues.  That  his  majesty's  faithful  commons  nevertheless  do  by  no  means 
"  intend,  that  the  crown  shall  be  deprived  of  the  means  of  rewarding  merit 
"  or  conferring  those  bcnintics  on  proper  occasions,  that  the  honour  and  dig- 
"  nity  of  the  crown  may  require  ;  but  that  his  majesty's  faithful  commons,  on 
"  the  contrary,  will  be  ready  to  provide  a  revenue  such  as  the  condition  and 
"  circumstances  of  this  kingdom  shall  admit  of,  to  enable  the  crown  to  reward 
•'  merit,  and  on  proper  occasions  to  confer  those  bounties  that  may  be  suitable 
"  to  the  hono\ir  and  dignity  of  the  crov/n,  if  it  shall  be  determined,  that  the 
"  present  revenues  of  tl\e  cro\yn,  that  have  been  given  for  public  uses,  ouglit 
"  nt/.  to  be  applied  to  pensions.  Provided  those  revenues  be  reserved  and 
*'  applied  to  the  support  of  his  majesty's  governm.ent  in  this  kingdom  only." 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  sr 

question  was  rather  warm..  *Mr.  J.  Fitzgerald  took  the  lead 
on  the  patriot  side.  Ke  stated,  (and  was  not  contradicted)  that 
the  pensions  then  charged  upon  the  civil  establishment  of  that 
kingdom  amounted  to  no  less  than  72,000/.  per  ann.  besides  the 
French  and  militarij  pensions,  and  besides  the  sums  paid  for  old 
and  now  unnecessary  employments,  and  those  paid  in  unneces- 
sary additions  to  the  salurits  of  others  :  that  the  pensions  there- 
fore exceeded  the  civil  list  above  42,000/. :  that  not  only  since 
the  house  in  1757  had  voted  the  encrease  of  pensions  alarming, 
had  they  been  yearly  encreased ;  but  that  in  the  time  of  a  most 
.-expensive  war,  and  Vv'hen  the  country  had  willingly  and  cheer- 
fully increased  a  very  considerable  national  debt ;  and  when  the 
additional  influence  of  the  crown  from  the  levying  of  new  regi=. 
ments  might  well  have  substituted  the  necessity  of  new  pen- 
sionary gratifications.  He  then  drew  a  piteous  portrait  of  the 
country  ;  not  one  third  peopled  ;  tvvo  thirds  of  the  people  unem- 
ployed, consequently  indoknt,  wretched  and  discontented ; 
neitlier  foreign  trade,  nor  home  consumption  sufhcient  to  dis- 
tribute the  conveniences  of  life  among  them  with  reasonable 
equality,  or  to  pay  any  tax  proportionable  to  their  number;  what 
new  mode  of  taxation  coukl  be  devised  ?  ^V'ould  they  tax  leather, 
where  no  shoes  were  worn,  or  tallow  where  no  candles  were 
burned  ?  They  could  not  tax  the  roots  of  the  earth  and  the  v/ater 
on  which  the  wretched  peasantry  existed;  they  could  tax  no 
commodity,  that  would  not  defeat  itself,  by  working  a  prohibi- 
tion. He  then  entered  into  the  legal  and  constitutional  rights 
of  the  crown  over  the  public  revenue,  and  strongly  resisted  the 
assumed  right  of  charging  the  public  revenue  with  private  pen- 
sions. The  crown,  he  contended,  had  a  public  and  private  reve- 
nue ;  the  public  it  received  as  a  trustee  for  the  public  ;  the  private 
it  received  in  its  own  right ;  the  former  arose  out  of  temporary 
duties,  and  was  appropriated  bv  parliament  to  specific  public 
purposes,  and  was  not  left  to  the  discretionary  disposal  of  the 
crown.  The  latter  did  not  in  Ireland  exceed  7000/.  per  ann, 
and  the  pensions  amounting  to  72000/.  exceeded  the  fund,  which 
could  alone  be  charged  v/ith  them  by  65000/.  per  ann. 

The  court  party  strenuously  resisted  these  arguments,  as  an 
unconstitutional  and  indecent  attack  upon  the  prerogative  ;  in- 
sisting that  the  regal  dignity  should  be  supported  by  a  power 
to  rev/ard  as  well  as  to  punish ;  that  the  king  was  not  to  hold  a 
sv/ord  in  one  hand  and  a  barren  sceptre  in  the  other  ;  that  the 
tAvo  great  springs  of  all  actions  were  hope  and  fear  ;  and  where 
fear  only  operated,  love  could  have  no  place  ;  that  a  people 
stimulated  only  by  i^ixr^  however  free,  and  vv'hatever  advantages 
of  government  they  might  boast,  were  in  a  v/orst  state,  than  the 

"  1  Cald.  .DQb,p.213,  14,15. 


88  AN  HI3TORICA-L  REVIEW 

subjects  of  a  despotic  prince.  In  ci  word,  that  an  enquiry  iniD 
the  legality  of  these  grants  would  restrain  the  king's  power  of - 
doing  good.  What  the  opinion  of  the  government  was  upon  the 
question,  was  very  explicitly  set  forth  by  the  regular  lav/-officer 
of  the  crown,  Mr.  Philip  Tisdal,  the  attorney-general ;  he  was 
of  opinion,  that  the  king  had  an  indefinite  and  uncontrolled  right 
to  charge  the  money  brought  into  the  treasury  with  pensions 
arising  from  the  words  of  the  preamble  of  the  statutes,  by  which 
the  several  duties  were  laid  :  and  that  the  crown  had  this  power 
with  respect  to  duties  raised  by  the  very  statutes,  that  declare 
them  not  chargeable  with  pensions  ;  for  that  the  barring  clauses 
with  respect  to  the  hearth  money  and  ale  licences  could  affect 
them  only  before  they  were  brought  into  the  treasury,  and  that 
the  moment  they  became  part  of  the  aggregate  fund,  they  were 
indiscriminately  a  supply  for  the  exigencies  of  government  and 
its  support. 

On  another  *day,  when  a  motion  in  the  house  was  carried  for 
taking  into  consideration  the  state  of  the  pensions,  Mr.  R.  Fitz- 
gerald took  occasion  to  state  to  the  house,  what  was  not  contra- 
dicted by  those,  whose  duty  as  well  as  disposition  it  was  to 
correct  any  false  statement,  upon  matters  of  so  much  importance 
and  notoriety.  It  lamentably  proves,  that  the  poverty  and  de- 
pendance  of  Ireland  were  wished  to  be  continued  by  those,  who 
then  governed  her.  Instead  of  30  regiments  upon  the  establish- 
ment, there  then  were  42,  with  the  same  number  of  men,  viz. 
12,000:  this  augmentation  of  12regimtnts,  besides  a  large  addi- 
tion of  court  influence,  created  an  additional  expenditure  of 
15,000/.  per  annum,  so  that  the  military  establishment  then 
amounted  to  100,000/.  per  annum,  more  than  in  the  height  of 
the  war,  besides  military  contingencies  and  barracks,  which 
amounted  to  a  very  considerable  sum :  that  in  fact  the  military 
and  civil  establishment  wuth  the  pensions  would  only  le-ave 
30,000/.  out  of  the  whole  revenue  of  the  country  j  which  sum 
would  be  more  than  sv/allowed  up  by  the  artillery  and  laboratory ^ 
an  amphibious  institution,  that  might  be  carried  on  without 
control :  that  the  staff  of  general  officers  in  Ireland  amounted  to 
22,000/.  per  annum,  though  in  England  it  did  not  exceed 
11,000/.  and  notwithstanding,  there  were  seldom  general  officers 
sufficient  in  Dublin  to  form  a  board. 

The  patriots  had  so  managed  the  enquiry  into  the  pensions, 
that  they  had  on  the  9th  of  the  month  brought  the  house  to  agree, 
that  the  pensions  on  the  civil  establishment  were  an  intolerable 
grievance:  on  the  same  day  they  passed  an  unanimous  resolu- 
tion, that  on  the  Tuesday  following,  they  should  take  that  griev- 
ance into  consideration,  which  they  deferred  to  the  next  day, 

;^  'l2  Nov.  1763.  1  Cald.  Deb.  p.  308. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  89 

when  a  most  violent  and  angry  debate  ensued,  upon  the  attorney 
general's  moving,  that  the  question  should  be  adjourned  to  the 
1st  of  July  next:  the  division  for  putting  off  the  enquiry  was 
126,  against  it  78.^ 

The  tenacity  and  perseverance,  vrith  which  the  patriots  pur- 
sued this  abuse  of  pensions  extremely  annoyed  the  court  party: 
they  could  not  have  taken  more  popular  ground.  A  pension  of 
1000/.  had  been  granted  to  Mr.  De  Verois,  the  Sardinian  am- 
bassador (in  the  name  of  George  Charles),  for  having  negoti- 
ated the  peace,  which  had  been  lately  concluded  with  the  minister 
of  France.     On  this  ground  Mr.  Pery  moved  the  house,  thvat 

*  8  Com.  Journ.  p.  227.  In  this  debate  Mr,  Pery,  member  for  Limerick, 
spoke  thus  :  1  Cald.  p.  324.  "  I  am  sorry  to  say  that,  notwithstandini^  these 
resohitions,  I  have  but  too  much  reason  to  beheve  the  sitting-  of  such  a  com- 
mittee was  ne%'er  intended  ;  and  I  think  it  my  duty  to  communicate  such  rea- 
son of  my  behef  to  the  House.  As  I  was  coming-  last  Monday  from  the  four 
courts,  in  my  chair,  I  was  stopped  by  a  particular  friend,  a  gentleman  of  great 
worth  and  consequence,  who  asked  me,  whether  I  Intended  to  sfo  that  day  to 
the  House.  I  answered,  that  I  did  not,  as  I  knew  of  nothing  that  made  my 
attendance  necessary;  and  that,  as  I  had  been  much  fatigued  by  business  of 
the  House,  and  by  the  courts,  I  intended  to  make  that  a  day  of  rest."  He 
replied,  *'  You  may  not  only  take  }our  rest  this  day,  but  every  other  day  of 
*'  the  sessions,  for  things  are  now  fixed  so  as  to  admit  of  no  alteration  ;  no'en- 
"  quiry  v/ill  be  made  into  the  state  of  the  pensions,  nor  any  thing-  else  done, 
"  but  what  has  been  agreed  upon  with  those,  who  are  to  take  the  lead."  To 
this  I  answered  v/ith  great  surprise,  that  I  could  scarce  think  what  he  told  me 
was  possible  :  that  the  House  had  been  unanimous  for  examination,  and  had 
actually  appointed  a  committee  for  that  purpose,  but  a  few  days  ag-o;  that  the 
public  expected  it,  and  to  disappoint  them  in  an  expectation  so  reasonable,  and 
on  an  occasion  so  important,  would  be  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  dignity,  as 
well  as  the  duty  of  the  House,  as  the  members  would  then  appear  to  be  no- 
thing- more  than  state  puppets,  with  wires  in  their  noses  ;  by  which  they  were 
turned  first  one  war,  and  then  another,  just  as  those,  who  had  the  manag-ement 
of  them  thought  fit'." 

Mr.  Pery  was  interrupted  by  the  attorney  general,  who  addressed  himself  in 
a  very  angry  strain  to  the  House.  "  I  hope  every  gentleman  in  this  House 
feels  a  proper  disdain  at  being  represented  as  a  puppet,  moved  by  dictates  of 
another's  will,  and  sufficient  spirit  to  shew,  by  his  conduct,  that  he  acts  upon 
principles  of  freedom  and  independence,  by  the  determination  of  his  ov>')i  judg- 
ment. As  to  the  enquiry  in  question,  I  shall,  for  mj^  ov.n  part,  oppose  it  from 
a  full  conviction,  that  it  is  imnecessary ;  what  could  we  hope  more  from  this 
enquiry,  than  an  assurance  from  his  majesty,  that  he  has  considered  the  grie- 
vance, and  will  redress  it  ?  And  this  assurance  he  has  been  graciously  pleased 
to  give  us  already.  It  is  indeed  true,  that  this  assurance  has  not  come  before 
the  House,  with  the  solemnity  of  a  formal  message;  but  gentlemen  seem  to  for- 
get that  his  majesty  could  not  communicate  it  in  that  manner,  consistent  with 
his  character  and  dignity.  The  intimation  to  the  lord  lieutenant  is  a  favour, 
and,  if  his  majesty  is  graciously  pleased  to  wave  his  prerogative  in  our  behalf, 
arc  we  to  expect,  that  he  should  do  it  in  a  way,  that  would  imply  a  conscious- 
ness of  his  having  abused  it  ?  His  majesty  has,  in  this  instance,  treated  us 
with  condescension  and  kindness,  of  which,  I  may  venture  to  say,  we  have  no 
precedent ;  and  shall  we  return  it  with  remonstrance  and  complaints  ?  Shall 
we  I'efise  a  favour  from  ovu-  gracious  prince,  merely  because  it  is  not  offered 
Jin  a  manner  that  would  degrade  himself:" 

VOL.    IT.  ^l 


OO  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

an  humble  address*  should  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  strongly 
expressive  of  the  impropriety  and  mischief  of  such  grants,  which 
produced  a  still  more  impassioned  debate  than  the  former ;  the 
address  was  negatived  by  124  against  58.     The  prevailing  argu- 
ment on  the  court  side  was  used  by  Mr.  Gore,  the  solicitor 
general.     "  The  voice,"  said  he,  "  of  the  majority,  is  the  voice 
"  of  the  nation,  and  in  that  once  given  we  ought  to  acquiesce. 
"  Give  me  leave.  Sir,  to   add,  that  the  majority,  by  which  the 
"  late  question  has  been  determined,  consists  of  gentlemen  of 
"  rank  and  abilities  ;  gentlemen,  who  have  great  property  to  se- 
"  cure,  and  great  characters  to  maintain  j  and  I  think  there  never 
*'  Gate  in  any  national  assembly  of  any  age,  or  any  country,  per- 
*'  sons,  who  had  more  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  at 
"  heart,  or  knew  better  how  they  were  to  be  maintained."     The 
prominent  zeal  of  Mr.   Gore  in  supporting  the  court  party  was 
5con  rewarded  ;  he  was  raised  over  the  head  of  Mr.  Tisdall,  the 
attorney  general,  to  the  head  of  the  King's  Bench,  and  was  soon 
after   created   Lord  Annally.     With  unrelenting  perseverance 
the  patriots  followed  up  this  popular  ground  of  opposition.     On 
the   13th  of  December  Mr.  Pery  again  came  forward,  and  al- 
though he  had  been  very  unfortunate  in  the  proposals,  that  he 
had  made  with  a  view  to  the  public  advantage,  yet,  said  he,  it 
was  his  duty  to  persevere ;  let  the  current  therefore  run  ever  so 
strongly  against  him,  he  was  determined  to  strive  against  it  to 
the  last ;   and  though  he  might  not  be  able  to  stop,  or  turn  its 

*  7  Com.  Journ.  p.  239.  24  Nov.  1763.  A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question 
being  put,  tiiat  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  to  assure  liis 
majesty  of  the  inviolable  attachment  to  his  royal  person  and  family ;  that  we 
have  the  firmest  reliance  on  his  majesty's  wisdom,  justice,  and  tender  regard 
for  his  subjects  of  this  kingdom  ;  but  that  we  should  fail  in  our  duty  to  his 
majesty,  and  desert  the  trust  reposed  in  us  by  those  we  represent,  should  we 
longer  defer  laying  before  his  majesty  the  real  state  of  this  kingdom,  which 
we  have  some  reason  to  fear  may  not  yet  have  been  fully  presented  to  liis  ma- 
jesty's view.     Til  at  we  presume  to  do  so  f]-om  a  firm  persuasion,  that  his  ma- 
jesty will  not  believe,  that  we  are  prompted  to  it  by  the  spirit  of  faction,  but 
'impelled  by  the  necessities  of  the  kingdom  ;    and  that  we  have  nothing  in 
view  but  his  majesty's  honour  and  prosj)crity  of  our  country.     That  during  the 
late  successful  war  v.  e  exerted  our  utmost  efforts  for  the  support  of  his  ma- 
jesty's government,  and  to  raise  suchsuj^plies  as  liis  majesty  thought  necessary 
for  his  service,  though  It  wasuiththe  greatest  difficulty  we  could  even  provide 
for  payment  of  the  interest  of  the  sums  we  were  obliged  to  borrow  for  that  pur- 
pose.    But  at  the  same  time  we  could  not  without  the  vitmost  concern  observe, 
though  we  lamented  it  in  silence,  the  great  continual   encrease  of  pensions, 
and  that  a  considerable  part  of  the  sums,  which  were  destined  for  public  uses, 
v/ere  diverted  to  ]irivr.te  pur])oses.  That  this  is  one  greatcause  of  the  heavy  debt, 
Vvhich  oppresses  the  kingdom,  and  which  we  can  scarce  ever  hope  to  discharge, 
deprived  as  vre  are  of  those  resources  from  trade,  with  which  the  other  parts 
of  his  majesty's  domains  are  blessed.     That  any  considerable  addition  to  this 
burthen  miist  depopulate  this  kingdom,  already  much  exhausted  of  its  inhabi- 
tants.    Tliitt  we  presume  with  all  humility  to  lay  these  our  circumstances 
before  his  majesty,  not  doubting,  that  they  will  excite  in  his  royal  breast  these 
sentiments,  which  are  so  natural  to  liis  princely  disposition. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  91 

course,  his  resistance  to  it  would  at  least  prevent  his  being  car- 
ried away  before  it.'^      He   accordingly  moved,  though   with 

*  Mr.  Pery's  introduction  to  his  motion  is  so  illustrative  of  the  liistory  of 
his  country  at  this  critical  period,  that  the  reader  will  tliank  me  for  subjcniiinp-  it, 
2  Culd.  p.  578.     '•  I  have  g-rcater  reason  to  h.ope  for  success  in   my  preseivt 
"  jn'oposal,  than  in  any  tliat  I  have  yet  made,  for  it  is  a  proposal  to  do  what 
*'  his  majesty  has,  in  the  most  gTacious  and  emphatical  manner,  recommended 
"  to  be  done  in  his  speech  from  tijc  throne,  ilie  practice  of  ceconomy,  and  the 
"  reduction  of  our  debt."     TJie  words  of  the  si)eech  are  these,  "  Tiie  situation 
"  of  public  alFairs  will  permit  a  very   considerable  diminution  of  the  public 
•'  expence,  and  I  am  only  to  thank  you  for  your  past  efforts,  without  ag-ain 
"  having-  rec  'urse  to  the  experienced  liberahiy  of  parliament,  I  have  nothing  to 
*'  ask  but  a  continuance  ot  the  supplies,  for  the  support  of  tiie  ordinar\-  estab- 
"  lishmeat,  which,  it  is  ho-ped,  wdl  not  exceed  the  produce   of  tlie   ordinarv 
"  revenue,  and  I  recommend  to  you  a  proper  attention  to  the  reduction  of  tJi'e 
"  public  deljt."     I  am  sorry  there  should  be  any  occasion  to  enforce  an  address, 
with  v/hich  it  is  so  manifestly  both  our  interest  and  duty  to  comply,  yet  certain 
it  is,  tiiat  we  have  so  far  neglected  it,  that  a  conduct  directly  opposite  to  that 
liere  ;ecomi"nended  has  already  brought  us  to  the  verge  of  ruin,  and,  if  con- 
tinued,  will  phnigc  us  to  the  bottom.     That  I  may  not  appear  to  create  evils, 
v.hich  I  do  not  find,   I  shall  represent  the  present  situation  of  this  country  lev 
a  series  of  facts,  too  notorious  not  to  be  believed,  and  too  formidable  not  to  be 
feared;   by  which  it  will  appear,  that  we  have  tamely  and  silently  acquiesced 
in  the  violation  of  these  assurances,   and  totally  neglected  this  advice.     We 
have  been  so  far  from  being  relieved  from  the  burthen  of  taxes,  wliich,  when 
they  were  indispensably  necessary,  we  were  little  able  to  hear,  thai  an  unex- 
pected requisition  of  supplies  has  been  made  with  a  long  tra'n  of  pensions. 
which  exceed  tlie  expence  of  all  other  branches  of  the  civil  establishment,  b\- 
above   forty-tv.'o  thousand  pounds.     The  number  of  military  officers  is  en- 
creased,   not  only  far  beyond  what  it  has  ever  been  in  time  of*  peace,  but  even 
beyond  what  it  has  ever  been  during  the  most  dangerous  war.     AVe  have  two 
more  regiments  of  dragoons,  and  four  regimeiUs  of  foot,    more  than  ever ; 
besides  four  old  regiments  ofhor.se;  the  expence  of  general  oiBcers  Is  encreased 
no  less  than  thirteen  thousand  pounds  a  year,  thougii  there  were  not  a  suiBcient 
number  of  them  in  this  kingdom,  to  attend  tiie  last  reduction  of  forces;  the 
expence  of  the  ordnance  is,  in  two  years,  suellcd  from  ten  thousand  six  hun- 
dred pounds,  to  above  forty-five  thousand  pounds,  though  the  v.hole  arlillerv 
of  the  kingdom  is  not  equal  to  the  ordnance  of  a  frigate  of  thirty  guns,  and 
every  otljer  branch  of  the  civil  and  miUtary  establishment  is  encreased  nearly 
in  the  same  proportion,  so  that  t!ie  expence  of  the  nation  for  these  tv.o  }ears 
appears,  by  the  most  exact  calculation,  to  exceed  its  whole  revenue  more  than 
three  hundred  and  fourteen  thousand  pounds,  which  deficiency  being  added  to 
the  national  debt,  we  must  at  the  next  meeting  of  parliament  owe  more  than 
one  million.     It  appears  also  by  calculation,  that  the  present  establishments  in 
lime  of  peace  exceed  the  establishments  during  the  last  war  more  than  ninety- 
seven  thousand  pounds.     Let  us  now,  sir,  pause  a  moment,  and  consider  what 
we  have  been  doing  ;   and  hov/  we  have  availed  ourselves  of  a  situation  of 
ailairs,  which  admits  a  considerable  diminution  of  the  public  expence ;   how 
we  have  fulfilled  liis  majesty's  gracious  admonilion  to  attend  to  the  reduction 
of  our  public  debt  ?  We  have  granted  all  the  supplies,  that  have  been  demand- 
ed for  the  support  of  these  establishments,  however  unsuitable  to  the  circum- 
.<.:ances  of  tlie  kingdom,  however  unsupportable  to  the  people,  liovvever  con- 
tJ-ciry  to  the  declarations  fr,>ra  the  throne,  however  incompatible  with  an  atten- 
tion graciously  recommended  from  it.      Let  our  zeal  and  affection  for  his 
majesty  be  our  apology,  and  an  unlimited  confidence  in  his  goodness  be  our 
praise  ;    but  let  us  at  least  apprize  him  of  the  sacrifice  we  have  made  ;    let 
vis  v.ithall  humility  represent  the  danger  we  have  incurred  ;    let  us  solicit  his 
protection,  and  though  we  have  given  up  our  all,  and  even  more  than  our  all, 
he  v/ill  not  keep  it  to  our  destruction.     AVe  have  read  cf  a  prince,  who,  when 


92  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

his  usual  want  of  success,  that  an  humble  address  should  be  pre- 
sented to  his  majesty  on  the  state  of  the  nation,  and  respecting 
the  encreased  expence  of  the  civil  and  military  establishments; 
and  as  that  address  contains  an  authentic  statement  of  the  real 
situation  of  Ireland  at  that  time,  it  follows  in  the  very  words 
of  the  motion :  "  ^I  move  that  an  humblea  ddress  be  presented 
*'  to  his  majesty,  to  acknowledge  with  the  utmost  gratitude  his 
*'  majesty's  most  gracious  acceptance  of  our  past  services.  To 
''  assure  his  majesty  of  our  firm  resolution  to  pursue  such  mea- 
"  sures,  as  shall  tend  most  to  promote  the  real  interest  and  ho- 
"  nour  of  the  crown.  To  express  the  general  satisfaction  and 
"joy,  with  which  his  majesty's  most  gracious  declaration  com- 
"  raunicated  by  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant  to  both  houses 
"  of  parliament  at  the  opening  of  the  session  was  received,  viz. 
"  That  by  the  conclusion  of  a  general  peace  we  were  at  length 
"  relieved  from  those  burthens,  which  were  unavoidable  during 
*'  a  war.  That  the  situation  of  public  affairs  would  permit  a 
"  very  considerable  diminution  of  public  expence,  that  nothing 
"  W"as  tc  be  asked,  but  the  continuance  of  supplies  for  the 
"  support  of  the  ordinary  establishments,- and  that  his  majesty 
"  thanked  us  for  our  past  efforts,  without  again  having  recourse 
"  to  the  experienced  liberality  of  parliament."....That  from  these 
'"•  assurances,  we  drew  the  most  flattering  expectations  of  reduc- 
"  ing  the  national  debt,  and  relieving  the  impoverished  people 
"  from  the  burthen  of  those  taxes  they  were  so  little  able  to 
"  bear:  but  that  these  pleasing  hopes  were  soon  blasted  by  the 
"  unexpected  requisition  of  supplies,  to  support  a  civil  establish- 
"  ment,  loaded  with  a  long  train  of  pensions,  the  amount  of 
"  which,  exclusive  of  the  French  and  military,  exceeded  the 
"  expence  of  all  the  other  branches  of  the  civil  establishment,  in, 
"  the  sum  of  42,627/.  19^.  2c/.  many  of  v/hich  were  publicly 
"  bought  and  sold  in  the  market.  That  the  number  of  officers 
"  upoffl  the  military  establishment  is  encreased,  not  only  far 
*"'  beyond  what  it  ever  v/as  in  time  of  peace,  but  even  beyond 
"  what  it  was  in  the  time  of  the  most  dangerous  war,  and  would, 
"  under  any  reign  but  that  of  his  majesty,  raise  just  apprehen- 
"  sions  for  the  constitution,  not  only  of  this  kingdom,  but  that 
"  of  Great  Britain.     That  instead  of  six  regiments  of  dragoons 

he  was  fainting  with  tliirrt,  and  water  was  brought  him  at  the  risk  of  life, 
refused  to  drink  it,  •'  God  forbid  (said  he)  that  I  should  drink  the  blood  of 
these  men  ;"  can  we  then  imagine  that  our  gracious  sovereign  will  drink  the 
(blood  of  this  nation,  that  he  will  use  his  poM^er,  which  he  has  derived  from  the 
ardour  of  our  affection  to  our  ruin  ?  Our  duty  both  to  him,  and  ourselves,  re- 
quires that  we  should  at  least  apprize  him  of  what  we  have  done,  that  we  may 
not  be  left  to  perish,  merely  because  our  danger  was  not  known,  nor  suffer  by 
a  sacrifice,  of  v^hich  the  value  to  us  is  infinite,  but  to  liim,  Vvho  receives  it 
nothing,  fov  ultimately  his  glory  and  prosperity  is  ours. 
*  7  Com.  Journ.  p.  255. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  95 

**  and  twentj'-six  of  foot,  (the  most  ever  before  seen  in  this 
*'  kingdom)  there  are  eight  regiments  of  dragoons,  and  thirty  of 
"  foot,  besides  the  four  old  regiments  of  horse.  That  the  ex- 
"  pence  of  general  officers  is  raised  from  30,000/.  in  two  years  to 
"  45,000/.  though  there  was  not  sufficient  number  of  them  in  the 
*'  kingdom  to  attend  the  last  reduction  of  the  forces.  That  the 
"  expence  of  the  ordnance  is  swelled  from  10,600/.  in  two  years 
*'  to  45,070/.  independent  of  its  extraordinary  charges,  which 
''  are  very  considerable,  though  the  whole  artillery  of  this  king- 
"  dom  is  not  equal  to  the  ordnance  of  one  of  his  majesty's  ships 
"  of  thirty  guns.  That  every  branch  of  the  military  and  civil 
*', establishment  is  advanced  nearly  in  the  same  proportion. 
"  That  from  principles  of  duty  and  affection  to  his  majesty,  we 
"  granted  the  supplies  which  were  demanded  from  us  in  his 
*'  majesty's  name,  for  the  support  of  these  several  establish- 
"  ments,  however  insupportable  to  the  people.  But  though 
"  the  warmth  of  our  zeal  and  affection  for  his  majesty  induced 
"  us  thus  liberally  to  grant  those  supplies,  our  duty  to  him  and 
"  those  we  represent  will  not  permit  us  to  conceal  from  his 
*'  majesty  or  the  public  the  real  state  and  condition  of  this  king- 
"  dom,  which  we  shall  lay  before  his  majesty  with  all  humility, 
"  and  cast  ourselves  at  his  majesty's  feet,  to  implore  his  royal 
"  protection  against  his  ministers.  That  the  expence  of  the 
"  present  military  establishment  amounts  in  two  years  to  the 
"sum  of  980,955/.  19.9.  The  civil  establishment  to  242,956/. 
"  10.?.  9(L  ;  to  which  must  be  added  at  the  most  moderate 
"  computation  300,000/.  for  extraordinary  and  contingent  expen- 
"  ces  of  government.  That  these  sums  added  together  amount 
"  to  the  sum  of  1,523,912/.  9?.  9d,  That  to  answer  this 
"  expence,  the  v/hole  revenue  of  this  kingdom,  the  additional 
"  as  well  as  hereditary  duties,  exclusive  of  the  loan  duties, 
"  which  are  but  barely  sufficient  to  pay  the  interest  of  650,000/. 
"  th^  present  national  debt,  amount  to  the  sum  of  1,209,864/. 
"  at  a  medium  for  fourteen  years  ;  so  that  the  expence  of  the 
"  nation  for  these  two  last  years,  must  exceed  its  whole  revenue 
"  in  a  sum  of  314,248/.  96".  9d,  which  deficiency  being  added  to 
"  the  national  debt,  must  leave  this  kingdom  at  the  next  meet- 
**  ing  of  parliament  near  1,000,000/.  in  debt.  That  the  highest 
"  establishment  we  ever  had  in  time  of  peace  in  this  kingdom, 
"  were  those  in  the  two  vears  ending  in  March  1755,  and  yet 
"  the  present  establishment  exceeds  them  in  the  sum  of  283,028/. 
"  9-9.  9t'/,  That  during  the  late  expensive  war,  the  establish- 
"  ments  amounted  at  a  medium,  only  to  the  sum  of  1,125,790/. 
"  for  two  years,  so  that  the  present  establishments  in  a  time  of 
*'  peace,  exceed  the  establishments  in  the  last  war  in  the  sum  of 
"  97,522/*  9.9.  9d,     That  we  have  already  contracted  a  nev/  debt 


94  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

*'  debt  of  100,000/.  though  we  expected  to  have  discharged  paft 
*'  of  the  old.  That  the  imports,  exports,  and  home  consump- 
"  tion  of  this  kingdom  are  already  taxed  to  the  utmost  they  tan 
"  bear.  That  any  addition  to  these  taxes,  instead  of  encreasing, 
"  must  lessen  the  revenue.  That  nothing  now  remains  to  be 
"  taxed  but  our  lands,  which  are  already  loaded  with  quit-rents, 
"  crown  rents,  composition  rents,  and  hearth  money.  That  if 
''  the  present  establishments  are  to  continue,  the  debt  of  the 
*'  nation  must  constantly  increase,  and  in  the  end  prove  the  utter 
*'  ruin  of  the  kingdom.  That  such  is  the  true,  but  melancholy 
*'  state  of  this  country,  which  nothing  but  his  majesty's  most 
*'  gracious  declarations,  signified  to  us  by  his  excellency  the 
^'  lord  lieutenant,  could  have  given  us  confidence  to  have  laid 
"  before  him,  and  which  we  do,  that  his  majesty  may  judge 
*'  how  far  his  most  benevolent  intentions  have  been  pursued. 
*'  That  we  presume  not  to  point  out  any  particular  method  of 
*'  redress,  fully  persuaded  as  v»^e  are,  that  when  his  majesty  shall 
"  have  been  thus  fully  informed  of  our  real  circumstances,  his 
*'  wisdom,  his  justice,  his  humanity,  will  not  permit  the  utter 
^  ruin  of  a  dutiful,  a  loyal,  an  affectionate  people." 

In  tracing,  combining,  and  reflecting  upon  the  events,  which 
fall  to  the  lot  of  the  historian  to  retail  in  their  order  and  suc- 
cession, it  is  often  impracticable  to  deduce  particular  effects 
from  their  real  causes.  The  great  mass  of  the  people  in  Ire- 
land, the  Roman  Catholics,  who  by  their  exemplary  forbear- 
ance and  unsullied  loyalty  since  the  revolution,  had  not  only 
borne  up  against  the  severest  persecution,  but  defeated  the 
keenest  provocation,  were  thereby  secured  in  the  affections  and 
confidence  of  all  impartial  and  unprejudiced  Protestants  :  and 
the  eminently  paternal  indulgences  of  our  gracious  sovereign  to 
that  body  forbid  us  to  harbour  a  doubt,  whether  his  Irish  Ca- 
tholic subjects  did  not  ever  possess  an  extraordinary  share  of 
his  royal  tenderness  and  affection.  But  there  then  was,  and  it 
is  feared,  still  is  in  Ireland,  a  certain  description  of  persons,  (it 
would  be  little  flattering  to  the  established  church  to  admit  them 
in  any  manner  into  their  pale,  by  calling  them  Protestants)  whose 
innate  acrimony  and  vindictive  cruelty,  hold  the  place  of  huma- 
nity, sympathy,  and  Christian  charity:  vvho  professed  themselves 
at  all  times  enemies  by  principle,  and  persecutors  by  disposition 
of  their  Catholic  countrymen  :  these  were  ready  instruments  in 
the  hands  of  the  ambitious  prelate^  to  whose  intrigues  Lord  Clare 
attributed  all  the  party  heats  and  animosities,  that  so  long  dis- 
turbed and  degraded  their  parliamentary  proceedings.  As  long 
es  Primate  Stone  lived,"*  he  pursued  the  Machiavelian  policy 
of  keeping-  t^ve  Irish  a  divided  people,  and  by  that  wicked  sys- 

^  He  died  the  19th  of  December,  \7^A,  * 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  95 

tern  of  supporting  the  English  interest  by  reducing  each  party 
beneath  the  court  party  ;  to  encrease  v/hich  he  set  (Economy, 
delicacy,  and  justice  at  defiance.  To  the  prevalence  therefore 
of  his  influence,  is  to  be  attributed  the  failure  of  the  first  modest 
effort  in  favour  of  the  Catholics,  during  the  present  reign. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1763,  Mr.  Mason  rose  in  his  place 
and  reminded  the  house,  that  in  the  last  session  of  parliament,* 

*  One  laments  that  the  journals  of  parliament  are  to  be  so  little  relied  on, 
when  matter  relatin,^  to  the  Catholics  is  the  subject  of  entry.  My  former  re- 
marks on  that  subject  are  confirmed,  but  not  explained  by  this  unaccountable 
emission  to  notice  the  passln,^  of  that  bill,  upon  a  division  in  the  last  session, 
or  of  Mr.  Mason's  notice  to  bring  in  similar  heads  of  a  bill  for  the  same  pur- 
pose on  a  future  day.  In  this  particular,  it  is  wholly  improbable,  that  Sir 
James  Caldwell  should  not  be  accurate  in  his  report  of  this  matter  (2  vol.  p. 
.511)  as  he  had  entered  so  deeply  into  the  question,  as  to  have  published  a 
pamphlet  of  great  acrimony  .igainst  it,  entituled  A  brief  Exainination  of  the 
Question,  %-chether  it  is  expedient  either  in  a  Religious  or  Political  Fiexv  to  pass  an 
Act  to  enable  Papists  to  take  Real  Security  for  Money  vchich  they  viay  lend.  So 
anxious  was  this  knight  for  the  success  of  his  pamphlet  in  prejudicing  the 
minds  of  the  public  against  the  heads  of  the  bill,  that  lie  published  it  only  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  Saturday  preceding  the  Monday,  on  which 
the  heads  of  the  bill  were  appointed  to  be  taken  into  consideration  :  too  late 
certainly  for  a  question  of  that  importance  to  the  nation  to  be  fairly  replied 
to,  had  it  been  tlie  wish  of  the  author  to  have  the  question  impartially  can- 
vassed. The  pamphlet  was  a  hasty  and  virulent  compilation  of  all  the  calum- 
nies, that  had  been  thrown  upon  the  Catholics,  since  Protestants  existed ; 
with  a  most  barefaced  invention  of  his  owni,  that  the  pope's  legate,  who  always 
resides  in  Ireland,  had  interdicted  seven  Roman  Catholic  bishops,  for  having,, 
when  the  insurrections  of  the  White  Boys  v/ere  at  the  highest,  ordered  his 
jnajesty  to  be  prayed  for  in  all  the  Roman  Catholic  chapels  of  their  dioceses, 
and  that  these  seven  bishops  had  sent  in  a  paper  to  the  lord  lieutenant  to  com- 
plain of  this  legatine  interdict,  and  that  they  afterwards  entreated  the  lord 
lieutenant  to  return  their  paper,  which  his  excellency  refused.  There  had 
been  no  pope's  leg.te  or  any  person  vested  with  legatine  authority  in  Ireland 
for  above  a  century  :  and  it  is  matter  of  notoriety,  that  the  king  was  prayed  for 
in  every  Roman  Catholic  chapel  throughout  Ireland:  nor  did  one  of  the  whole 
body  of  Catholic  bishops  refuse  to  concur  with  the  rest  in  enjoining  this  duty 
to  their  flocks:  nor  was  any  such  paper  presented  to  Lord  Halifax,  that  could 
by  the  most  artful  malice  be  distorted  into  an  instrument  of  the  tendency^, 
which  that  over  zealous  kniglithad  imagined.  Besides  this  incredible  fiction, 
he  hazarded  a  most  malicious  assertion,  which  the  experience  of  all  times  fal- 
sifies :  viz.  that  no  Papist  has  ever  as  yet  been  hno'ivn  to  take  the  oath  of  allegi- 
ance ;  when  it  was  notorious,  that  the  Roman  CathoUc  gentlemen  of  Ireland 
did  take  the  oath  of  a.leglance  to  King  William  and  Qiieen  Mary,  which  was 
all  they  required  of  them  as  a  test  or  their  fidelity :  and  which  they  most  re- 
ligiously observed,  as  has  been  seen.  This  active  knight  discovered  the  most 
dreadful  consequences,  and  predicted  the  infallible  ruin  to  the  constitution,  if 
Papists  were  by  law  enabled  to  have  real  security  for  their  money  lent:  not 
reflecting  at  the  same  time,  that  for  the  space  of  fifty  years,  during  which  the 
Catholics  had  invested  money  on  real  securities  and  sued  out  elegits,  it  never 
had  been  doubted,  till  lately,  that  they  had  not  a  legal  right  so  to  do  :  and 
more  especially,  as  many  of  the  legislators  of  the  laws  of  Anne  were  then 
living,  many  of  them  gendemen  at  the  bar,  and  some  of  them,  after  the  pass- 
ing of  those  laws,  judges  on  the  bench,  who  should  naturally  be  well  able  to 
interpret  those  lav/s,  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  would  not  have  permitted  them 
to  be  so  misunderstood  and  violated.  This  knight  was  one  of  the  instruments 
privately  used  by  Primate  StQue  to  prevent  any  precedent  being  set  of  a  relax- 


96  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  bill  had  passed  without  a  division  for  empowering  Papists  to 
lend  money  on  the  mortgages  of  real  estates,  that  it  had  been 
lost  in  England,  for  what  reason  he  knew  not,  as  he  thought  the 
passing  of  it  would  have  been  of  great  advantage  to  that  king- 
dom. He  contended  that  at  present.  Papists  could  take  only 
personal  security  for  money  they  lend,  which  was  certainly  a 
great  hardship  upon  them,  and,  he  should  endeavour  to  shew 
that  it  was  also  a  great  disadvantage  to  the  public.  As  the  pub- 
lic was  nothing  more  than  an  aggregate  of  individuals,  the  suf- 
fering of  an  individual,  is  a  disadvantage  to  the  public  in  the 
proportion,  v/hich  that  individual  bears  to  the  whole,  supposing 
the  suffering  of  the  individual  to  terminate  entirely  in  himself ; 
now  Papists  making  one  part,  and  a  very  considerable  part  too, 
of  that  community,  it  w^as  certain,  that  the  community  must 
suffer  v/ith  them,  supposing  their  peculiar  disadvantages  to  affect 
only  themselves  ;  but,  in  this  case,  their  disadvantage  affects 
other  parts  of  the  community  ;  if  the  Papists  be  prohibited  from 
lending  upon  such  security,  as  is  thought  a  sufficient  indemnifi- 
cation, which,  with  respect  to  mere  personal  security,  in  such 
a  country  as  this,  cannot  be  the  case,  it  is  certain,  that  the  Pro- 
testant is  continually  restrained  from  borrowing,  and  yet  bor- 
rowing, and  lending  are  mutual  advantages.  It  might,  perhaps, 
be  replied,  that  though  the  disadvantages,  under  which  the  Pa- 
pists are  laid,  by  what  are  called  Popery  laws,  are,  indeed,  dis- 
advantages to  the  public,  yet  the  disadvantages  to  the  public 
would  be  greater,  if  the  Papists  v/ere  admitted  to  all  the  privi- 
leges and  immunities  of  Protestants  ;  that  they  had  in  that  case 
the  power  only  of  chusing  the  least  of  two  evils,  the  different 
religious  opinions  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  making  a 
certain  degree  of  evil  inevitable.  But,  in  answer  to  this,  he 
observed,  that,  with  religious  opinions,  any  farther  than  they 
include  political  principles,  affecting  civil  government,  they  had 
nothing  to  do.  The  Protestant  religion  was  founded  upon  the 
right  of  private  judgment.  They  renounced  the  infallibility  of 
the  pope,  and  it  would  be  absurd,  indeed  to  set  up,  instead  of  it, 
an  infallibility  of  the  state  ;  as  Protestants  they  must  therefore 
upon  their  own  principles,  admit  that  the  opinions  of  those,  who 

ation  in  the  Popery  laws,  Ms  grace  foreseeing  in  that  the  probable  coalition  of 
Protestant  and  Catholic  in  tlie  interests  of  Ireland,  and  consequently  the  sure 
and  immediate  overthrow  of  tlie  English  Interest^  which  he  and  his  predeces- 
sor Boulter,  had  so  effectually  reared,  cherished,  and  supported,  in  direct  op- 
position to  the  native  or  country  interest.  The  liberahty  and  paternal  affections 
of  our  gracious  sovereign  for  his  Irish  subjects,  threatened  immediate  demoli- 
tion to  that  factitious  and  monstrous  fabric,  which  under  that  primate  had 
been  sujjported  with  the  most  corrupt  buttresses  ;  it  is  said,  that  his  despair 
of  maintaining  the  system  he  had  so  long  and  so  arbitrarily  controlled,  contri- 
buted not  a  little  to  his  dissolution,  wliicli  was  premature,  considering-  his  age 
and  extraordinary  strenicth  of  constitution. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  97 

differ  from  them  may  possibly  be  true  ;  and  opinions,  that  may 
possibly  be  true,  they  had  certainly  no  right  to  punish-  They 
might  indeed,  and  they  ought  to  keep  the  power  of  hurting  out 
of  the  hands  of  those  whose  principles  would  lead  them  to  exert 
it;  but  he  thought  the  Papists  a  much  more  formidable  enemy, 
as  an  inmate,  in  the  possession  of  ready  money,  than  in  the  pos- 
session of  a  mortgage  deed.  Money  was  always  power,  and 
that  money  which  is  placed  in  Protestant  hands,  upon  mortgage, 
is  power  in  favour  of  the  state ;  the  same  money,  in  the  hands 
of  the  Papists  unlent,  supposing  the  Papist  to  be  an  enemy  to 
the  state,  was  power  against  it.  Besides  money  was  not  a  lo- 
cal, but  transitory  property  ;  a  Papist,  possessed  only  of  money, 
has  no  local  interest  in  the  country,  but  a  Papist  mortgagee  had  ; 
he  would  be  engaged  to  support  the  government  in  point  of  in- 
terest :  his  security  for  his  money  was  good,  while  government 
subsisted,  and  in  the  convulsion,  that  always  attends  the  sub- 
version of  government,  it  would  at  least  become  doubtful;  be- 
sides, the  greater  the  advantages,  which  the  Papists  receive 
under  the  present  constitution,  the  more  they  must  desire  its 
continuance,  and  he  would  venture  to  say,  that  if  the  Papists 
were  to  be  admitted  to  all  the  privileges  of  Protestant  subjects, 
there  would  scarce  be  a  practical  Jacobite  among  them,  what- 
ever there  might  be  in  theory.  I  should  therefore  be  glad,  that 
the  bill  should  have  another  trial,  and  shall  therefore  move  for 
leave  to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill,  to  impower  Papists  to  lend  mo- 
ney, on  the  mortgage  of  land,  and  to  sue  for  the  same. 

Mr.  Le  Hunte  said,  that  he  thought  the  bill  proposed,  would 
eventually  make  Papists  proprietors  of  great  part  of  the  landed 
interest  of  the  kingdom,  which  would  certainly  extend  their  in- 
fluence, and  that  it  was  dangerous  trusting  to  the  use  they  would 
make  of  it,  upon  a  supposition,  that  their  interests  would  get 
the  better  of  their  principles.  That  the  act  mentioned  to  have 
passed  the  last  sessions,  did  not  pass  without  a  division,  there 
being  a  majority  of  no  more  than  twelve  in  its  favour,  and  that 
it  would  not  have  passed  at  all,  if  it  had  not  been  for  some  art- 
ful management,  it  being  brought  in  the  very  last  day  of  ses- 
sions, when  no  mere  than  sixty-two  members  were  present.  He 
therefore  begged,  that  the  honourable  gentleman  v/ould  post- 
pone his  motion  till  Monday,  as  the  house  was  then  thin,  and 
gentlemen  would  thus  have  time  to  consider  the  subject,  which 
was  of  very  great  importance.  He  added,  that  as  there  was 
reason  to  suppose  it  to  be  the  general  sense  of  the  house,  that 
such  a  bill  should  not  pass,  he  thought  it  would  be  better,  that 
no  heads  pf  such  a  bill  should  be  brought  in,  as  it  was  cruel  to 
raise  expectations,  which  would  probably  be  disappointed. 

VOL.    II.  N 


98  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Mr.  I>Iason  consented  to  postpone  his  motion.  Accordingly 
on  the  Sd  of  February,  1764,  Mr.  Mason  presented  to  the  house, 
according  to  order,  heads  of  a  bill,  to  ascertain  what  securities 
may  be  taken  by  persons  professing  the  Popish  religion,  for  mo- 
ney lent  or  to  be  lent  by  them  ;  and  also  what  remedies  they 
may  have  recourse  to,  for  recovery  thereof;  which  were  receiv- 
ed and  read.  When  a  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  be- 
ing put,  that  the  said  heads  of  a  bill  be  rejected,  the  house  di- 
vided, 138  for  the  rejection,  and  53  against  it.  Another  motion 
tvas  then  made,  and  the  question  being  put,  that  leave  be  given 
to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill  to  enable  Papists  to  take  securiti^ 
upon  lands,  but  in  such  manner,  that  they  might  not  meddle 
•with  the  possession  thereof,  which  was  immediately  negatived 
by  a  majorit}^  of  44.  I  have  been  the  more  particular  in  de- 
tailing the  failure  of  this  first  effort  to  break  in  upon  the  penal 
system,  in  order  to  draw  the  reader's  attention  the  more  closely 
hereafter  to  the  rapid  and  wonderful  progress  of  the  public, 
mind,  when  once  the  dense  fogs  of  bigotry,  prejudice,  and  fear 
had  been  cleared  av/ay. 

We  are  now  fast  approaching  to  that  period  in  the  Irish  his- 
tory, to  which  Lord  Clare  alluded  in  his  memorable  speech  for 
the  Union,  when  he  said,  that  the  system  built  by  the  intrigues 
of  that  ambitious  ecclesiastic  would  beat  down  the  most  power- 
ful nation  of  the  earth,  when  the  government  of  England  at  length 
opened  their  eyes  to  the  defects  and  dangers  of  it ;  -when  they 
shook  the  power  of  the  Aristocracy^  but  were  vnahle  to  break  it 
down.  Whilst  Primate  Stone,*  whose  primary  view  was  to 
realize  his  ovrn  system,  of  politics,  lived,  the  party,  which  he 
commanded  could  ensure  any  question  whatever.  Thus  they 
often  tantalised  tl>e  public  by  consenting  to  preliminary  popular 
motions,  which  it  was  intended  ultimately  to  resist  and  reject: 
so  upon  the  motion  of  Mr.  Bagnall,  leave  was  given  to  bring  in 
heads  of  a  bill  for  better  securing  the  liberties  of  the  subject.f 

*  Of  this  prelate  and  of  his  political  situation,  power,  and  system,  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Campbell,  an  ingenious  and  enlightened  author,  thus  spoke,  in  \777  f  Sur- 
vey of  the  South  of  Ireland,  p.  55  J  :  "  Stone  was  a  man  of  considerable  abili- 
*'  ties,  but  more  of  the  politician,  than  the  prelate  ;  he  devoted  his  iife  to  the 
**  supporting-  a  party  in  the  Irish  parliament.  It  is  said,  that  when  he  went 
*'  over  to  London,  to  consult  the  gentlemen  of  the  faculty  on  his  state  of  health, 
"  he  very  candidly  said  to  them,  '  Look  not  upon  me  as  an  ordinary  churchman, 
**  or  incident  to  their  diseases,  Isut  as  a  man,  who  has  injured  his  constitution 
**  by  sitting  up  late,  and  rising  early,  to  do  the  business  of  government  in  Ire- 
«« land.' 

**  They  consider  Ins  death  an  sera  in  the  pohty  of  this  kingdom  ;  for  had  he 
"lived  till  now,  he  would  have  been  always  one  of  the  lords  justices,  with  the 
*'  power  of  the  whole  ;  and  of  course  business  would  have  been  conducted  in 
*«  the  usual  way.  Administration  would  have  continued  to  throw  all  its  power 
«'  into  his  hands." 

I  Such  rejections  of  the  most  constitutional  and  necessary  proposals  for  the 
civil  liberty  of  the  subject  were  no  novelties  to  Ireland ;    for  scon  after 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  99 

What  those  heads  were,  no  where  appears  :  nor  do  we  6nd  the 
patriotic  sentiment  ever  after  followed  up ;  although  the  non- 
resistance  of  the  motion  in  the  first  instance  occasioned  an  intem- 
perate effusion  oi  public  dissatisfaction.  Inexpressible,  though 
silent,  were  the  grief  and  disappointment  of  the  Catholics  at  the 
failure  of  this  application  to  the  favour  of  the  legislature,  not  in 
fact  for  any  new  favour  or  indulgence,  but  for  assuring  to  them 
a  continuance  of  a  capacity  to  take  real  security  for  their  mo- 
ney, which  the  astute  attempts  some  of  their  enemies  had  only 
lately  began  to  question.  Thus  was  the  healing  draught  of 
leniency  and  mercy  dashed  with  relentless  harshness  from  their 
eager  lips ;  and  all  their  flattering  prospects  of  being  received 
into  the  fostering  arms  of  their  king  and  constitution  at  once 
defeated.  Their  despondency  was  not  of  long  duration  :  their 
oppression  formed  the  base  of  the  then  Anglo-Hybernian  system 
of  government:  the  deaths  of  Primate  Stone  and  the  Earl  of 
Shannon,  in  December,  1764,  put  an  end  to  that  system;  and 
from  thence  a  new  scene  opens  itself  to  our  view.  To  this  mo- 
ment of  Irish  history  it  is,  that  Lord  Clare  alluded,  when  he 
said,  "  the  government  of  England  at  length  opened  their  eyes  to 
"  tJie  defects  and  dangers  ofit:  they  shook  the  power  of  the  Aris- 
"  tocracy,'-^  but  tvere  unable  to  break  it  down,'*'* 

the  Bill  of  Rijjhts  bad  passed  In  England,  the  following  heads  of  a  similar  one 
for  Ireland  were  presented  for  transmission  by  tlie  Irish  parliament  to  Lord 
Capel,  then  Lord  deputy  of  Ireland,  on  the  14th  of  October,  1659,  of  vrhich  no 
iQore  was  heard : 

Heads  of  a  Bill  of  Rights. 

"  1.  That  the  pretended  powers  of  suspending  of  laws  by  regal  authority, 
"  without  consent  of  parliament,  is  illegal.  ' 

"  2.  That  the  pietended  power  of  dispensing  with  laws,  or  the  execution  of 
*'  laws  by  regal  authority,  as  hath  been  assumed  or  exercised,  is  illegal. 

"  3.  That  levying  money  far,  or  to  the  use  of  the  crown,  by  pretence  of  pre- 
'*  rogative,  without  grant  of  parliament,  for  longer  time,  or  in  other  manner 
"  than  the  same  is,  or  shall  be  granted,  is  illegal. 

"  4.  That  it  is  the  right  of  the  subject  to  petition  the  king,  or  the  chief  go- 
**  vernor  or  governors  of  the  kingdom,  for  the  time  being,  and  all  commit- 
"  ments  or  prosecutions,  or  threats  for  such  petition,  are  illegal. 

"  5.  That  the  subjects  which  are  Protestants  may  have  arms  for  their  de- 
*'  fence,  suitable  to  their  conditions,  and  as  allowed  by  law. 

"  6.  That  the  freedom  of  speech,  and  debates  on  proceedings  in  parliament, 
*'  ought  not  be  impeached,  or  questioned,  in  any  place  out  of  parliament. 

"  8.  That  juries  ought  to  be  duly  impanelled  and  returned,  and  juries  which 
'*  pass  upon  men  in  trials  for  high  treason,  ought  to  be  freeholders. 

*'  9.  That  all  grants  and  promises,  fines,  forfeitures  of  particular  persons 
"  before  conviction,  are  illegal  and  void. 

"  10.  That  tor  redress  of  all  grievances  in  this  kingdom,  and  for  amending, 
"  strengthening,  and  preserving  the  laws,  pai-liaments  ought  not  to  be  dis- 
•'  solved,  as  they  have  been  in  the  late  reigns. 

"  11.  That  the  free  quartering  of  soldiers  on  any  of  this  kingdom,  in  time 
*'  of  peace,  is  arbitrary  and  illegal." 

*  This  Aristocracy  is  thus  described  by  Dr.  Campbell  CPbil.  Surv.  p.  56J  ■ 
"  In  this  nation  are  three  or  four  grandees,  who  have  such  an  influence  in  the 


100  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Although  the  deaths  of  two  of  the  lords  justices  made  an 
opening  to  many  great  events,  no  immediate  effects  ensued  of 
sufficient  importance  to  arrest  the  reader's  attention.  The  Lord 
Chancellor  Bowes,  and  Mr.  Ponsonby,  the  speaker  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  were  created  lords  justices,  to  whom  afterwards 
the  Earl  of  Drogheda  was  joined  ;  and  from  the  change  of  sys- 
tem they  were  the  last  lords  justices  ever  appointed.  Lord 
Viscount  Weymouth  was  appointed  lord  lieutenant,  but  he  ne- 
ver went  over.  The  Earl  of  Hertford  met  the  parliament  in 
1765. 

In  December,  1765,  died,  at  Rome,  the  famous  Chevalier  de 
St.  George,  only  son  of  James  II.  he  was  the  subject  of  the 
political  fable  of  the  Warming  Pan  :  he  supported  a  long  life  of 
misfortunes,  sufferings,  and  retirement  with  great  Christian  for- 
bearance and  equanimity.  As  his  attempt  to  recover  the  Bri- 
tish throne,  in  1715,  and  his  son's  effort  to  the  same  end,  in 
1745,  had  made  no  sensation  in  Ireland,  little  is  it  to  be  won- 
dered, that  his  death  was  scarcely  known  or  thought  of  in  that 
country  ;  although  many  of  the  then  existing  generation,  through 
every  part  of  the  British  empire,  had  taken  an  active  share  in 
the  attempts  to  replace  him  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

Although  by  the  management  and  power  of  the  British  cabi- 
net the  number  of  the  patriots  in  the  Irish  parliament  had  been 
greatly  reduced,  their  spirit  was  not  subdued  :  they  again  re- 
turned to  the  charge  of  the  pensions ;  ^and  on  the  6th  of  De- 
cember, 1765,  a  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  being  put, 
"  That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  to  assure 
"  him  of  their  inviolable  duty  and  zealous  attachment  to  his 
"  person  and  government.  That  it  affected  them  with  the  deep- 
"  est  sorrow  to  find,  that  the  pensions  in  general  on  the  estab- 

"  House  of  Commons,  tliat  their  coalition  v.'ould,  at  any  time,  give  Ihem  a  clear 
*'  majorit)^  upon  any  question.  It  has,  therefore,  always  been  a  maxim  of  go- 
*'  vernment  to  disunite  these  factious  chiefs.  And,  still  further  to  disable  op- 
*'  position,  it  has  been  thought  expedient  to  disengage,  as  much  as  possible, 
•'  the  followers  from  their  leaders.  This  M-as  attempted  by  Lord  Chesterfield, 
**  so  early  as  the  year  174:5,  but  his  stay  was  too  short  to  effect  it. 

"  Formerly,  these  principals  used  to  stipulate  with  each  new  lord  lieutenant, 
"  whose  office  was  bien  mal,  and  residence  but  for  six  months,  upon  what 
"  terms  they  would  carry  the  king's  business  through  the  houses  ;  so  that  they 
*'  might,  not  improperly,  be  called  undertakers.  They  provided,  that  the  dis- 
*'  posal  of  all  court  favours,  whether  places,  pensions,  or  preferments,  should 
'*  pass  through  their  hands,  in  order  to  keep  their  suite  in  an  absolute  state  of 
"  dependance  upon  themselves.  All  applications  were  made  by  the  leader, 
**  who  claimed,  as  a  right,  the  privilege  of  gratifying  his  friends  in  proportion 
**  to  their  numbers. 

"  Whenever  such  demands  were  not  complied  with,  then  the  measures  of 
**  government  were  sure  to  be  crossed  and  obstructed;  and  the  session  of  par- 
"  liament  became  a  constant  struggle  for  power,  between  the  heads  of  parties, 
"  who  used  to  force  themselves  into  the  office  of  lord  justice,  according  to  the 
*'  prevalence  of  their  interest." 

*  8  Journ.  Com.  p.  64. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  101 

^*  lishment  of  that  kingdom  had  greatly  increased  of  late  years, 
"  insomuch  as  to  have  amounted  to  the  sum  of  158,885/.  4-9.  S^d, 
"  in  the  two  years  ending  at  Lady  Day,  1765.  That  many  of 
"  those  pensions  had  been  granted  for  long  terms  of  years,  and 
''  for  lives,  and  had  been  made  payable  out  of  the  revenue  at 
*'  large.  That  they  had  long  been  the  causes  of  silent  disquie- 
*'  tude  ;  and  were  of  late  become  the  subjects  of  universal  mur- 
"  mur  and  com.plaint.  That  they  should  think  it  a  breach  of 
"  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  longer  to  conceal  from  his  majesty 
*'  the  grievances  of  his  faithful  subjects,  and  by  such  omission  to 
"  postpone  for  a  day  that  redress,  which  with  the  utmost  confi- 
*'  dence  they  expected  from  the  dictates  of  paternal  affection, 
*'  and  the  suggestions  of  royal  justice."  This  motion  was  ne- 
gatived by  a  majority  of  119  against  41. 

It  is,  even  at  this  distance  of  time,  lamentable  to  behold  the 
vigorous  exertions  of  the  British  cabinet  to  secure  an  English 
ascendency  in  the  Irish  parliament,  and  at  the  same  time  an 
imperious  reluctance  to  use  that  very  ascendency  lor  the  welfare 
of  the  Irish  nation.  Indigence  and  distress  pervaded  the  whole 
kingdom :  the  encreasing  tumults,  insurrection'^,  and  outrages  cf 
the  Steel  Boys  and  other  insurgents  in  the  North,  created  serious 
alarm  in  the  minds  of  all  tliose,  who  really  looked  to  and  felt  for 
the  well-being  of  their  country*  Accordingly  on  the  23d  of  May 
a  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  was  put,  ^''  That  an  hum- 
"  ble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  expressing,  in  the 
*'*  strongest  terms,  the  full  confidence  of  his  ever  loyal  subjects  of 
''  Ireland,  in  his  majesty's  justice  and  parental  affection  for 
"  that  kingdom.  And  representing  to  his  majesty,  that  his 
"  faithful  commons  of  Ireland  apprehending  that  it  was  a  part  of 
"  their  bounden  duty  to  lay  before  his  majesty,  for  his  consi- 
"  deration,  such  grievances  of  his  people,  as  they  judged  might 
"  be  most  deserving  of  his  notice,  and  as  they  feared  he  might 
"  not  otherwise  be  fully  informed  of,  from  a  sense  of  their  duty, 
"  presumed  to  acquaint  his  majesty,  that  in  many  instances  the 
"  laws  of  their  land  were  less  resorted  to,  revered,  and  observed 
"  by  the  lower  class  of  people,  at  that  time,  than  had  been  usual 
"  theretofore  in  that  kingdom,  or  than  was  becoming  a  people, 
"  who  enjoyed  the  blessing  of  a  free  government,  of  which  the 
"  commotions  in  several  parts  of  that  kingdom,  were  but  too 
"  plain  and  striking  examples.  That  one  principal  source  of 
"  these  evils  consisted  in  the  appointing  persons  of  mean  abili- 
''  ties  and  totally  unacquainted  v/ith  the  state  and  municipal 
"  constitution  of  Ireland,  to  the  ministration  of  justice  in  the 
*'•  supreme  courts  of  law  in  that  kingdom ;  by  the  means  of 
"  which,  all  law  suits  were  protracted  to  an  excessive  length, 

'*  SJourn.  Com.  p.  141. 


102  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  and  the  expences  of  them  v/ere  rendered  intolerable,  the  se- 
*'  curity  of  persons,  of  life,  and  of  property,  were  daily  dimi- 
"  nished  and  made  more  precarious ;  the  laws,  instead  of  being 
«  considered  as  the  protection,  were  become  the  oppression  of 
"  the  people,  and  in  the  place  of  being  obeyed  and  loved,  ap- 
"  peared  too  often  contemptible  or  disgusting  from  the  incapa- 
"•  city,  which  sometimes  was  found  in  those,  who  were  entrust- 
"  ed  with  the  execution  of  them.  That  his  majesty's  faithful 
"  commons,  in  that  humble  representation,  were  by  no  means 
"  desirous  of  making  any  distinction  between  the  subjects  of 
"  different  parts  of  his  dominions  j  with  gratitude  they  acknow- 
''  ledged,  that  in  former  times  judges  of  the  most  illustrious 
"  abilities  had  been  sent  from  Great  Britain  into  that  kingdom, 
"  to  the  furtherance  of  justice,  and  the  manifest  advantage  of 
"  Ireland  ;  particularly  in  the  instance  of  that  great  man,  who 
"  had  so  long  and  ably  presided  in  his  majesty's  High  Court  of 
"  Chancery,  to  the  universal  satisfaction  of  all  ranks  of  people  ; 
"  neither  could  they,  with  justice,  omit  expressing  their  appro- 
"•  bation  of  such  of  their  present  judges  as  were  natives  of  that 
"  kingdom,  whose  conduct  and  abilities  were,  in  their  opinion, 
"  irreproachable.  That  his  majesty's  faithful  commons  did  not 
"  presume  to  point  out  to  his  majesty  any  remedy  for  those  evils, 
"  relying,  with  the  firmest  confidence,  on  his  majesty's  wisdom, 
"  and  experienced  affection  for  his  whole  people." 

This  address  spoke  too  much  truth,  not  to  be  opposed :  on  a 
division  it  v/as  negatived  by  a  majority  of  71  against  35,  The 
decrease  of  the  numbers  of  the  patriots  on  this  division  roused 
those,  who  had  not  yet  been  bought  off,  to  bring  forward  instant- 
ly some  motion,  which  should  at  least  convince  the  nation  of 
the  corrupt  means,  by  which  their  rights  and  interests  were 
sacrificed  by  a  venal  majority  to  the  English  interest. 

On  the  very  next  day*  a  motion  was  made,  that  an  humble 
address  be  presented  to  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  re- 
presenting to  his  excellency,  that  the  Commons  of  Ireland,  with 
hearts  full  of  the  sense  of  their  miserable  condition,  yet  sup- 
ported with  the  hopes  they  had  of  his  administration,  had  cheer- 
fully contributed  to  all  such  supplies  as  had  been  demanded  from 
them,  and  that  they  did  not  despair  of  his  goodness  being  ex- 
tended towards  them  in  such  a  prudent  and  gracious  manner,  as 
might  afford  them  relief,  according  to  their  present  exigences 
of  their  condition  ;  and  therefore  humbly  requested  his  excel- 
lency would  be  graciously  pleased  to  lay,  or  order  to  be  laid, 
before  that  House  all  the  proceedings  of  the  privy  council  in 
March  last,  relative  to  the  suppression  of  heads  of  a  bill,  enti- 
tled, A  hill  for  the  better  securing  the  Freedom  of  Parliament,  by 

*  24  May,  \7S7.    3  Journ.  Com.  p.  143. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  loi 

<tscertai7iing  the  Salification  of  Knights^  Citizens^  and  Burges^ 
ses  in  Parliament;  and  humbly  requested,  that  his  excellency 
v/ould  order  all  the  patents  granted  in  reversion  or  in  possession 
during  that  administration  to  be  laid  before  the  House  ;  and  that 
his  excellency  would  use  his  influence,  that  no  more  reversionary 
grants  should  be  disposed  of  in  that  kingdom,  inasmuch,  as  they 
debilitated  the  crown  in  present,  and  might  be  attended  by  the 
imposition  of  new  burdens  upon  the  public.  On  which  the 
court  party  moved,  and  of  course  carried  their  motion,  that  in 
lieu  of  the  words,  the  sense  of  their  miserable  condition^  they 
should  insert  the  words,  their  happy  condition  under  his  jnajes- 
ty's  auspicious  government.  The  heads  of  the  bill  alluded  to  in 
this  motion  were  for  septennial  parliaments,  an  object,  to  which 
the  whole  Irish  people  then  most  earnestly  bent  their  thoughts. 
In  a  limitation  of  parliaments,  they  saw  the  only  rem^aining 
check  against  the  open  and  gigantic  system  of  venality,  under 
which  all  parliamentary  process  was  then  carried  on.  Through- 
out every  part  of  the  kingdom  resolutions  and  addresses  were 
carried  in  their  county  meetings  in  favour  of  that  measure. 
The  citizens  of  Dublin  publicly  and  pointedly  declared  their 
sentiments  in  their  spirited  instructions  to  their  representatives 
to  support  the  measure.'*  All  these  efforts  of  the  patriots  in 
parliam.ent,  and  of  the  people  without,  were  ineffectual.  The 
heads  of  the  bill  were  introduced,  agreed  to,  and  transmitted, 
but  arrested  in  their  progress  by  the  English  privy  council. 
Here  again  the  vice  of  the  old  system  of  governing  Ireland  was 
manifested  in  the  answer  given  by  the  lord  lieutenant  to  the 
address  of  the  Commons.^  "  I  have,"  said  his  excellency, 
*'  received  information  of  the  most  authentic  nature,  that  the 
"  bill  for  limiting  the  duration  of  parliaments  will  not  be  re- 
"  turned  during  this  session.     I  shall  however  fully  lay  before 

*  The  Merchants,  Traders,  Freeholders,  and  Citizens  of  Dublin,  presented 
the  following  Address  to  their  Representatives. 

'*  Gentlemen, 

**  HAVING  authentic  intelligence,  that  the  bill,  upon  which 
the  Protestant  interest  and  freedom  of  this  kingdom  depend,  is  dropped  in 
Great  Britain :  and  finding,  that  every  attempt  made  by  the  Commons  of 
Ireland,  strengthened  by  the  united  and  general  voice  of  all  ranks  and  denomi- 
nations of  Protestants,  to  obtain  a  lav/  for  limiting  the  duration  of  parliaments, 
has  hitherto  proved  ineffectual,  we  cannot  but  think,  the  Commons  of  this 
kingdom  will  stand  justified  in  following  the  example  given  by  the  Commons  of 
England  on  a  similar  occasion,  at  the  late  glorious  Revolution,  that  grand  jera 
of  British  liberty.  We,  therefore,  as  citizens  and  freeholders  of  this  metro- 
polis, thinking  ourselves  bound  to  stand  foremost  in  all  national  measures,  have 
taken  the  earliest  opportunity  to  declare  our  sentiments  upon  this  most  inte- 
resting event,  and  to  intreat,  that  you  will  never  give  your  assent  to  any  money 
bill  of  longer  duration  tlian  three  months  till  a  law  passes  in  this  kingdom  f<.ur 
a  septennial  limitation  of  parhament." 

(Signed  by  William  Rutledge,  Richard  French,  Esqrs.  High  Sheriffs,  and 
upwards  of  800  merchants  and  traders.) 
t  8  Journ.  Com.  p,  132. 


lOi  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

*'  his  majesty  the  sentiments  of  the  House  of  Commons,  con- 
*'  tained  in  this  address,  and  shall  renew  the  representations, 
''  which  I  have  already  made  in  the  strongest  and  warmest  man- 
'^  ner,  in  favour  of  such  a  law."  It  was  an  insult  to  the  under- 
standing and  respectability  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  that  the  lord 
lieutenant  should  pretend  to  act  in  opposition  to  the  British 
cabinet,  and  recommend  a  measure,  which  they  avowedly  op- 
posed.* The  patriots  moved  for  a  very  strong  and  pointed 
address  to  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  which  spoke  a  language 
of  too  much  firmness  and  independence  to  be  relished  by  the 
court  party,  and  it  was  negatived  upon  a  division  of  117  against 
29.t     A  more  moderate  address  was  however  moved  for  by  the 

*  By  natural  effect,  the  Union  must  put  an  end  to  the  unwarrantable,  but  too 
frequent  and  successful  practices  of  shifting-  responsibility  and  playing  off  the 
diffei'cnt  wills,  powers,  and  commands  of  the  sovereign  and  his  vicegerent,  the 
British  cabinet  and  the  Irish  administration,  the  Irish  legislature  and  the  Irish 
people,  against  each  other,  as  the  political  juggle  of  the  moment  required. 
The  principles  of  union  must  nov/  direct  the  powers  of  government  to  a  com- 
mon focus. 

f  8  Journ  Com.  p.  132.  A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  being  put, 
that  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  testif_ying,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  our  inviolable  attachment  to  his  person,  family  and  government,  and 
lamenting,  that  we  are  obliged  to  mingle  with  the  effusions  of  our  zeal  and 
loyalty  our  solicitude  for  the  i-eturn  and  our  concern  at  the  delay  of  the  bill  for 
limiting  the  duration  of  parliaments  in  this  kingdom  :  a  delay  wliich  we  con- 
ceive to  arise  from  some  misrepresentation,  inasmuch  as  we  have  the  firmest 
reliance  and  the  fullest  confidence  in  his  majesty's  rrtyal  beneficence  and  jus- 
tice ;  virtues  which  in  their  own  operation  must  incline  his  majesty  to  listen 
graciously  to  the  universal  voice  ;  and  to  the  most  fervent  prayers  of  his  loyal 
people  ;  more  especially,  when  they  desire  nothing  new  or  doubtful ;  when  they 
desire  only  that  they  may  not  be  deprived  of  a  reasonable  frequency  of  election 
with  respect  to  their  own  representation,  of  which  no  other  part  of  his  majesty's 
subjects,  not  in  the  meanest  of  his  colonies,  is  deprived,  wi.en  they  desire  not  a 
parliament  once  every  year  or  oftener,  to  which  they  are  entitled  by  a  constitution 
of  six  hundred  years  establishment,  and  by  the  express  statute  of  Edward  the 
Third  never  repealed,  and  of  above  four  hundred  yeai's  antiquity;  but  that  no  one 
parliament  should  continue  a.bove  seven  years,  which  is  the  longest  period,  to  which 
it  was  found  possible  to  extend  the  duration  of  jjarliament  in  a  neighbouring  king- 
dom; an  extension  grounded  upon  circumstances  there,  which  never  existed  in  this 
country;  when  therefore  their  application  in  this  particular  is,  strictly  speaking, 
not  to  limit  but  prolong  parliaments  ;  not  to  abridge  but  to  increase  preroga- 
tive, by  giving  the  crov/n  a  power  to  continue  the  same  pai-iiament  seven  years, 
which  it  has  not  now  by  the  laws  and  constitution ;  when  they  desire  only, 
that  an  unconstitutional  and  illegal  custom  may  not  be  perpetuated  upon  them, 
or  continuing  the  same  parliament  for  the  life  of  the  reigning  king,  which 
there  have  been  but  two  instances  of  from  the  beginning;  of  time  in  this  king- 
dom, and  which  was  tolerated  in  these  two  instances  only  from  the  most  un- 
limited and  overflowing  loyalty  and  attachment  to  his  majesty's  royal  house, 
which  induced  our  ancestors  to  suaer  their  most  sacred  rights  to  be  in  this 
particular  suspended,  rather  than  expose  the  recent  establishment  of  his 
majesty's  auspicious  family  to  the  most  imaginary  hazard ;  when  they  hope, 
tliat  this  their  conduct,  which  might  well  be  rewarded  with  an  increase,  will 
not  be  punished  by  a  deprivation  of  privileges  ;  and  that  their  just,  humble, 
temperate,  and  legislative  desires,  their  most  reiterated  and  ardent  supplica- 
tions will  not  be  neglected,  whilst  the  less  regular  applications  and  even  resis- 
tance of  some  of  their  fellow  subjects  in  a  case  far  different  have  been  attended 
v/ith.  s:s,tisfactioa  and  redress. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  105 

patriots  on  the  next  day,  testifying  their  ardent  and  inviolable 
attachment  to  his  sacred  person  and  government,  and  imploring 
his  majesty,  that  he  would  suffer  the  universal  prayers  of  his 
loyal  people  of  Ireland  to  assist  the  representations  and  endea- 
vours of  his  chief  governor  of  that  kingdom  towards  inducing 
the  best  of  princes  to  return  his  most  faithful  subjects  the  bill 
transmitted  to  Great  Britain  for  limiting  the  duration  of  parlia- 
ments; which  the  patriots  carried  by  a  majority  of  two  voices 
there  being  90  for  and  88  against  the  address.  His  majesty's 
answer  to  the  address  did  not  appear  very  gracious  to  the  ad- 
dressers. "  His  majesty  has  received  the  address  of  the  House 
"  of  Commons  on  the  subject  of  a  bill  some  time  transmitted 
"  for  limiting  the  duration  of  parliaments.  The  sentiments  of 
"  his  faithful  commons  vv-ere  already  known  to  his  majesty  by 
"  their  passing  the  heads  of  that  bill :  nor  can  any  solicitation 
*'  add  weight  to  that  ancient  and  constitutional  wayof  signify in(? 
'^  their  desires  on  the  like  occasion's.  His  majesty  will  always 
"  have  the  highest  satisfaction  in  complying  with  the  wishes  of 
"  his  faithful  commons :  but  no  consideration  can  prevail  with 
"  his  majesty  to  swerve  from  that  indispensable  duty,  which 
"  the  constitution  prescribes  to  him  of  concurring  in  such  pro- 
"  visions  only,  .,,as  on  mature  deliberation  and  advice  of  his 
"  council  appear  to  him  at  the  time  calculated  to  prom.ote  the 
"  true  interest  and  happiness  of  his  pfeople."  From  the  spirit 
which  dictated  this  answer,  and  the  further  conduct  of  the  Bri- 
tish cabinet  at  this  time,  it  appears,  as  if  they  had  selected  this 
particular  juncture  for  a  trial  of  strength  between  the  English 
and  the  Irish  interest.  A  bill /or  better  securing  the  liberties  of 
the  subject  was  this  session  passed  in  the  commons,  and  trans- 
mitted, but  was  not  returned.  Another  bill  of  a  patriotic  ten- 
dency was  introduced  this  session,  to  prevent  the  buying  and 
selling  of  offces^  xvhich  concern  the  administration  of  justice^  or 
the  collection  of  his  majestfs  revenue:  but  it  miscarried  in  the 
commons.  Thus  failed  every  effort  of  the  patriots  to  remedy 
the  system  of  venality,  which  now  openly  prevailed,  and  to 
bring  back  the  constitution  to  its  primitive  principles  of  freedom 
and  independence.^ 

*  As  this  was  the  time  and  this  the  system,  to  which  Mr.  Burke  alhided 
in  his  incomparable  political  chef  d'osuvre,  on  the  Cause  of  the  present  Discon- 
tents, I  will  favour  the  reader  with  some  of  his  thoug-hts  peculiarly  applicable 
to  this  juncture.  P.  56.  "  The  court  party  resolve  the  whole  i'nto  faction. 
Having-  said  somethinj^  before  upon  this  subject,  I  shall  only  observe  here, 
that  when  they  give  this  account  of  the  prevalence  of  faction,  they  present  no 
very  favourable  aspect  of  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  their  owni  govern- 
ment. They  may  be  assured,  that  however  they  amuse  themselves  with  a 
variety  of  prospects  for  substituting  something  else  in  the  place  of  tliat  great 
and  only  foundation  of  government,  the  confidence  of  the  people,  every  at- 
tempt will  but  make  their  condition  worse.  When  men  imagine,  that  their 
VOL.    II.  O 


1C€  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

In  the  year  1765  the  revenue  of  Ireland,  although  considera^ 
bly  increased  upon  the  whole  receipt,  still  fell  so  far   short  of 
the  expences  of  government,  that  100,000/,  were  directed  to 
be  raised  at  4  per  cent,  and  the  principal  due  upon  the  different 
loans  was  ordered  to  be  consolidated  into  one  sum,  making  in 
the  whole  595,000/.  at  five  per  cent,  which  remained  due  at  Lady 
Day.  The  debt  of  the  nation  then  amounted  to  508,87'4/.  5s.  9\d* 
There  was  this  year  a  great  scarcity  of  grain,  as  likewise  a 
general  failure  of  potatoes,  which  was  still  more  severely  felt 
by  the  lower  ranks.     The  legislature  found  it  necessary  to  inter- 
pose:  they  passed  an  act  to  stop  the   distilleries  for  a  certain 
time,  which  consequently  produced  a  decrease  in  the  Excise, 
and  also  an  act  to  prevent  the  exportation  of  corn ;    in  both  of 
which  acts  it  is  recited,  that  it  was  apprehended,  there  was  not 
sufficient  corn  in  the  kingdom  for  the  food  of  the  inhabitants 
until  the  harvest.     In  the  latter  of  these  acts  is  contained  a  pro- 
viso, that  it  should  be  lawful  for  his  majesty^  his  heirs^  and  suc^ 
cessors^  by  his  or  their  order  in  the  privy  council  of  Great  Britain^ 
or  for  the   chief  governor  or  governors  and  privy  council  of 
Ireland  for  the  time  being,  by  their  proclamation,  to  permit  the 
exportation  of  any  of  the  kinds  of  corn,  grain,  meal  or  flour 
therein  mentioned,  any  thing  therein  contained  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.     The  heads  of  the  bill  had  t^een  transmitted 
over  without  any  dispensing  power  to  the  king  in  the  British 
council:  this  was  an  alteration  introduced  by  the  British  cabinet, 
and  was  violently,  though  ineffectually  opposed  by  the  few  re- 
food  is  only  "^  cover  for  poison,  and  when  they  neither  love  nor  trust  the  hand 
tliat  serves  it,  it  is  not  the  name  of  the  roast  beef  in  Old  England,  that  will 
persuade  them  to  sit  down  to  the  table,  that  is  spread  for  them.     When  the 
people  conceive,  that  law^s,  and  tribunals,  and  even  popular  assemblies,  are 
perverted  from  the  ends  of  their  institution,  they  find  in  those  names  of  dege- 
nerated establishments  only  new  motives  to  discontent.     Those  bodies,  which 
when  full  of  life  and  beauty,  lay  in  their  arms,  and  were  their  joy  and  comfort, 
when  dead  and  putrid,  become  but  the  more  loathsome  from  remembrance  of 
former  endearments.     A  sullen  gloom,  and  furious  disorder,  prevail  by  fits  ; 
the  nation  loses  its  relish  for  peace  and  prosperity,  as  it  did  in  that  season  of 
fuhiess,  which  opened  our  troubles  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  First.    A  species 
of  men,  to  whom  a  state  of  order  would  become  a  sentence  of  obscurity,  are 
nourished  into  a  dangerous  magnitude  by  the  heat  of  intestine  disturbances  ; 
and  it  is  no  wonder  that,  by  a  sort  of  sinister  piety,  they  cherish,  in  their  turn> 
the  disorders,  v/hicli  are  the  parents  of  all  their  consequence.     Superficial 
obsei'vers  consider  such  persons  as  the  cause  of  the  public  uneasiness,  when, 
in  truth,  they  are  nothing  more  than  the  effect  of  it.     Good  men  look  upon  thi» 
distracted  scene  with  sorrow  and  indignation.     Their  hands  are  tied  behind 
them.     They  are  despoiled  of  all  the  power,  which  might  enable  them  to  recon- 
cile the  strength  of  government  wich  the  rights  of  the  people.     They  stand  in 
a  most  distressing  alternative.      But  in  the  election  among  evils  they  hope 
better  things  from  temporary  confusion,  than  from  established  servitude.     In 
the  mean  time,  the  voice  of  law  is  not  to  be  heard.     Fierce  licentiousness  be- 
gets violent  restraints.     The  militaiy  arm  is  the  sole  reliance;  and  then  call 
your  constitution  what  you  please,  it  is  the  sword  that  governs.      Tlie  civil 
power,  like  every  other,  that  calh  in  the  aid  of  aii  ally  stronger  than  itsfilf^ 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  I07 

lYiaining  patriots  in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons.  The  two 
grounds,  upon  which  the  now  dwindled  patriotic  party  in  the 
Irish  House  of  Commons  resisted  these  alterations  were  un- 
doubtedly constitutional :  1°.  That  even  under  the  restrictions 
of  Poyning's  Law  (which  though  perhaps  prudent  when  passed, 
considering  the  then  preponderancy  of  the  Irish  oligarchy  had 
been  latterly  execrated  by  all  Irish  patriots),  the  king  only  had  a 
power  of  assent  or  dissent :  not  a  power  of  alteration,  which  from 
its  nature  must  import  a  deliberative  power,  which  could  exist 
no  where,  but  in  the  Lords  and  Com.mons  of  Ireland.  2°.  That 
if  it  be  expedient  or  necessary  to  lodge  a  dispensing  power  in 
the  executive  for  the  occasional  benefit  of  the  kingdom,  such 
power  to  be  executed  by  proclamation  with  the  advice  of  the 
privy  council  in  Great  Britain,  where  the  king  personally  resides, 
the  proclamation  issues  dii'ectly  from  the  king,  v/ith  the  advice 
of  his  privy  council  of  Great  Britain  :  but  in  Ireland,  v/here  the 
executive  power  is  vested  in  such  substitute  or  deputy  as  the 
king  appoints,  it  issues  in  the  name  of  such  appointee,  with  the 
advice  of  the  privy  council  of  Ireland.  The  practice  is  evi- 
dently bottomed  in  reason :  otherv/ise  the  council  of  Great 
Britain  would  have  a  control  over  the  legislative  acts  of  the 
independent  kingdom  of  Ireland.  The  patriots  attributed  the 
precipitancy,^  w^ith  which  the  court  party  pressed  this  bill  through' 
the  Houses,  to  the  most  unworthy  motives  of  driving  the  people 
to  the  desperate  alternative  of  famine,  or  the  subversion  of  their 
xonstitulion« 

On  the  22d  day  of  December,  1765,  Dr.  Lucas,  as  one  of 
the  representatives  of  the  city  of  Dublin,  published  an  address 
to  the  lord  mayor  and  aldermen,  sheriffs,  commons,  citizens  and 
freeholders  of  Dublin,  on  the  passing  of  this  bill,  in  which  he 

perishes  by  the  assistance  it  receives.  But  the  contrivers  of  tliis  scheme  of 
government  will  not  trust  solely  to  the  military  power,  because  they  are  cun- 
ning men.  Their  restless  and  crooked  spirit  drives  them  to  rake  in  the  dirt 
of  every  kind  of  expedient.  Unable  to  rule  the  multitude,  they  endeavour 
to  raise  divisions  amongst  them.  One  mob  is  hired  to  destroy  another  ;  a 
procedure  which  at  once  encourages  the  l)oldness  of  the  populace,  and  justly 
increases  their  discontent.  Men  become  pensioners  of  state  on  account  of 
their  abilities  in  the  array  of  riot,  and  the  discipline  of  confusion.  Govern- 
ment is  put  under  the  disgraceful  necessity  of  protecting  from  the  severity  of 
the  laws  that  very  licentiousness,  which  the  laws  had  been  before  violated  to 
repress.  Every  thing  partakes  of  the  original  disorder.  Ana.chy  predomi- 
nates without  freedom,  and  servitude  without  submission  or  subordination. 
These  are  the  consequences  inevitable  to  our  public  peace,  from  the  scheme  of 
rendering  the  executory  government  at  once  odious  and  feeble  ;  of  freein.r^ 
administration  from  the  constitutional  and  salutary  control  of  parliament,  and 
inventing  for  it  a  new  control,  imknown  to  the  constitution,  an  interior  cabinet ; 
which  brings  the  whole  body  of  government  into  confusion  and  contempt." 

*  Vid.  8  Com.  Journ.  p.  70.  The  Journals  very  unfairly  have  suppressed 
the  nature  of  the  alteration  made  in  England.  They  merely  state  that  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  examine  the  transmiss  with  the  heads  of  the  bill  sent 
from  that  House,  and  that  it  afterwards  passed  witliout  a?.icndment. 


108  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

gave  the  following  succinct  history  of  its  progress.  ^^  On  Thura* 
day  (viz.  19)  this  bill  was  first  presented  to  the  House  and  read. 
As  soon  as  the  fatal  alteration  was  discovered,  it  filled  one  part 
of  the  House  with  horror  and  detestation  of  the  measure,  and  a 
motion  was  made  to  reject  it.  But,  it  passed  in  the  negative ; 
and  it  was  ordered,  and  accordingly  did  receive  a  second  read- 
ing on  Friday  last.  It  was  then  ordered  to  be  committed  on 
Saturday,  passed  the  committee,  was  reported  the  same  day, 
and  ordered  to  be  ingrossed,  though  in  every  step  of  its  pro- 
gress, in  which  there  were  not  one  third  of  the  members  in  the 
House,  it  met  with  constant,  uniform,  though  fruitless  oppo- 
sition, v/ith  many  divisions  of  the  House  and  the  committee,  in 
all  which,  I  gave  my  utmost  opposition  to  the  measure,  but  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  always  of  the  minority.  I  could  not  sus- 
pect, a  bill  with  any,  specially  with  such  an  alteration,  could  be 
permitted  to  make  so  rapid  progress,  through  any  part  of  the  le- 
gislature. Its  fate  now  depends  vipon  a  single  question  in 
the  House  of  Commons :  when  it  will  be  put,  or  how  deter- 
mined, I  cannot  inform  you ,  but  the  presumption  is,  it  will  be 
to-morrow." 

In  fact  the  question  for  the  bilPs  passing  with  the  inserted 
alteration  was  put  on  the  next  day,  viz.  Monday  the  23d  of 
December,  1765,  and  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  tv»^enty-nine 
against  fifteen.'^ 

*  8  Com.  Joiivn.  p,  71.  One  of  the  most  Strenuous  supporters  of  this  bill  with 
the  alterations,  was  the  late  Lord  Clare,  then  Mr.  J.  Fitzgibbon,  member  for 
Newcastle ;  to  whom  the  following-  passa.^e^in  Mr.  Lucas's  address  referred. 
"  Since  I  have  mentioned  precedents,  you  may  see  by  the  votes,  that  lawyers 
"  have  not  let  a  worm-eaten  parliament  roll,  nor  an  obsolete  musty  statute, 
"  escape  the  most  diligent  research.  If  ore  happier  than  the  rest  should 
«*  think  he  found  a  case  in  point,  in  times,  indeed,  the  most  fit  for  the  black 
*'  purpose,  under  the  auspices  of  the  direst  foe  to  the  liberties  of  Europe  and 
*'  of  Britain,  the  Spanish  tyrant  Philip,  the  worthy  consort  of  bloody  Queen 
"  Mary,  that  horrid  firebrand  to  the  religion  and  the  laws  of  her  country  ;  for 
"  it  is  in  such  a  tyrannic  reign  alone,  that  anyone  could  hope  a  precedent  for 
"  the  purpose  of  this  innovation  might  be  found;  what  use  could  be  made  of, 
*'  such  a  precedent  in  our  happy  days  ?  It  is  indeed  true,  that  an  act  passed  in 
*'  this  kingdom,  in  the  third  and  fourth  years  of  that  abominable  reign,  for  re- 
"  ducing  certain  waste  lands  to  shire  grounds  ;  giving  however,  a  power  to 
*'  the  ci'own,  for  seven  years,  to  suspend  or  repeal  the  vdiole^^act  or  any  part 
**  thereof.  Thus  far  the  act  proves  a  case  in  point :  but  upon  reading  the 
**  whole  section  through,  it  appears  tliat  the  ends,  for  which  alone  it  could  be 
*'  cited  and  read,  v.ere  utterly  frustrated:  because,  however  evil  and  unjust 
*'  the  power  granted  in  that  statute  may  appear,  it  was  not,  as  some  favourers 
*•'  of  this  innovation  may  contend,  to  make  it  serve  as  a  precedent;  it  was  not 
"  left  to  a  private  order,  conceived  in  the  council  of  Great  Britain,  but  it  was 
*'  expressly  provided,  "  that  every  suspension,  repeal  or  revocation  of  the 
*«  statute  should  be  made  in  writing  under  the  great  seal  of  Ireland,  and  pub- 
*«  lie  proclamation  thereof  made."  If  those  who  raked  through  much  obscu- 
*'  rity,  and  rubbish,  and  filth,  thus  serve  their  country,  had  found  a  better  pre- 
*'  cedent,  no  doubt  their  commendable  zeal  would  have  produced  it.  But 
"  you  see  liow  little  this  question  can  answer  the  purposes  of  such  favourei's 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  109 

From  the  frequent  defections  of  the  patriots  and  the  conse- 
quent reduction  of  their  numbers,  it  became  the  policy  of  the 
castle,  at  this  time,  to  throw  all  possible  disrepute  upon  the  few, 
who  still  earnestly  espoused  that  cause.  Upon  this  subject  Dr. 
Lucas  explained  himself  very  pointedly  in  another  address  to 
his  constituents  :*  but  it  would  be  uncandid  to  leave  the  reader 
in  the  vulgar  prepossession,  that  because  this  eminent  and  true 
patriot  stood  firm  to  the  last  hour  of  his  life  in  the  honourable 
cause  of  his  suffering  country,  therefore  he  was  unacceptable 
either  to  his  sovereign  or  his  vicegerents.  The  Earl  of  Hertford 
had  particularly  noticed  Dr.  Lucas  when  he  was  in  England, 
and  was  esteemed  by  him  in  return  :  he  boasted  also  of  his  kind 
treatment  from  the  Lords  Chesterfield  and  Harrington,  Halifax 
and  Northumberland.  He  bore  affection  as  well  as  loyalty  to  his 
majesty.f     The  unremitted  and  faithful  attention  to  his  parlia- 

•'  of  innovation  as  may  pi-oduce  it.  In  ihc  innovation  in  tliese  heads  of  a  bill, 
*'  an  order  conceived  in  the  council  in  Eng-land,  which  from  its  knoAvn  appella- 
*'  lion  must  be  secret,  is  to  repeal  a  statute  passed  in  the  parliament  of  Ire- 
"  land,  without  any  proclamation  or  publication  in  Ireland,  or  perhaps  without 
*'  its  being  at  all  known  in  the  kingdom,  till  it  comes  to  be  executed  in  the 
*'  ports.  Yet  this  is  attempted  to  be  introduced,  after  the  enlivening  spirit  of 
**  the  revolution,  and  the  consequent  Hanover  succession,  broke  the  illicit 
"  bonds  of  thenever-enough-to-be-detestedrace  of  Stuarts,  and  bade  us  alllive 
*'  and  be  free." 

*  Patriot  and  patriotism,  are  now  no  longer  considered  as  real,  but  ideal 
characters.  That  lliey  were  once  otherwise,  our  author  thus  confesses.  I 
hope,  he  is  taught  by  his  own  heart  to  believe,  tliat  there  are  yet  some  men  in 
the  world,  who  are  ready  and  willing  to  sacrifice,  upon  a  proper  occasion,  their 
time,  their  fortunes,  their  healths,  their  lives,  to  the  service  of  their  country. 

That  designing  men  have  often  layed  hold  of  trifling,  as  well  as  weighty  oc- 
casions, to  set  forth  tlieir  own  importance,  to  gain  their  private  ends  ;  and  that 
great  and  important  subjects  taken  up  apparently,  with  just  and  public-spirited 
views,  have  been  given  up  and  forsaken,  when  the  ministr}-  have  thrown  cut 
the  proper  lure,  are  notorious,  as  they  are  hateful. 

That  the  royal  consent  was  once  anti-constitutionally,yet  without  opposition, 
inserted  in  an  act  of  parliament,  and  that  at  another  time,  the  proposition  v.-as 
constitutionally  spurned  at,  and  rejected  in  the  same  parliament,  is  certainly 
true.  That  many  patriots  arose  upon  this  great  occasion,  while  the  funds 
were  redundant  in  the  treasury,  is  true.  But  that  tlicsc  were  short  lived  pa- 
g-eants  is  true.  That  some  lost  their  places,  some  their  pensions,  for  a  while 
is  certain  ;  but  that  the  chapping  and  chang-ing,  placing  and  pensioning,  and 
replacing  and  repensioning  these  patriots,  cost  tlie  nation  about  half  a  million, 
is  certain  :  As  it  is,  tiuit  while  they  justly  contended  for  the  right  of  parlia- 
ment to  the  disposal  of  the  redundance  of  the  funds  in  the  treasury,  they  after- 
wards peaceably  suffered  it  to  be  drawn  out  ot  the  treasury  by  the  sole  man- 
date of  the  crown.  And  thus,  it  must  be  confessed,  that  ours,  like  other  pa- 
triots, have  been  the  pageants  of  a  day,  each  acting  their  parts  like  the  poor 
player,  who  frets  and  s-trutshls  hour  upon  the  stage,  and  thoi  is  heard  no  more. 

•j-  You  know  I  am  no  flatterer  :  you  know  how  often  and  in  what  terms  I 
have  testiiied  my  disinterested  love  and  loyalty  to  his  majesty,  and  my  zealous 
and  inviolable  attachment  to  his  royal  house.  That  I  have  alwa}  s  looked  up- 
on him,  as  not  only  politically,  but  actually  free  from  blemish  or  imperfection  ; 
that  I  know  his  heart  overflows  with  pure  love  and  benevolence  to  all  his  sub- 
jects, and  that  I  have  myself  sensibly  shared  of  his  royal  clemency^  inrescuingf 
me  from  the  oppressive  hands  of  that  detestable  hoary  tyrant,  a  long  parlia- 


110  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

mentary  duties,  with  the  discouraging  prospect  of  failing  m 
every  exertion,  forced  from  him  a  confession,  that  he  was  weary 

ment,  with  a  wicked  ministry,  and  certain  iniquitous  rulers  of  this  city.  His 
royal  touch  healed  the  wounds  and  bruises  given  my  country,  through  my 
sides.  You  know  my  words,  my  writings,  the  tenor  of  my  whole  life  and  con- 
duct, proclaim  my  invariable  gratitude,  affection,  and  duty.  And  when  I  for- 
get the  deliverer  of  my  country,  let  my  right  hand  forget  its  function,  and  my 
tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth.  In  his  royal  goodness,  I  repose  the 
most  boundless  confidence. 

But^'hy  is  his  sacred  name  and  character  to  be  hauled  into  this  controver- 
sy? Is  it  to  be  imagined,  that  he  can  look  into  matters  of  this  nature  ?  Are 
they  not  all  left  to  his  council  ?  Does  not  the  council  refer  them  to  one  or  two 
servants  of  the  crown,  Mho  after  report  or  reject  them  at  pleasure  ?  I  honestly 
and  openly  confess,  I  have  not  the  fullest  confidence  in  all  those,  that  are  put 
in  authority  under  him,  in  either  kingdom. 

My  lord,  my  character  is  knoMTi  to  all,  and  thank  God  !  approved  by  all  that 
dare  be  honest  and  free.  I  challenge  my  direst  foe  to  charge  a  single  instance 
of  flattery  upon  me,  to  kings,  or  even  to  more  mighty  ministers.  You  knew 
ray  invaried  love  and  loyalty  to  my  king,  and  you  know  my  declared  motives. 
Had  I  not  had  these,  I  should  have  scorned  to  prostitnte  the  offered  incense. 

A  just  proportion  of  the  regard  due  to  the  sovereign,  I  have  ever  been 
ready  to  pay  to  his  representative  ;  unless  the  conduct  of  the  substitute  pro- 
voked me  to  say,  with  the  insulted  free  apostle,  God  shall  smite  thee,  thou 
whited  wall ;  for  I  should  not  be  provoked  more  than  the  holy  man,  had  I  not 
tlie  same  apology,  might  I  not  say,  as  he  did,  when  rebuked,  brethi-en,  I  wist 
not  that  he  was  God's  high  priest ;  because  he  stripped  and  degraded  himself 
of  the  pov,er  and  dignity  of  his  office,  by  commanding  a  free  citizen  to  be  smit- 
ten, in  open  court,  contrary  to  law%  justice,  and  decency.  What  good  and 
worthy  vicegerent  of  the  crown,  wanted  my  poor  applause  ?  What  bad  and 
unworthy  lieutenant  escaped  my  pcor  censure  ?  You  see  then,  I  have  ever 
loved,  respected,  and  revered,  those  great  officers  of  the  crown,  or  hated,  de- 
spised, and  condemned  them,  according  to  their  well  proved  merit  or  demerit. 
My  conduct  in  private  and  public  life,  always  did,  and  always  shall,  prove  these 
truths.  Witness  th.e  different  treatments,  by  me  given  to  the  Lords  Chester- 
field and  Harrington,  Halifax  and  Northumberland.  In  all  which,  you  know, 
I  acted  upon  invariable  principles.  My  conduct  in  these  instances  will  con- 
vince you,  that  I  always  shall  act  as  a.  person,  who  for  himself  has  nothing 
to  ask,  and  nothing  to  fear,  which  must  always  keep  me  a  free  agent.  To 
stand  q\iite  clear  of  vail  suspicion  of  adulation,  I  should  have  declined  express- 
ing my  sentiments  of  the  present  lord  lieutenant,  till  the  expiration  of  his  office. 
But,  as  I  am  called  upon,  I  must  explain  myself,  in  mine  own  justification.  I 
could  not  have  lived  as  long  as  I  did  in  London,  without  being  well  acquainted 
with  the  character  of  our  present  viceroy.  I  confess,  I  honoured  and  admired 
it,  before  I  had  the  honour  of  being  known  to  him,  and  when  I  petitioned  his 
present  majesty,  against  his  wicked  ministers  and  judges  in  Ireland,  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  find  myself,  from  the  justice  of  my  cause,  patronized  by  this 
great  good  man,  who  then  knew  no  more  of  me,  than  my  character,  and  who 
did  me  the  honour  to  present  me,  and  saw  m.e  make  my  complaint  to  the  royal 
€ar.  To  him,  I  confess  myself  indebted  for  that  share  of  the  royal  clemency, 
with  which  I  now  stand  distinguished.  If  my  return  to  my  native  country,  be 
grateful  to  my  countrymen  and  fellow  citizens,  the  obligation  is  due  to  the 
Lord  Hertford,  Who,  in  spight  of  great  and  mighty  powers,  made  my  case 
known  to  our  patriot  king,  who  embraces  every  opportunity  of  testifying  his 
parental  love  for  his  faithful  subjects.  His  excellency  has  since  deigned 
to  confer  marks  of  his  favour  on  seme  of  my  family.  So  that  your  lordship 
and  honours  see,  that  I  stand  under  singular  obligations  for  my  country,  my 
family,  and  myself,  to  the  lord  lieutenant.  It  may  possibly  be  suspected,  that 
fi-om  principles  of  gratitude  for  private  favours,  I  may  have  been  blinded  to, 
or  prejudiced  in  favour  of  the  great  man's  public  conduct.  I  hope  my  charactej? 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  ill 

cf  his  task,  because  he  laboured  incessantly  in  vain.*  Lord 
Hertford  not  having  supported,  as  zealously  as  the  British  cabi- 
net expected,  their  alterations  in  the  corn  bill,  was  recalled. 
The  old  lords  justices  filled  their  stations  for  the  last  time  until 
the  appointment  of  Lord  Townsend  to  be  lord  lieutenant  on  the 
I'.th  of  October,  1767. 

This  nobleman  was  selected  to  introduce  a  very  important 
change  in  the  system  of  governing  Ireland,  The  choice  was  in 
many  points  judicious.  In  order  to  attempt  the  arduous  task 
of  supplanting  the  deep-rooted  influence  of  the  Irish  oligarchy, 
it  was  requisite,  that  the  lord  lieutenant,  to  whom  that  power 
was  to  be  transferred,  should  be  endowed  with  those  qualities, 
that  were  most  likely  to  ingratiate  him  with  the  Irish  nation. 
The  nev/  lord  lieutenant  excelled  all  his  predecessors  in  that 
convivial  ease,  pleasantry,  and  humour,  so  highly  prized  by  the 
Irish  of  every  description.  The  majority,  which  had  been  so 
dearly  bought  in  the  Commons,  by  those  who  had  heretofore  had 
the  management  of  the  English  interest^  was  now  found  not 
altogether  so  tractable,  as  it  had  heretofore  been.  There  were 
three  or  four  grandees,  as  Dr.  Campbell  observed,  who  had  such 
an  influence  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  their  coalition 

is  too  well  known  to  full  under  this  imputation.  I  have  never  yet  been  able 
to  pay  my  devoirs  in  person  to  his  excellency  r  consequently  I  cOuld  never  have 
said  what  the  author  pleased  to  say  of  me,  that  I  acquit  him  of  closeting-s, 
squeezing-s,  and  such  like  customary  arts.  Let  placemen  and  pensioners,  a 
band  In  which  I  shall  never  inlist,  testify  this.  I  hope  every  man  can  ;  I  hope 
they  are  arts,  which  no  lord  lieutenant  will  ever  dare  to  practise  on  this  virtuous 
parliament,  and  I  verily  believe,  the  present  ruler  detests  such  practices  as 
much  as  I  do.  In  pubHc  and  in  private,  I  have  thought  myself  bound  to  jus- 
tify this  g-reat  character.  Without  havin.e^  had  any  intercourse  with  him  or 
his  ministers,  I  saw  many  proofs  of  his  public  spirit  ag-reeable  to  the  hopes  I 
had  conceived  from  his  f^eneral  character,  and  his  being-  more  interested  than 
any  of  his  predecessors,  in  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  this  kingdom. 

These,  I  confess,  g-ave  me  confidence  in  his  excellency,  and  I  gladly  laid 
hold  on  two  instances,  that  proved  in  my  judg-ment,  his  conduct,  when  an  un- 
asked for,  not  to  say  unncessary,  vote  or  act  of  credit  wa&  offered,  and  wheia 
the  alteration  in  the  corn  bill  came  over.  Here  I  confess  myself,  in  the  only 
instances  of  my  life,  under  some  deg-ree  of  what  you  may  call  court  influence, 
for,  this  was  such  a  conduct  as  raised  him  still  higher  in  my  esteem,  and  I 
did  him  the  justice  to  declare  my  sentiments,  as  I  also  should,  and  shall  do,  if 
his  future  conduct  should  possibly,  as  I  hope  it  sliall  not,  induce  me  to  change 
my  sentiments.  ^ 

*  I  have,  said  he,  quitted  a  comfortable  settlement  in  a  free  country  to  em- 
bark in  your  service.  I  have  attended  constantly,  closely,  strictly  to  my  duty. 
I  have  broke  my  health,  impaired  my  fortune,  hui*t  my  family,  and  lost  au 
object  dearer  to  me  tlian  life,  by  engaging  with  unwearied  care  and  painful 
assiduity,  in  this  painful,  perilous,  thankless  service.  All  this  might  be  tole- 
lable,  if  I  could  find  myself  useful  to  you  or  my  country.  But  the  only  benefit, 
that  I  can  see,  results  to  those,  whom  I  cannot  look  upon  as  friends  to  thelF 
country,  bands  of  placemen  and  pensioners^  whose  merit  is  enhanced  and 
whose  number  has  been  generally  increased,  in  proportion  to  the  opposition 
(fiven  to  the  measures  of  ministers.  I  dare  not  neglect,  much  less  desert  my 
■itution,  but  I  wishbv  any  lawful  or  honourable  meais  for  mv  dismission 


112  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

would,  at  any  time,  give  them  a  clear  majority  upon  any  ques- 
tion. To  gain  these  had  been  the  chief  anxiety  of  former  go- 
vernors :  they  were  sure  to  bring  over  a  proportionate  number 
of  dependants,  and  it  had  been  the  unguarded  maxim  to  permit 
subordinate  graces  and  favours  to  flow  from  or  through  the 
hands  of  these  leaders,  whom  experience  now  shewed  to  be  as 
irritable  and  versatile  as  the  most  insignificant  of  their  followers.'*^ 
Formerly  these  principals  used  to  stipulate  with  each  new  lord 
lieutenant,  whose  office  was  biennial  and  residence  but  for  six 
months,  upon  what  terms,  they  would  carry  the  king's  business 
through  the  House  :  so  that  they  might  not  improperly  be  called 
undertakers.  They  provided,  that  the  disposal  of  all  court 
favours,  whether  places,  pensions,  or  preferments,  should  pass 
through  their  hands,  in  order  to  keep  their  suite  in  an  absolute 
state  of  dependance  upon  themselves.  All  applications  were 
made  by  the  -leader,  who  claimed  as  a  right  the  privilege  of 
gratifying  his  friends  in  proportion  to  their  numbers.  Whenever, 
such  demands  were  not  complied  w4th,  then  were  the  measures 
of  government  sure  to  be  crossed  and  obstructed :  and  the  ses- 
sion of  parliament  became  a  constant  struggle  for  power  between 
the  heads  of  parties,  who  used  to  force  themselves  into  the 
office  of  lord  justice  according  to  the  prevalence  of  their  interest. 
This  evil  had  been  seen  and  lamented  by  Lord  Chesterfield :  and 
his  resolution  and  preparatory  steps  for  undermining  it  probably 
contributed  not  a  little  to  his  immediate  recal  upon  the  cessation 
of  the  danger,  which  his  wisdom  was  thought  alone  competent 
to  avert. 

This  was  the  system,  which  Lord  Clare  said,  the  government 
of  England  at  length  opened  their  eyes  to  the  defects  and  dangers 
of:  they  shook  the  power  of  the  aristocracy,  but  zuere  unable  to 
break  it  doxvn.  The  monopoly  of  civil  power  long  survived 
the  administration  of  Lord  Townsend:  no  small  share  of  it 
rested  with  that  noble  earl,  who  thus  faithfully  describing  it, 
practically  knew  the  inability  of  the  English  government  to 
break  it  down.  The  primary  object  of  Lord  Townsend's  ad- 
ministration was  to  break  up  the  monopolizing  system  of  this 
oligarchy.  He  in  part  succeeded,  but  by  means  ruinous  to  the 
countiy.  The  subalterns  were  not  to  be  detached  from  their 
chiefs,  but  by  similar  though  more  powerful  means  than  those, 
by  which  they  had  enlisted  under  their  banners.  The  streams 
of  favour  became  not  only  multiplied,  but  enlarged,  consequently 
the  source  of  remuneration  the  sooner  exhausted.  Every  indi- 
vidual now  looked  up  directly  to  the  fountain  head,  and  claimed 
and  received  more  copious  draughts.  Thus,  under  colour  of 
destroying  an  overgrown  aristocratic  power,  all  parliamentary 

•  Phil.  Siirv.  p.  57. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  113 

independence  was  completely  secured  by  government.  The 
innovation  naturally  provoked  the  deserted  few  to  resentment : 
but  they  were  bereft  of  their  consequence  when  left  to  their 
individual  exertions.^  They  took  refuge  under  the  shelter  of 
patriotism,  and  they  inveighed  with  less  effect  against  the  ve- 
nality of  the  system,  merely  because  it  had  taken  a  new  direc- 
tion, and  was  somewhat  enlarged.  The  bulk  of  the  nation,  and 
some,  though  very  few  of  their  representatives  in  parliament^ 
were  earnest,  firm,  and  implacable  against  it. 

The  arduous  task,  which  Lord  Townshend  had  assumed  was 
not  to  be  effected  by  a  coup  de  main  :  forces  so  engaged,  so  mar- 
shalled, and  so  commanding  rather  than  commanded,  as  he 
found  the  Irish  parliament,  were  not  to  be  dislodged  by  a  sud- 
den charge  :  regular,  gradual,  and  cautious  approaches  were  to 
be  made  :  it  was  requisite,  that  the  chief  governor  should  first 
be  popular,  and  then  powerful,  before  he  could  be  efficient  and 
successful.  His  lordship  therefore  to  those  convivial  fascina- 
tions, to  which  the  Irish  are  supereminently  sensible,  super- 
added as  many  personal  favours,  as  the  fiscal  stores  could  even 
promise  to  answer,  which  in  a  people  of  quick  and  warm  sensi- 
bility creates  a  something  very  like  momentary  gratitude  ;  and 
in  order  the  more  completely  to  seat  himself  in  that  effective 
power,  which  was  requisite  for  his  purpose,  he  judiciously  fixed 
upon  a  favourite  object  of  the  wishes  and  attempts  of  the  pa- 
triots to  sanction  with  his  countenance  and  support. 

The  patriots  had  long  and  loudly  complained,  that  although 
in  early  times  the  parliament  of  Ireland  continued  but  for  the 
year  or  session,  and  then  the  popular  representatives  having  dis- 
charged the  duties  required  of  them  for  that  period,  resigned 
their  delegated  authority  and  powers  into  the  hands  of  those, 
from  whom  they  had  received  them,  to  be  again  at  their  free 
option  and  disposal :  yet  in  latter  times  their  parliaments  were 
prolonged  from  the  beginning  of  each  reign  to  the  demise  of 
the  sovereign,  unless  he  chose  by  an  extraordinary  exertion  of 
prerogative  to  put  an  earlier  period  to  their  existence  by  disso- 
lution. This  they  considered  as  a  flagrant  violation  of  the 
rights  of  the  people  :  as  from  them,  the  representatives  derived 
their  political  character,  its  continuance  ought  to  be  commensu- 
rate with  the  will  of  the  people,  not  that  of  the  crown  :  from  the 
moment  their  power  exceeded  their  delegation,  it  was  usurpa- 
tion :   the  nation  might  in  that  case  number  several  self-created 

*  Under  various  pretences  these  gentlemen  endeavoured  to  spirit  up  the 
people  to  adopt  their  resentments,  and  they  affected  to  take  refuge  In  the  arms 
of  pati'iotism.  The  contest  produced  a  series  of  political  letters,  replete  with 
wit  and  humour,  inferior  perhaps  to  nothing-  of  the  kind,  except  the  letters  of 
Junius.  They  have  been  since  published  in  an  octavo  volume,  under  the  titb 
of  Baratariana.  Phil.  Surv.  p.  59. 

VOL.    II.  P 


114  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

law-givers,  not  one  representative.  A  national  evil,  which  calledi 
loudly  for  redress.  Under  this  baneful  system,  from  the  mo- 
ment of  their  election,  the  commons  became  almost  wholly  inde- 
pendent of  the  people  ;  and  under  the  refined  improvements  of 
Sir  Robert  Walpole,  in  the  management  of  parliamentary  inte- 
rest, the  seduction  became  too  powerful  for  most  men,  when 
they  were  at  liberty  to  treat  for  life.  The  patriots  anticipated 
the  cure  of  venality  in  the  frequency  of  their  parliaments,  the 
people  hailed  the  welcome  return  of  their  power  and  control 
over  their  representatives,  and  government  sensibly  felt,  that 
they  could  not  longer  withhold  from  Ireland  what  England  had 
so  long  and  so  reasonably  enjoyed.*  Dr.  Lucas  had  several 
times  failed  in  his  endeavours  to  procure  a  bill  for  limiting  the 
duration  of  parliament.  Now  however  a  septennial  bill  was 
transmitted,  and  was  returned  with  an  alteration  in  point  of  time, 
having  been  changed  into  an  octennial  one.  There  appears  to 
have  been  some  unfair  manoeuvring  in  the  British  cabinet,  in 
order  by  a  side  wind  to  deprive  the  Irish  of  that,  which  they 
dared  not  openly  refuse  them.  At  the  same  time  a  transmiss 
was  made  of  another  popular  bill  for  the  independence  of  the 
judges,  in  which  they  had  also  inserted  some  alteration.  It 
was  expected,  that  the  violent  tenaciousness  of  the  Irish  com- 
mons for  the  privilege  of  not  having  their  heads  of  bills  altered 
on  this  side  of  the  water,  would  have  induced  them  to  reject 
any  bill,  into  which  such  an  alteration  had  been  introduced.  In 
this  the  English  cabinet  was  deceived:  the  Irish  commons 
waved  the  objection  as  to  the  limitation  bill,  in  order  to  make 
sure  at  last  of  what  they  had  so  long  tried  in  vain  to  procure, 
and  considered  that  they  surrendered  no  part  of  their  privilege 
by  objecting  on  this  very  account  to  the  judges  bill,  which  was 
transmitted  at  the  same  time  with  alterations  :  for  although  this 
latter  bill  had  been  particularly  recommended  in  the  speech  of  the 
lord  lieutenant,  it  was  on  account  of  an  alteration  inserted  in  it 
in  England,  upon  the  report  of  the  committee  appointed  to  com- 
pare the  bill  with  the  heads  of  the  bill,  unanimously  rejected.f 

No  sooner  was  the  octennial  bill  returned,  than  the  commons 
voted  a  respectful  and  grateful  address  to  the  throne,  beseeching 
his  majesty  to  accept  their  unfeigned  and  grateful  acknowledg- 

*  Our  parliaments  have  continuance  for  seven  yeai-s,  by  1  Geo.  1.  c.  38. 

f  Vid.  8  Journ.  Com.  p.  270.  The  committee  appointed  to  compare  the  bill 
with  the  heads  of  a  bill  for  making*  the  commissions  of  judges  to  continue 
quanndiu  se  bene  gesserunt  have  accordingly  compared  the  same,  and  found  that 
the  following  alteration  hath  been  made  tlierein.  In  the  last  sheet,  at  the  end 
of  the  last  clause,  after  the  word  Parliament,  the  following  words  are  added, 
**  Certified  by  the  lord  lieutenant  and  council  there  under  the  great  seal  of 
*'  Ireland,  in  like  manner  as  bills  are  usually  certified,  or  upon  tlie  address  of 
*'  both  houses  of  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain."    Hesohedy  That  the  bill 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  115 

ments  for  the  condescension,  so  signally  manifested  to  his  sub- 
jects of  that  kingdom,  in  returning  the  bill  for  limiting  the  dura- 
tion of  parliaments,  which  they  considered  not  only  as  a  gra- 
cious mark  of  paternal  benevolence,  but  as  a  wise  result  of  royal 
deliberation.  And  when  the  royal  assent  had  been  given,  the 
action  was  so  grateful  to  the  people,  that  they  took  the  horses 
from  his  coach,  and  drew  him  from  the  parliament  house  to  the 
castle  with  the  most  enthusiastic  raptures  of  applause  and  exul- 
tation.* But  his  lordship'sf  popularity  did  not  last  long.  By 
diverting  the  channel  of  favour,  or  rather  by  dividing  it  into  a 
multitude  of  little  streams,  the  gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons were  taught  to  look  up  to  him,  not  only  as  the  source,  but 
as  the  dispenser  of  every  gratification.  Not  even  a  commission 
in  the  revenue,  worth  above  40/.  a  3'ear,  could  be  disposed  of, 
without  his  approbation.  Thus  were  the  old  undertakers  given 
to  understand,  that  there  was  another  way  of  doing  business 
than  through  them.  It  was  not,  however,  without  much  vio- 
lence on  both  sides,  that  he  at  length  effected  his  purpose.  The 
immediate  sufferers  did  not  fail  to  call  this  alteration  in  the  svs- 
tem  of  governing,  an  innovation,  which  they  artfully  taught  the 
people  to  resent  as  a  national  grievance. 

It  is  not  a  very  extravagant  system,  that  all  men  are  born  with 
equal  powers  of  mind,  and  that  special  circumstances  and  occa- 
sions draw  forth  this  general  mental  aptitude  into  the  various 
degrees,  of  energy  and  excellence,  which  we  witness  in  the  inde- 
finite variety  of  times,  climates,  religions,  governments,  changes, 
and  affections  of  different  portions  of  the  human  race.  When- 
ever a  great  change  takes  eflect  upon  the  public  mind  of  a  na- 
tion, it  is  a  primary  duty  of  the  historian  to  trace  and  faithfully 
to  retail  the  causes,  which  have, brought  it  about.  We  have 
before  remarked,  that  a  spirit  of  patriotism  had  begun  soon  after 
the  Revolution  to  manifest  itself  in  Ireland :  and  the  first  public 
effort  of  resisting  English  oppression  upon  the  true  principles 
of  the  Revolution  itself,  was  the  publication  of  Mr.  Molyneux's 
Case  of  Ireland  being  bound  by  Acts  of  Parliament  iii  England 
stated. 

The  English  House  of  Commons,  finding  the  arguments 
unanswerable,  ordered  the  books  to  be  burned  by  the  hands  of 
the  common  hangman ;  a  circumstance  very  remarkable,  as 
they  were  the  very  commons  of  the  Revolution  parliament  ; 

*  Dr.  Campbell,  who  made  his  philosophical  tour  through  the  south  of  Ire- 
land, during  the  administration  of  I^ord  Harcourt,  Lord  Townshend's  immediate 
successor,  said,  (p.  58)  "  That  notwithstanding  that  deed  were  so  pleasing  to 
the  people,  yet  they  then  began  to  think,  that  that  favourite  law  was  of  no  other 
use,  but  to  increase  the  value  of  boroughs;  a  single  seat  in  one  of  which  then 
sold  for  2000/.  at  least. 

t  Ibid. 


116  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  could  not  deny  the  truth  of  its  principles,  without  shalcing 
the  basis  of  their  own  liberty,  which  must  have  upset  the  whole 
superstructure  of  that  government  they  had  just  raised.  This 
conduct  in  the  Commons  of  England  raised  jealousy  and  sus- 
picions in  the  Commons  of  Ireland.  They  saw  that  the  very- 
principles  of  liberty,  which  Englishmen  admired  and  revered 
jn  Locke  as  the  foundations  of  the  freedom  of  England,  were 
reprobated  in  Molyneux,  and  condemned  as  seditious,  when 
brought  to  bear  upon  Ireland.  In  that  moment  they  most  sen- 
sibly felt  the  galling  situation  of  an  arbitrary  subordination. 
This  execution  instead  of  degrading,  increased  the  character  of 
the  beck.  It  had  suffered  political  martyrdom  ;  and,  as  in  all 
other  cases  of  martyrs,  its  disciples  increased  by  persecution. 
The  people  of  Ireland  sought  after  and  read  Molyneux  with 
avidity.  1  he  book  has  ever  since  been  in  the  widest  circula- 
tion, and  its  doctrines  have  been  deeply  engraven  on  the  hearts 
of  all  true  Irishmen.  The  politics  of  Molyneux  are  not  less 
revered  by  the  Irish,  than  the  morality  of  Confucius  by  the  Chi- 
nese. The  writings  of  Dean  Swift  went  still  further  in  opening 
the  minds  of  the  Irish,  and  preparing  them  to  nurture  the  seeds 
of  freedom,  and  to  vindicate  those  rights,  which  Heaven  has 
bestowed  upon  the  human  race.  He  vvrote  to  be  understood  by 
the  common  people,  and  made  use  of  the  cheapest  mediums  for 
distributing  advice.  The  Draper's  letters  were  cried  about  the 
streets  of  Dublin,  and  sold  for  a  penny  each.  Every  man  who 
could  read,  read  the  Draper's  letters.  They  were  dispersed 
through  the  kingdom,  pasted  up  in  alehouses  and  cottages  all 
ever  the  country,  and  their  influence  was  very  suddenly  per- 
ceived. Swift  was  the  first  person,  who  pointed  out  to  the  Irish 
the  necessity  of  associating  against  wearing  foreign  manufac- 
tures :  and  to  that  non-importation  association  must  be  attributed 
the  successful  advances,  which  the  nation  was  then  making 
towards  civil  liberty.  A  prosecution  was  instituted  against  the 
printer  of  Swift's  Essays,  which  terminated  in  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  printer  (Alderman  Faulkener),  who  peremptorily 
refused  to  give  up  the  writer.  This  prosecution,  like  the  burn- 
ing of  Molyneux's  book,  increased  the  popularity  of  the  Essays 
and  the  author.  It  stimulated  the  satiric  genius  of  the  Dean, 
who  literally  wrote  some  of  his  enemies  out  of  the  world.  It 
brought  the  doctrine  of  libels  into  discussion  in  the  courts  of 
Ireland ;  and  the  arguments  of  the  council  for  the  defendants 
convinced  the  people  that  the  liberty  of  speaking,  thinking,  and 
writing,  was  one  of  the  great  principles  of  the  constitution. 

The  universal  estimation,  in  which  Mr.  Molyneux's  book,  as 
well  as  the  Draper's  letters  have  been  since  holden  by  all  that  is 
respectable  throughout  the  British  empire,  most  irrefragably 
condemns  the  impolicy  and  injustice  of  the  conduct  of  the  PrJ- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  lir 

tish  cabinet  towards  Ireland  in  both  these  instances.  So  proper, 
so  beneficial  to  the  country,  so  constitutional  in  their  tendency 
did  Lord  Chesterfield  consider  the  Draper's  letters,  that  in  or- 
der to  reconcile  the  minds  of  the  public  to  a  desirable  measure 
during  his  administration,  he  himself  framed  a  letter  in  the  ex- 
act style  of  Swift,  then  in  his  melancholy  state  of  dotage,  and 
had  it  published  under  the  signature  of  the  Draper^  and  circu- 
lated in  the  same  way,  in  which  those  letters  formerly  had  been. 
No  nation  on  earth  naturally  takes  a  more  lively  and  active  in- 
terest in  the  political  events  of  the  day  than  the  Irish :  none 
holds  the  efforts  of  wit,  humour,  and  talent  in  higher  estima- 
tion :  none  more  justly  appreciates  the  benefits  and  advantages 
of  civil  liberty.  Upon  principles  arising  out  of  these  facts  very 
soon  after  the  accession  of  his  majesty  had  the  Freeman^  s  your- 
n^r/been  set  up  in  Dublin. 

This  paper  was  soon  followed  by  another  public  print,  called 
the  Hibernian  yournal.  The  gentlemen  of  the  university  of 
Dublin  supplied  these  papers  with  ample  matter  for  entertain- 
ment and  iniormation.  13r.  Lucas  was  the  director  of  the 
Freemcni^s  Journal ;  and  from  the  elegance  of  composition  and 
strength  of  political  argument,  which  marked  several  of  the 
essays,  it  was  known  that  they  had  also  support  from  Mr.  Flood, 
Mr.  l^urgh,  Mr.  Yelverton,  JMr.  Grattan,  and  other  gentlemen, 
then  generally  esteemed.  In  the  administration  of  Lord  Vis- 
count Townshend,  another  public  paper  appeared,  called  the 
Dublin  Mercurij^^  avow^edly  patronized  by  government.  It 
was  the  business  of  this  paper  to  turn  every  serious  argument  of 
the  adversary  into  ridicule.  Men  of  extensive  learning  and 
attic  genius  sported  their  wit  in  print ;  among  whom  were  Mr. 
Courteney,  Captain  Jephson,  and  Dean  Marlay.  The  press 
transplanted  those  shoots  of  liberty  to  all  parts  of  the  country. 
Newspapers  appeared  in  every  tovv^n,  and  tended  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  that  ardour  for  civil  freedom,  that  ended  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  Irish  independence  in  the  year  1782. 

Very  early  in  the  session,  the  attention  of  parliament  was 
drawn  to  the  consideration  of  the  army  upon  the  Irish  establish- 
ment. This  was  a  subject,  upon  which  the  nation  was  most 
justly  sore  :  and  it  it  the  more  material  to  touch  upon  it,  as  out 
of  the  misconduct  of  the  British  cabinet,  with  reference  to  the 
military  establishment  of  Ireland,  arose  that  important  and  won-p 
derful  Revolution  in  the  political  system  of  Ireland,  which  will, 
hereafter  be  noticed  in  its  appropriate  time  and  order.  The 
following  message  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Commons  from  his 
excellency  by  the  hands  of  the  Right  Hon.  Sir  George  Macart- 
ney, who  delivered  it  to  the  speaker,  and  he  read  it  to  the  House. 

*  In  these  different  papers  appeared  the  several  letters  and  essays,  that  we 
have  before  i-emark«d  made  up  the  collection  of  Baratariana. 


IIS  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

(TOWNSHEND.) 

"  GENTiXMEN, 

"  I  am  commanded  by  his  majesty  to  inform  you, 
that  his  majesty,  upon  the  most  mature  consideration  of  the 
state  and  circumstances  of  his  kingdom  of  Ireland,  judges  that 
a  number  of  troops  not  less  than  twelve  thousand  men,  commis- 
sion and  non-commission  officers  included,  should  be  constantly 
kept  therein,  for  the  better  defence  of  the  same ;  and  that  his 
majesty  finding,  that,  consistently  with  the  general  public  ser- 
vice, the  number  before  mentioned  cannot  always  be  continued 
in  Ireland,  unless  his  army  upon  the  Irish  establishment  be  aug- 
Hiented  to  15,235  men  in  the  whole,  commission  and  non-com- 
mission officers  included,  his  majesty  is  of  opinion,  that  such 
augmentation  should  be  immediately  made,  and  earnestly  re- 
commends it  to  his  faithful  Commons  to  concur  in  providing 
for  a  measure,  v»^hich  his  majesty  has  extremely  at  heart,  as  ne- 
cessary not  only  for  the  honour  of  his  crown,  but  for  the  peace 
and  security  of  his  kingdom;  and  I  have  his  majesty's  special 
commands  to  assure  you  expressly,  in  his  name,  that  it  is  his 
determined  resolution,  that  upon  such  augmentation,  a  number 
of  effective  troops,  not  less  than  12,000  men,  commission  and 
non-commission  officers  included,  shall  at  all  times,  except  in 
the  cases  of  invasion  or  rebellion  in  Great  Britain,  be  kept  with- 
in this  kingdom,  for  the  better  defence  thereof.  I  have  ordered 
a  plan  and  estimate  of  the  immediate  charge,  and  of  the  annual 
expence,  which  will  be  incurred  by  this  measure,  to  be  laid  be- 
fore you  ;  and  if,  by  the  strictest  oeconomy  and  the  non-effective 
funds,  any  savings  can  be  made,  you  may  be  assured,  that,  of 
the  sums  which  shall  be  granted,  no  greater  part  shall  be  used 
than  shall  be  indispensably  necessary  for  this  service.  And  I 
have  it  further  in  command  from  his  majesty  to  acquaint  you, 
that  his  majesty  has  been  pleased  to  determine,  that  as  the  seve- 
ral general  officers  who  now  compose  the  staff  upon  the  military^ 
establishment  of  this  kingdom,  shall  happen  to  die,  or  be  pro- 
vided for,  the  number  shall  be  reduced,  and  consist  of  no  more 
than  a  commander  in  chief,  and  five  general  officers."  It  was 
ordered  to  be  entered  on  the  journals,  and  at  the  same  time  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  enquire  into  the  state  of  the  mili- 
tary establishment,  and  also  into  the  application  of  the  money 
granted  for  its  support  from  25th  March,  1751.  The  result  of 
this  enquiry  shewed  manifest  misconduct,  as  appears  from  the 
report  at  large,  and  the  returns  thereunto  annexed:  part  of 
the  report  is  to  the  following  effect : 

"  Your  committee  beg  leave  to  take  notice,  that  the  entire 
reduction  of  the  army,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace,  did  not 
take  place  till  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1764  j  and  that  it  appears 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  119 

from  the  return  of  the  quarter-master-general,  that  there  were 
great  deficiencies  in  the  several  regiments  then  upon  the  estab- 
lishment, at  the  several  quarterly  musters  comprised  in  the  said 
paper,  which  precede  the  month  of  January,  1765;  the  full  pay 
of  such  vacancies  must  amount  to  a  very  large  sum,  and  ought, 
as  your  committee  apprehends,  to  have  been  returned  as  a  saving 
to  the  public,  especially  as  it  appeared  to  your  committee,  that 
orders  were  issued  by  government,  not  to  recruit  the  regiments 
intended  to  be  reduced."  Upon  the  whole,  it  was  resolvedjhat 
an  address  should  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  to  lay  before  him 
the  report  of  the  said  committee,  to  acknowledge  his  constant 
attention  to  the  welfare  of  the  people,  to  express  the  utmost 
confidence  in  his  majesty's  wisdom,  that  if  upon  such  repre- 
sentation any  reformation  in  the  said  establishment  should  ap- 
pear necessary  to  his  majesty,  such  alteration  would  be  made 
therein  as  would  better  provide  for  the  security  of  the  kingdom, 
and  at  the  same  time  reduce  the  expence  of  the  establishment, 
in  such  a  manner  as  might  be  more  suitable  to  the  circumstance 
of  the  nation.  Whatever  be  or  have  been  the  unsound  policy 
to  suppress  or  misrepresent  the  actual  state  of  facts,  when  we 
look  to  Ireland  with  impartiality,  from  what  has  been  stated,  we 
have  melancholy  but  indisputable  proof  of  the  impoverished 
state  of  the  kingdom  at  this  juncture.  She  was  oppressed  by  a 
rapidly  increasing  debt,  burthensome  taxes,  unnecessary  expen- 
ces,  places  and  pensions,  and  evident  misapplication  of  the  public 
money ;  and  under  these  circumstances  the  representatives  of 
the  people  made  some  ineffectual  efforts  for-the  relief  of  their 
country ;  but  the  majority  was  secured,  and  vainly  did  the 
efforts  of  patriotism  encounter  the  exertions  of , the  new  system, 
to  keep  individuals  steady  to  their  post  on  the  treasury  bench. 

The  unusual  interval  of  16  months  between  the  dissolution  of 
the  old  and  the  meeting  of  the  new  parliament  was  carefully 
employed  by  the  lord  lieutenant  in  forming  the  particular  ar- 
rangements with  the  new  members  for  carrying  on  the  work  of 
government  upon  the  new  system  of  the  immediate  influence  of 
the  chief  governor:  and  considering  the  length  of  possession, 
the  nature  of  the  power,  the  struggle  of  the  former  holders  to 
retain  it,  and  their  personal  weight  and  influence  upon  their 
dependants,  his  efforts  were  uncommonly  successful  for  a  first 
essay.*     On  the  17th  of  October,  1769,  the  lord  lieutenant  met 

*  Painful  and  discouraging  as  it  is  to  contemplate  the  frequency  and  facility, 
with  which  the  Irisli  (like  too  many  other)  patriots  were  drawn  over,  yet  if 
their  patriotism,  whilst  it  lasted,  whether  affected  or  sincere,  were  founded 
in  reason  and  truth,  we  must  honour,  revere,  and  commend  the  virtue,  although 
we  lament  the  profligate  recreancy  of  those,  who  abuse  and  desei't  its  cause. 
The  number  of  the  wicked  but  enhances  the  merit  of  the  good.  It  is  an  humi"* 
hating  conclusion,  which  has  been  often,  perhaps  not  without  reason,  drawn  bj 


120  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  new  parliament.  Mr.  John  Ponsonby  was  unanimously 
elected  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons.  The  lord  lieute- 
nant's speech  pointed  only  at  three  things,  namely,  the  encou- 
ragement of  the  charter  school,  the  linen  manufacture,  and  the 
prevention  of  running  contraband  goods,  by  which  the  revenue 
was  much  injured.  His  lordship  however  did  the  nation  the 
justice  so  to  mention  the  late  popular  act  for  limiting  the  dura- 
tion of  parliaments,  as  to  justify  the  exertions  of  the  patriots,  who 
had  so  eagerly  urged,  and  condemned  the  opposition  of  the  court 
party,  who  had  so  obstinately  resisted  the  passing  of  that  bill.  "  It 
*'  is,"  said  his  lordship,  "  with  particular  satisfaction  chat  I  meet 
*'  the  first  parliament  limited  in  duration,  that  ever  assembled  in 
"  this  kingdom.  I  am  confident,  that  you  are  come  together 
*'  with  the  justest  sentiments  of  duty  and  affection  to  our  excel- 
"  lent  sovereign,  who  has  gratified  the  earnest  wishes  of  his 
"  faithful  subjects  of  Ireland  with  that  great  improvement  of 
*'  their  constitution." 

This  first  session  of  the  first  octennial  parliament  of  Ireland, 
under  all  the  peculiarity  of  its  circumstances,  stands  unprece- 
dented in  the  Irish  annals.  Lord  Townshend,  whose  special 
mission  was  to  renovate  the  court  system  of  government  in  that 
kingdom,  after  having  ceded  to  the  Irish  party,  with  ungracious 
reluctance,  the  octennial  bill,  and  laboured  with  unabated  industry 
and  contrivance  through  the  long  interval  of  16  months  to 
create  a  new  junto  in  support  of  the  English  interest^  indepen- 
dent of  their  former  leaders,  had  not  so  matured  his  plan  as  to 
J^ave  ensured  the  whole  game.  He  had  not  altered  the  nature^ 
but  only  raised  the  price  of  accommodation:  and  lavish  as 
the  Irish  have  generally  been  of  their  voices  in  parliament  to 
the  highest  bidder,  there  ever  appear  to  have  been  some  cases 
reserved  out  of  the  bargain.  Such  had  been  the  reservation  of 
right  to  vote  for  limited  parliaments,  in  some  of  the  most  obse- 
quious devotees  to  the  measures  of  the  castle :  and  such  now 
was  a  similar  exception  in  some  of  his  pensioned  supporters 
to  resist  the  right  of  the  English  council  to  make  money  bills 
originate  with  them,  and  not  with  the  commons  of  Ireland.  On 
this  point  the  British  cabinet  and  the  Irish  house  of  commons 
came  fairly  to  issue.*     The  judges  bill  and  the  octennial  bill 

real  well  wishers  to  theircountry,  in  support  of  the  union,  that  Ireland  is  better 
without  any  parliament  at  all,  than  to  be  cursed  with  a  corrupt  and  venal  one. 
*  It  had  long  been  the  avowed  and  boasted  maxim  of  all  Irish  patriots  to 
decry  Poyning's  Law  as  a  most  unconstitutional  national  grievance.  The 
union  having  now  rendered  its  observance  impossible,  it  behoves  us,  notwith- 
standing, to  consider  the  effect,  which  its  execution  and  resistance  have  here- 
tofore respectively  produced  upon  the  Irish  nation.  It  was  an  act  passed  in 
the  10th  Hen.  VII.  c.  4.  This  statute  is  called  Poyning's  Law,  from  Sir 
Edward  Poyning,  the  viceroy,  who  is  generally  considered  to  have  obtained  it 
ty  a  manoeuvre.  The  major  part  of  the  lords  and  commons  were  drawn  from 
their  attendance  in  parliament  by  stratagem,  and  in  their  absence  this  law  was. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  121 

had  both  been  qualified  on  this  side  of  the  water  to  bring  on  the 
trial ;   and  now  another  formal  attack   having  been  made  upon 

passed ;  a  law  to  which  the  poverty,  calamity,  and  discontent  of  Ireland,  have 
generally  been  attributed  by  tlie  patriots.  It  enacts  as  follows,  that  "  no  par- 
**  liament  be  holden  hereafter  in  the  said  land,  but  at  such  season  as  the  king's 
**  lieutenant  and  counsaiie  their  first  do  certifie  the  king-,  under  the  g-reat  seal 
*'  of  that  land,  the  causes  and  considerations,  and  all  such  acts  as  them  seem- 
•'  eth  should  pass  in  the  same  parliament,  and  such  causes,  considerations,  and 
"  acts  affirmed  by  the  king-  and  his  counsail  to  be  g-ood  and  expedient  for  that 
**  land,  and  his  licence  thereupon,  as  well  in  affirmation  of  the  said  causes  and 
*'  acts,  as  to  summon  the  said  parliament  under  his  great  seal  of  England  had 
*'  and  obtained;  that  done,  a  parliament  to  be  had  and  holden  after  the  form 
**  andefi'ect  afore  rehearsed  ;  and  if  any  parliament  be  holden  in  that  land  here- 
*'  after,  contrary  to  the  form  and  provision  aforesaid,  it  be  deemed  void  and  of 
*'  none  effisct  in  lav/." 

As  this  statute  precluded  any  lav>^  from  being  proposed,  but  such  as  were 
preconceived  before  the  parliament  was  in  being,  which  occasioned  manv  in- 
conveniences, and  made  frequent  dissolutions  necessary,  it  was  provided  by 
statute  tiie  od  and  4th  of  Philip  and  Mary,  chap.  4.  that  any  new  proposition's 
might  be  certified  to  England  in  the  usual  forms  even  after  the  summons  and 
diu'ing  the  sessions  of  parliament.  To  remedy  in  some  measure  the  inconve- 
nience arising  from  these  laws,  the  Irish  lords  and  commons  had  adopted  a 
mode  of  originating  laws  in  their  own  hovscs.  A  lord  or  commoner  ajjplied 
•to  tiie  house,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  for  leave  to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill, 
which  leave  being  granted  by  the  majority  of  the  house,  the  heads  of  the  bill 
were  proposed,  received  after  regular  discussion,  alteration,  and  amendment, 
and  having  passed  through  all  tlie  forms  of  parliamentary  order,  paragraph  by 
paragraph,  and  being  perfected  to  the  sdisfaction  of  the  house,  where  they 
originated,  they  were  sent  to  the  Irish  privy  council,  in  order  to  be  transmitted 
to  the  King  of  England.  If  these  heads  of  bills  were  transmitted  to  England 
by  the  Irish  privy  council  (wliich  was  not  always  tlie  case),  and  were  assented 
to  by  the  king,  they  were  then  re -transmitted  to  Ireland,  and  if  not  negatived 
by  one  of  the  houses  of  parliament,  they  received  a  formal  royal  assent  from 
the  viceroy.  This  statutable  authority  of  the  Irish  privy  council  was  ofien 
complained  of  by  the  people  of  Ireland  as  an  unwholesome  medium  befweeu 
the  king  and  his  Irish  subjects,  and  under  its  baneful  influence,  laws  of  the 
most  salutary  nature  often  perished.  When  heads  of  bills  prepared  by  tlie 
Irish  lords  and  commons,  militated  against  the  sentiments  of  the  council,  or 
the  wishes  of  the  viceroy,  such  bills  were  arrested  in  their  course  to  the  throne, 
and  in  the  technical  language  of  the  council,  they  were  "  put  under  the  cushion," 
from  whence  they  never  reached  the  ear  of  majesty.  By  Poyning's  law,  all 
bills  m\ist  originate  in  the  Irish  privy  council,  and  receive  the  assent  of  the  king 
and  council  in  England,  previous  to  their  being  presented  to  the  legislative 
bodies  of  the  Irish  parliament ;  in  consequence  of  which  process,  all  bills  that 
came  certified  from  the  Irish  council  to  the  king  in  England,  were  immediately 
on  their  arrival  delivered  to  the  attorney  general  of  England,  to  be  perused, 
and  settled  by  himself  or  the  solicitor  general,  but  which  in  fact  was  generally 
done  by  some  chamber  council,  who  had  leisure  to  attend  to  it.  The  inconveni- 
ency  of  this  was  illustrated  by  a  bill  returned  to  Ireland  altered  in  74  places, 
v/hich  had  been  successively  revised  by  Lord  Thurlow,  when  attorney  g-eneral. 
Lord  lloselyne,  when  solicitor  general,  and  the  late  Mr.  Macnamara,  a  cham- 
ber council.  The  bill  so  metamorphosed  was  rejected  by  the  commons  of 
Ireland.  These  various  corrections  by  an  English,  Scotch,  and  Irish  lawxer, 
were  of  serious  consequence  to  government.  Tlie  temporary  dutes  of  Ireland 
cx'pired  in  a  few  days  after  the  rejection  of  the  bill.  Several  weeks  elapsed 
before  a  money  bill  could  be  perfected,  sent  over  to  England,  returned,  and  ap- 
proved by  the  Irish  commons  and  lords.... and  in  the  interim  the  merchants  im- 
ported duty  free.     The  commlsi^ioners  of  the  revenue^  though  ao  law  exissted. 

VOL.    II.  O 


122  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tlie  legislative  powers  of  Ireland  for  the  same  purpose  By  the 
origination  of  a  money  bill  in  the  privy  council,  the  commons 
resolved  fairly  to  meet  the  question :  accordingly  it  was  moved 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  a  bill,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for 
"  granting  to  his  Majesty  the  several  Duties^  Rates^  Impositions^ 
"  and  Taxes^  therein  particularly  expressed^  to  be  applied  to  the 
"  Payment  of  the  Interest  of  the  Sums  therein,  provided  for^ 
"  and  iozvards  the  Discharge  of  the  said  principal  Sums^"^  should 
be  then  read  a  second  time  on  the  day  following.  This  motion 
v/as  negatived  ;  and  it  was  resolved,  that  such  bill  was  rejected, 
because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  that  house. 

The  lord  lieutenant,  though  he  thought  proper  to  allow  the 
Irish  parliament  to  grant  their  own  money  in  their  own  way, 
protested  against  the  right  claimed  by  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  enter  his  protest  upon  their 
Journals.  The  house  would  not  submit  to  this  encroachment 
upon  their  privileges:  the  lords  were  less  inflexible,  and  after 
much  opposition  and  debate,  his  excellency's  protest  was  so- 
lemnly recorded  on  the  Journals  of  the  House  of  Peers.  But 
before  that  was  done,  it  having  been  generally  suspected,  that 
such  was  his  intention,  the  following  motion  v/as  made  in  the 
House  of  Peers,  **  That  the  speaker  of  this  house  be  desired 
"  that  no  protest  of  any  person  whomsoever,  who  is  not  a  lord  of 
"  parliament,  and  a  member  of  this  house,  and  which  doth 
"  not  respect  a  matter,  which  had  been  previously  in  question 
"  before  this  house,  and  wherein  the  lord  protesting  had  taken 
"  part  with  the  minority,  either  in  person  or  by  proxy,  be  enter- 
"  ed  on  the  Journals  of  the  house."  After  a  warm  debate  upon 
this  motion,  the  question  was  negatived  upon  a  division  of  30 
against  5.* 

Although  only  two  bills  passed  in  this  singular  and  short 
session  of  parliament,  it  did  not  go  over  without  incident :  be- 
sides what  we  have  already  remarked,  the  patriot  party,  not 
having  been  satisfied,  that  the  papers  delivered  in  from  the  trea* 
sury,  v/ere  sufficient  to  bring  the  whole  appropriation  of  the 
public  money  since  the  last  parliament  under  their  examination, 
moved  for  an  address  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  apprizing  him  of 
what  papers  had  been  actually  delivered  in,  and  requesting,  that 

by  which  they  could  levy  the  duties,  seized  the  goods,  and  lodged  them  in  the 
king's  stores.  The  merchants  replevied,  the  commissioners  opposed  the 
sheriffs  of  Dublin,  raised  the  posse  comitatus,  broke  open  the  stores,  and  the 
goods  were  conveyed  to  the  merchants  houses  in  triumph.  Certain  it  is,  that 
the  British  constitution  knows  not  any  law,  tliat  gives  power  to  any  person  or 
set  of  persons,  distinct  from  tlie  great  council  of  the  nation,  to  fi-ame,  propose, 
originate,  or  suppress  bills  intended  to  be  statutes;  which  must  be  injurious 
to  the  legislative  power  of  the  state,  and  subversive  of  the  constitution  thereof. 
*  Vid.  App.  No.  LX.  the  protest  of  the  five  dissentient  lords,  and  also  the 
protest  of  the  lord  lieutenant,  and  the  whole  proceeding  thereupon  from,  tliti 
l*ords  Journals. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  123 

his  excellency  would  be  pleased  to  inform  the  house,  if  those 
v/ere  the  only  estimates  and  accounts  intended  by  his  excel- 
lency's most  gracious  speech :  and  a  motion  was  made  and  the 
question  put,  that  an  amendment  be  made  to  the  said  address, 
by  inserting  the  following  words,  *"  being  the  only  papers  usu- 
*'''  ally  laid  before  this  houso  at  the  beginning  of  a  session,  in 
*'  consequence  of  the  chief  governors  speech  and  in  pursuance 
"  of  the  address  of  this  house."  Upon  which  a  division  took 
place  of  forty-seven  for,  and  sixty-five  against  the  motion.  This 
was  the  first  trial  of  the  strength  of  the  lord  lieutenant's  newly 
marshalled  phalanx.  It  was  not  upon  any  of  the  excepted  ques- 
tions, and  he  was  far  from  being  satisfied  with  his  victory. 

The  21st  of  November,  1769,  was  the  day  appointed  for  the 
grand  experiment  of  the  new  artillery,  which  his  excellency 
found  only  to  be  defective,  from  the  scantiness  of  the  priming  : 
accordingly  after  this  failure  he  deferred  any  further  experi- 
ment, till  he  had  more  fully  ascertained  the  calibre  of  each  piece 
of  ordnance,  and  he  took  care  to  have  it  charged  accordingly. 

f"  A  motion  being  made,  and  the  question  put,  that  a  bill 
"  entitled,  an  act  for  granting  to  his  majesty  the  several  duties, 
**  rates,  impositions,  and  taxes  therein  particularly  expressed,  to 
"  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  the  sums  therein 
"  provided  for  and  towards  the  discharge  of  the  said  principal 
"  sums,  in  such  manner  as  is  therein  directed,  be  now  read  the 
"  first  time,"  it  was  carried  in  the  affirmative  :  <and  the  bill  be- 
ing accordingly  read,  a  motion  was  made  and  the  question  put, 
that  the  bill  be  read  a  second  time  to-morrow  morning:    the 
house  divided:  ayes  sixty-eight,  noes  eighty-sevem     Then  the 
motion,  that  the  bill  be  rejected  was  put  and  carried  by  ninety- 
four  against  seventy-one  :    and  it  was  resolved  that  the  said  bill 
rvas  rejected  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  m  that  house.     The 
lord  lieutenant  took  this  defeat  in  the  commons  so  much  to 
heart,  that  he  resolved  to  bring  no  more  government  questions 
before  them  during  that  session  :  or  until  he  could,  as  the  castle 
phrase  then  was,  make  more  sure  of  the  king's  business.     The 
representatioYis,  which  were  made  of  this  transaction  in  Eng- 
land, soon  found  their  way  into  the  newspapers,  and  the  light  in 
which  Mr.  Woodfall  placed  the  majority  of  the  Irish  House  of 
Commons  on  that  important  division  in  the   Public  Advertiser, 
fully  proved  the  general  sentiments  entertained  at  that  time  in 
England  upon  the  whole  system  of  the  Irish  government.     JOn 
the  18th  day  of  December,  1769,  a  motion  was  made  and  car- 
ried without  opposition,  that  a  paper  entitled  the  Public  Adver- 
tiser, by  H.  S.  Woodfall,   London,   December   the  9th,  1769, 
might  be  read.    It  contained  the  following  words  :  "  Hibernian 

*  8  Jaurn.  Com,  p.  295.        f  Journ,  Com.  vol.  8,  p.  323.      \  ibid.  p.  344, 


124  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  patriotism  is  a  transcript  of  that  filthy  idol  worshipped  at  the 
"  London  Tavern ;  insolence,  assumed  from  an  opinion  of  im- 
"  punitv,  usurps  the  place  which  boldness  against  real  injuries 
"  ought  to  hold.  The  refusal  of  the  late  bill,  because  it  was 
"  not  brought  in  contrary  to  the  practice  of  ages,  in  violation  of 
"  the  constitution,  and  to  the  certain  ruin  of  the  dependance  of 
"  Ireland  upon  Great  Britain,  is  a  behaviour  more  suiting  an 
"  army  of  White  Boys  than  the  grave  representatives  of  a  na- 
"  tion.  This  is  the  most  daring  insult,  that  has  been  offered  to 
"  government.  It  must  be  counteracted  with  firmness,  or  else 
*'  the  state  is  ruined.  Let  the  refractory  house  be  dissolved ; 
''  should  the  next  copy  their  example,  let  it  also  be  dissolved ; 
"  and  if  the  same  spirit  of  seditious  obstinacy  should  continue, 
''  I  know  no  remedy  but  one,  and  it  is  extremely  obvious.  The 
*'  parliament  of  Great  Britain  is  supreme  over  its  conquests,  as 
"  well  as  colonies,  and  the  service  of  the  nation  must  not  be  left 
"  undone,  on  account  of  the  factious  obstinacy  of  a  provincial 
"  assembly.  Let  our  legislature,  for  the}'^  have  an  undoubt* 
*'  ed  right,  vote  the  Irish  supplies ;  and  so  save  a  nation,  that 
"  their  own  obstinate  representatives  endeavour  to  ruin."  These 
paragraphs  having  been  read,  it  was  resolved,  that  they  were  a 
false  and  infamous  libel  upon  the  proceedings  of  that  house,  a 
daring  invasion  of  the  parliament,  and  calculated  to  create 
groundless  jealousies  between  his  majesty's  faithful  subjects  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland:  it  was  therefore  ordered,  that  the 
said  paper  should  be  burnt  by  the  hands  of  the  common  hang- 
man. And  on  the  Wednesday  following,  viz.  the  20th  of  De- 
cember, the  said  paper  was  burned  before  the  gate  of  the  House 
of  Commons  by  the  hands  of  the  common  hangman,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  sheriffs  of  Dublin,  amidst  the  indignant  shouts  of 
an  immense  croud  of  spectators,  who  loudly,  though  without 
outrage,  resented  the  insult  offered  to  their  representatives. 

'*^'On  the  same  day  (viz.  18th  of  December,  1769)  Sir  Charles 
Bingham,  according  to  order,  reported  from  the  committee,  to 
whomx  it  had  been  referred,  to  enquire  into  the  state  of  pensions, 
the  matter,  as  it  appeared  to  them,  v/ith  the  resolutions  of  the 
committee  thereupon.  The  ministerial  party  well  knowing,  that 
it  was  then  his  excellency's  intention  to  prorogue  the  parliament 
within  the  week,  and  being  sensible,  that  the  subject  of  pensions 
Tv-as  too  green  a  wound  to  be  then  probed  in  that  temper  of  the 
house,  moved,  that  the  further  consideration  of  the  said  report 
should  be  adjourned  until  the  first  IMonday  after  the  Christmas 
holidays:  on  this  tender  subject  many  of  the  ministerialists,  who 
had  quitted  their  ranks  on  the  former  questions,  rallied  accord- 
ing to  their  engagements,  and  outvoted  the  patriots :  ninety* 

*  Jcurn.  Com.  vol.  8,  p.  345. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  125 

eight  being  against  the  agitation  of  the  pension  list  at  that  time, 
and  eighty-nine  only  for  it.  So  trifling  a  majority  did  not  en- 
courage the  lord  lieutenant  to  hazard  any  more  questions  before 
the  prorogation  :  although  no  hint  or  suggestion  had  been  thrown 
out  by  the  ministry,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  government  to 
prorogue  the  parliament,  yet  so  fully  convinced  of  it  were  the 
patriots,  that  on  the  20th  of  that  month  (of  December)  the 
commons  resolved,  that  it  was  their  undoubted  privilege  to  ad- 
dress the  chief  governor,  to  know"  whether  he  had  any  instruc- 
tions or  entertained  any  intentions  to  prorogue  the  parliament 
at  an  unusual  season  :  an  addr,ess  was  therefore  agreed  upon, 
whereby  it  was  requested,  his  excellency  w^ould  inform  the 
house,  whether  he  had  any  instructions  or  had  any  intention  to 
prorogue  the  parliament  sooner  than  usual.  Here  again  the 
lord  lieutenant  found  his  deficiency  in  doing  the  king^s  business  : 
for  upon  a  division  on  the  main  question  the  minister  was  left 
once  more  in  a  greater  minority  than  ever  :  there  being  106  for 
his  excellency's  making  the  declaration,  and  73  only  against  it.* 
On  the  very  next  day,  however,  Sir  George  Macartney,  the  se- 
cretary, reported  to  the  house,  that  his  excellency  had  returned 
the  following  answer. 

Gentlemen, 

"  I  shall  ahvays  be  desirous  of  complying  with 
"  your  request  when  I  can  do  it  with  propriety.  I  do  not  think 
"  myself  authorized  to  disclose  his  majesty's  instructions  to  me 
"  upon  any  subject,  without  having  received  his  majesty's  com- 
*"''  mands  for  so  doing.  With  regard  to  my  intentions,  they  will 
*'  be  regulated  by  his  majesty's  instructions  and  future  events,''"' 
This' answer  was  neither  ambiguous,  nor  gracious:  past  events 
had  provoked  it  :  and  the  lord  lieutenant  awaited  only  his  jus- 
tification from  England  of  the  measure,  which  his  own  judg- 
ment and  disposition  had  predetermined  him  to  adopt.  On  the 
day  after  Christmas  day  his  excellency  put  an  end  to  the  ses- 
sion. 

A  message  was  sent  by  the  gentleman  usher  of  the  black  rod 
to  the  commons  to  attend  his  excellency  in  the  House  of  Peers, 
where  after  the  royal  assent  was  given  to  two  money  bills,  the 
speaker  Mr.  John  Ponsonby  made  the  following  speech  at  thc' 
bar  of  the  House  of  Peers.f 

*  Journ.  Com.  vol.  8,  p.  353. 

t  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Journals  of  the  Lords  take  no  notice  of  the 
speaker's  speech  to  the  lord  lieutenant ;  that  appears  only  in  the  Journals  of 
the  Commons  (8  vol,  p.  354)  and  the  Journals  of  the  Commons  make  no  men- 
tion of  the  lord  lieutenant's  speech  to  the  commons  :  that  appears  in  the  vol. 
4  of  the  Lords  Journals,  p.  538,  the  whole  of  which,  with  the  proceeding's  and 
protest  are  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXL 


126  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

"  His  majesty's  faithful  commons  having,  upon 
**  all  occasions,  given  the  sti*ongest,  and  most  distinguished 
"  proofs  of  their  loyalty,  duty,  and  affection  to  his  sacred  per- 
*'  son  and  government,  do  now  attend  your  excellency,  to  present 
*'  you,  for  the  royal  assent,  two  bills  of  supply  granted  by  them 
*'  this  session  of  parliament ;  one  for  granting  unto  his  majesty 
*'  an  additional  duty  on  beer,  ale,  strong  waters,  wine,  tobacco, 
^'  hides,  and  other  goods  and  merchandises  therein  mentioned  ; 
*'  and  for  prohibiting  the  importation  of  all  gold  and  silver  lace, 
"  and  of  all  cambricks  and  lawns,  except  of  the  manufacture  of 
"  Great  Britain ;  the  other  for  granting  to  his  majesty  the  seve- 
"  ral  duties,  rates,  taxes,  and  impositions  therein  particularly 
*'  expressed  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  the 
"  sums  therein  provided  for,  and  towards  the  discharge  of  the 
"  said  principal  sums,  in  such  manner  as  therein  directed.  The 
"  commons  are  pleased  with  every  opportunity  of  testifying 
"  their  zeal  for  his  majesty's  service;  and  as  they  always  have, 
**  so  they  ever  will  continue,  to  support  and  maintain  his  govern- 
*'  ment  with  dignity  and  honour.  They  think  themselves  per- 
"  fectly  secure  under  a  prince,  who  considers  it  as  his  highest 
"  glory  to  make  all  his  subjects  happy ;  they  humbly  presume, 
"  that  their  loyal  and  dutiful  behaviour  will  entitle  them  to  the 
"  continuance  of  his  majesty's  favour  and  protection,  and  they 
"  are  persuaded,  from  their  knowledge  of  your  excellency's  re- 
"  gard  to  justice,  that  they  shall  be  represented  as  a  dutiful,  a 
"  loyal,  and  a  grateful  people." 

Whereupon  his  excellency  made  a  very  pointed  speech  to  the 
commons,  setting  forth  his  reasons  for  protesting  against  their 
conduct.  Then  the  lord  chancellor,  by  his  excellency's  com- 
mand, delivered  the  said  protest  to  the  clerks  of  the  parliaments, 
which  he  read  at  the  table,  and  kept,  in  order  to  enter  it  in  the 
Journals  of  the  lords :  after  which  the  chancellor,  by  his  excel- 
lency's further  command,  declared  the  parliament  prorogued  to 
the  20th  day  of  March  next.  The  commons  upon  their  return 
to  their  house  gave  orders,  that  their  clerk  should  not  enter  the 
lord  lieutenant's  speech  in  their  Journals. 

The  lord  lieutenant  having  experienced  so  much  inflexibility 
and  difficulty  in  the  management  of  the  commons  in  the  first 
session,  fully  resolved  to  meet  them  no  more  in  parliament,  till 
they  were  more  properly  marshalled,  and  thoroughly  broken 
in  to  every  manoeuvre  of  the  new  tactics.  His  excellency  ac- 
cordingly by  proclamation  on  the  12th  of  March,  1770,  prorogued 
them  to  Tuesday  the  1st  of  May  following:  on  the  20th  of 
April,  1770,  he  farther  prorogued  them  to  the  28th  of  August, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  12r 

and  by  three  other  successive  proclamations  he  further  prorogued 
them  to  different  peribds,  and  ultimately  to  the  26th  of  February, 
1771^  and  then  to  sit  for  the  dispatch  of  business.  This  mea- 
sure of  depriving  the  nation  of  all  benefit  of  their  representatives, 
because  a  majority  of  them  had  stood  up  firmly  for  their  privi- 
leges, coupled  with  the  effect  produced  on  the  nation  by  some 
cavalier  and  angry  expressions,  which  had  escaped  the  secretary 
in  debate,  kept  the  public  mind  in  a  state  of  soreness  and  irrita- 
tion, which  was  not  merely  confmed  to  Ireland.  On  the  3d  of 
May,  1770,  as  soon  as  conveniently  could  be,  after  the  second 
prorogation,  a  motion  was  made  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons, by  the  Hon.  Boyle  Walsingham,"^^  on  the  late  extraordi- 
nary prorogation  of  the  Irish  parliament,  which  he  introduced 
by  a  speech,  w^herein  he  said,  that  the  state  of  Ireland  was  most 
deplorable;  that,  in  consequence  of  the  last  unexpected  pro- 
rogation, the  following  temporary  laws  had  expired;  the  act  for 
assigning  judgments,  by  which  the  Roman  Catholics  could 
alone  obtain  landed  security  for  their  money ;  that  the  tax  upon 
hawkers  and  pedlars  had  ceased,  which  had  been  appropriated 
to  the  support  of  the  incorporated  society  for  building  Protestant 
charter  schools  ;  that  2800/.  granted  for  public  works,  &c.  would 
remain  unappropriated  in  the  treasury ;  that  many  useful  laws, 
regarding  the  late  insurrections,  and  the  tillage  and  improve- 
ments of  the  country,  had  expired  ;  and  concluded  with  moving, 
"■  That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  that  he 
''  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  directions,  that  there  be 
"  laid  before  that  house,  a  copy  of  all  instructions  given  to  the 
"  lord  lieutenant  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  relating  to  the  late 
"  sudden  prorogation  of  the  Irish  parliament,  at  a  time  when 
"affairs  of  the  greatest  national  importance  to  that  kingdom 
"  were  depending  in  the  said  parliament,  together  with  the  pa- 
"  pers,  on  which  the  said  instructions  were  founded,  and  his 
"  answers  thereto;  and  likewise  a  copy  of  a  message  of  the 
*'•  16th  of  November,  last  from  the  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland  to 
"  the  House  of  Commons  of  that  kingdom,  relative  to  the  aug- 
''*  mentation  of  the  forces  there,"  which  motion  was  second- 
ed by  the  Hon.  Constantine  Phips  ;  upon  which  the  right 
Hon.  George  Grenville  said,  that  the  late  prorogation  v/as 
unconstitutional;  that  the  Stuarts  had  ever  been  desirous  of 
ruling  without  parliaments ;  that  prorogations  always  followed 
grants  of  money,  as  was  the  case  lately  in  Ireland ;  that  admi- 
nistration had  given  up  the  prerogative  of  the  crown  to  obtain 
the  augmentation  in  Ireland;  that  Lord  Townshend's  message, 
and  the  king's  promise,  v/ere  contrary  to  two  English  acts  of 
parliament,  the  act  of  the  last  sessions  repealing  the  10th  of  King 
William,  and  to  the  13th  of  Charles  the   Second  vesting  the 

;^  Pari  jam.  Deb.  5  vol.  p.  3Q9. 


128  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

power  and  disposition  of  all  the  land  and  sea  forces  in  the 
crown ;  that  if  this  promise  were  observed,  it  would  be  in  con- 
tradiction to  those  two  statutes  :  he  believed  deceit  and  delusion 
had  been  hung  out  to  the  Irish  parliament,  to  induce  them'  to 
come  into  the  augmentation. 

He  then  moved,  that  the  papers  relative  to  the  augmentation 
also  might  be  laid  before  parliament. 

Lord  North,  in  reply,  said,  that  the  prorogation  of  the  Irish 
parliament  was  unavoidable  ;  the  minister  would  have  been  im- 
peachable, if  he  had  advised  otherwise ;  the  resolution  of  the 
House  of  Commons  was  contrary  to  Poyning's  law,  the  grand 
bond  of  the  dependance  of  Ireland  upon  England,  and  war- 
ranted by  the  precedent  of  Lord  Sidney  in  1692  ;  that,  founded 
upon  that,  he  advised  the  lord  lieutenant's  protest,  and  the  pro- 
rogation of  the  Irish  parliament ;  that  he  affirmed  his  majesty's 
bounty  from  his  privy  purse  would  be  extended  to  the  incorpo- 
rated society  ;  that  the  augmentation  could  be  obtained  from 
Ireland  upon  no  other  consideration,  than  the  king's  promise  of 
12,000  men  being  stationary  at  all  times  in  that  country.  Sir 
William  Meredith  reverted  to  the  original  proposition  of  his 
honourable  friend ;  the  consideration  of  the  prerogative  of  the 
Irish  parliament ;  and  in  order  thereto,  he  entered  into  a  sum- 
mary view  of  Poyning's  law,  and  those  statutes,  which  are 
derived  from  it ;  strongly  urging  that  the  Irish  House  of  Com- 
mons had  a  right  to  give  their  reason  for  their  votes,  which  did 
not  impugn  in  the  least  the  validity  of  the  statute  in  question. 
He  continued,  that  he  would  not  theii  comment  upon  the  vio- 
lation of  the  privileges  of  both  houses  of  parliament  by  Lord 
Townshend's  protest,  but  content  himself  with  observing,  that 
in  a  speech  of  Sir  George  Macartney's,  printed  as  it  appeared  to 
him  in  justification  of  that  measure,  he  said,  that  this  council 
money-bill  was  a  fine,  which  they  paid  for  the  renewal  of  parlia- 
ment, and  pointed  to  a  man  of  great  abilities  in  that  country ; 
telling  the  house  at  the  same  time,  that  he  had  lost  his  place  of 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  for  jmpeding  the  progress  of  a 
similar  bill  at  the  commencement  of  his  present  majesty's  reign, 
recommending  it  to  others  to  avoid  a  like  fate.  He  then  con- 
tended, that  the  proceedings  of  administrations  in  Ireland  had 
been  most  arbitrary  and  oppressive.  Their  house  had  a  coer- 
cive power  over  ministers  in  every  part  of  the  British  empire ; 
and  he  hoped,  that  the  afflicted  country  of  Ireland,  would  obtain 
from  the  British  legislature,  that  reparation,  which  her  own  par- 
liament could  no  longer  give  her  ;  and  that  their  policy  and  inte- 
rest would  induce  them  to  do  that,  which  justice  loudly  demanded 
from  them. 

The  house  at  length  divided  upon  the  question,  when  66  were 
for  it,  and  178  against  it. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  129 

The  augmentation  of  the  army  had  very  considerably  aug=. 
mented  the  debt  of  the  nation,  v/hich  for  two  years  ending  at 
Lady  Day,  1769,  amounted  to  628,883/.  17.9.  lOjt/.  and  the  pen- 
sions during  the  same  period  amounted  to  177,052/.   11^.  5^d» 
The  national  distresses  called  loudly  for  the  interference  of  the 
legislature.     Ail  were  dissatisfied :    some  publicly  com.plained. 
Tiie  corporation  of  the  city  of  Dublin,  on  the  29th  of  October, 
1770,  transmitted  an  address  under  their  common  seal  to  his 
majesty,  wherein  they  humbly  informed  him,  that  from  some 
defects  in  the  laws  relative  to  corn,  flour,  and  other  necessa-. 
ries  of  life,  and  in  the  lav/s  affecting  the  police  of  that  city  (a 
situation  from  which  they  could  only  be  relieved  by  the  meeting 
of  parliament),  his  majesty's  subjects  there  experienced  many 
and  great  difficulties,  and  apprehended  yet  greater;   and  there- 
fore besought  his  majesty  to  grant  them  such  relief,  as  in  his 
royal  wisdom  he  should  think  fit.     During  this  cessation  of  par- 
liament, the  lord  lieutenant  redoubled  his  eiforts  to  complete 
his  operose  system  of  ensuring  a  majority  of  individuals.     This 
necessarily  exposed  him  to  numberless  applications,  to  which  he 
neither  had  the  means  nor  the  will  to  accede.     Anxious  to  per- 
fect his  system  with  all  possible  dispatch,  he  frequently  found 
himself  thwarted  by  the   slenderness  of  his  means,  but   had 
the  address  to  accompany  the  disappointment  or  refusal  with 
some  trait  of  humour,  which  ingratiated  rather  than  offended  the 
Irish.* 

The  dearth  of  political  virtue  in  Ireland  has  long  been  the 
theme  of  lamentation  to  most  men,  of  derision  to  some,  and 
even  of  boast  tojothers  :  the  historian  has  but  to  shew,  who  at  dif- 
ferent times  have  supported,  who  have  deserted,  and  who  have 
resisted  her  cause.  During  the  long  interval  of  14  months,  that 
Ireland,  greatly  distressed  and  impoverished,  was  kept  without 
a  parliament,  the  lord  lieutenant  did  not  labour  in  vain  to  bring 
over  a  considerable  portion  of  the  opposite  party ;  at  the  head  of 
w^hich  shone  conspicuous,  the  great  quondam  patriot,  Mr.  Sex- 
ton Pery,  who  was  first  seated  in  the  chair  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons, with  a  promise  of  being  soon  after  raised  to  the  peerage. 
With  this  accession  of  force  the  lord  lieutenant,  on  the  26th  of 
February,  1771,  faced  the  parliament  in  full  confidence  ;  he  told 
them  in  his  speech,  it  was  with  the  truest  satisfaction  that  he 
obeyed  his  majesty's  commands  to  meet  them  again  in  parlia- 
ment. He  observed  in  his  speech,  that  the  then  high  price  of 
corn  was  an  object  of  the  first  importance,  and  demanded  the 

*  It  has  been  g-pnemlly  supposed,  that  this  noble  lord  had  sketched  and 
published  a  caricature  (in  which  he  excelled)  of  himself,  with  his  hands  and 
feet  fettered  :  he  had  one  of  them  in  his  study,  and  would  often  humorously 
point  to  it  byway  of  apologizijng  for  a  refusal. 

VOL.    II.  R 


ISO  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

most  serious  attention  ;  at  the  same  time  he  recommended  the 
continuance  or  revival  of  such  laws,  as  should  be  found  to  be 
immediately  necessary  for  the  general  good  of  that  country. 
Addresses  were  passed  as  usual  to  his  majesty  by  both  houses, 
and  also  to  tlie  lord  lieutena^it ;  and  the  commons,  in  their  ad- 
dress to  the  former,  acknov/ledged,  with  the  most  perfect  sub- 
mission, that  they  were  ever  tenacious  of  the  honour  of  granting 
supplies  to  his  majesty,  and  of  being  the  first  movers  therein, 
as  they  were  the  voluntary  tribute  of  grateful  hearts  to  the  best 
of  monarchs  ;  and  they  most  humbly  besought  his  majesty,  that 
he  would  not  permit  their  zeal  in  this  particular  to  be  construed 
into  an  invasion  of  his  royal  authority,  than  Avhich  nothing  was 
more  distant  from  their  thoughts  :  they  likewise  returned  their 
most  humble  thanks  to  his  majesty,  for  continuing  his  excellen- 
cy. Lord  Townshend,  in  the  government  of  that  kingdom.  This 
address  was  carried  by  132  against  107.  In  consequence  there- 
of the  speaker  wrote  the  following  letter,  which  was  communi- 
cated to  the  house  by  the  clerk  on  the  4th  of  March,  ITTl. 

"  To  the  Honourable  the  House  of  Commons  of  Ireland. 

"  Gentlemen, 

"  When  I  had  the  honour  of  being  unanimously  elected  to 
"  the  chair  of  the  house  of  commons,  I  entered  on  that  high 
"  office  full  of  the  warmest  sentiments  of  loyalty  to  his  majesty, 
"  and  firm  determination  to  dedicate  my  whole  endeavour  to 
"  preserve  and  transmit  to  my  successor,  inviolate  the  rights 
"  and  privileges  of  the  commons  of  Ireland.  But  on  the  last 
"  day  of  the  last  session  of  parliament,  his  excellency  the  lord 
"  lieutenant  was  pleased  to  accuse  the  commons  of  a  great  crime, 
"  which  I  am  confident  was  far  from  their  intentions,  as  it  ever 
"  was  and  ever  shall  be  far  from  mine,  that  of  Intrenching  upon 
"  his  majesty's  royal  powder  and  authority,  and  the  just  and  un- 
"  doubted  rights  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  as  it  has 
"  pleased  the  house  of  commons  to  take  the  first  opportunity 
"  after  this  transaction,  of  testifying  their  approbation  of  his 
"  excellency,  by  voting  him  an  address  of  thanks  this  session  ; 
"  and  as  the  delivery  of  such  approbation  to  his  excellency  is 
"  Incidental  to  the  office  of  speaker,  I  beg  leave  to  inform  you, 
"  that  as  such  thanks  seem  to  convey  a  censure  of  the  proceed- 
"  ings,  and  a  relinquishment  of  the  privileges  of  the  commons, 
"  my  respect  to  them  must  prevent  my  being  the  instrument  of 
"  delivering  such  address ;  and  therefore  I  request  you  may 
"  elect  another  speaker,  who  may  not  think  such  conduct  in- 
"  consistent  Vvith  his  honour.  I  am,  gentlemen,  your  most 
"  obliged  and  most  humble  servant,  yo/in  Ponsonby^  speaker*"' 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  131 

The  commons  having  hereupon  proceeded  to  elect  a  new- 
speaker,  Edmond  Sexton  Pery,*  Esq.  had  a  majority  of  four 
votes,  and  was  appointed  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Ponsonby. 

Mr.  J.  Ponsonby  on  this  occasion  was  as  much  apphiuded  by 
the  people  for  his  dignity  of  spirit  and  purity  of  principle,  as  the 
conduct  of  Mr,  Pery  was  reviled  and  execrated.  As  the  lord 
lieutenant  had  now  secured  a  majority  in  parliament^  his  grand 
manoeuvre  w^as  to  do  a^vay  the  effects  of  the  votes  of  the  last 
session,  and  justify  his  conduct  in  the  sudden  and  continued 
prorogations  of  the  parliament.  Nothing  was  permitted  to  pass 
v/ithout  a  division  ;  upon  each  of  which  successively  the  patriots 
fell  off.  They  were  however  resolved  to  leave  to  posterity  upon 
their  Journals  a  faithful  portrait  of  their  suffering  country  in 
that  state  of  decline  ;  they  moved  and  put  the  question,  w^hlch 
was  lost  by  a  majority  of  123  against  68,  "  That  an  huml)le  ad- 
^'  dress  be  presented  to  his  majestv,  expressing,  that  his  faith- 
*^  ful  commons  of  Ireland  have  been  always  most  ready  to  re- 
"  pose  the  utmost  trust  in  the  persons  emploved  in  high  autho- 
"  rity  under  his  majesty ;  that  therefore  his  faithful  commons 
"  did  confidently  hope,  that  a  law  for  securing  the  independency 
"  of  the  judges  of  this  kingdom  would  have  passed  :  such  a  law 
*'  having  been  recommended,  and  promised  by  his  excellency 
"  the  lord  lieutenant,  in  the  speech  from  the  throne,  in  the  first 
"  session  of  his  excellency's  government.  That,  in  like  man- 
"  ner,  as  his  excellency  had  recommended  to  that  house,  in  his 
"  speech  from  the  throne,  in  that  session  of  parliament,  an  atten- 

*  The  conduct  and  speech  of  Mr.  Pcry  on  tliis  occasion  bespoke  the  for- 
ward zeal  of  a  new  proselyte. 

"  May  XT  PLEASE  YOUR  Excellency, 

*'  THE  commons  in  parliament  assembled,  have,  in  obe- 
*'  dience  to  3'our  excellency's  command,  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  speaker, 
*•  and  have  elected  me,  and  now  attend  to  present  me  to  your  excellency.  It 
**  would  giA'c  your  excellency  no  favourable  impression  of  my  sincerity,  if  I 
**  were  to  pursue  the  usual  form,  and  affect  to  decline  this  important  office. 
*'  I  confess  it  is  the  highest  point  of  my  ambition,  and  if  I  have  the  honour  of 
**  vour  excellency's  approbation,  I  shall  endeavour  to  prove  by  my  conduct, 
"  that  I  have  not  been  more  solicitous  to  obtain,  than  I  r.hall  be  anxious  to  dis- 
"  cliarge  the  duties  of  it."  The  lord  chancellor  receiving"  directions  from  his 
excellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  said,  "  Mr.  Pery,  I  am  commanded  by  his  ex- 
*•  cellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  to  declare  his  full  approbation  of  the  choice, 
"  which  the  commons  have  made  of  you  for  their  speaker,  and  he  has  the 
**  strongest  confidence  that  your  knowledge  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of 
*'  your  country,  your  experience  in  the  business  of  parliament,  and  your  loyalty 
"  to  the  king,  which  so  eminently  qualify  you  for  that  important  office,  will 
*'  carry  you  through  it  with  honour  and  universal  satisfaction."  Then  Mr. 
Speaker  said,  "  Since  your  excellency  has  been  pleased  to  approve  the  choice 
**  of  the  commons,  permit  me  to  make  my  most  humble  and  grateful  acknow- 
"  ledgments  to  your  excellency,  for  having  expressed  your  approbation  in  a 
"  manner  so  gracious,  and  in  terms  so  honourable  to  me  ;  and  to  assure  your 
"  excellency  that  I  shall  endeavour  to  merit  the  continuance  of  your  excellent 
*' cy's  fjivour,  by  the  faithful  discharge  of  my  duty." 


132  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  don  to  the  high  price  of  corn,  his  majesty's  faithful  commons 
"  did  flatter  themselves,  that  the  tillage  of  the  kingdom  would 
"  have  received  encouragement ;  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  in  a 
"  session  professedly  called  for  the  making  and  receiving  useful 
"  laws,  his  majesty's  commons  had  the  unspeakable  grief  to  find, 
*'  iha-t  two  laws  heretofore  enacted,  and  transmitted,  in  order  to 
"  be  continued  and  revived,  for  the  benefit  of  tillage,  one  for 
"  the  restraining  of  distilleries,  the  other  for  a  bounty  on  the 
"  carriage  of  corn  coastways,  had  not  been  returned,  though 
"  calculated  to  meet  and  correspond  with  the  wishes  of  govern- 
*'  ment,  expressed  from  the  throne,  respecting  that  important 
"  article  to  the  community,  whereby  that  kingdom  has  been  de- 
''  barred  of  the  benefit  of  two  useful  laws  ;  the  salutary  effects 
^'-  of  which  they  had  formerly  experienced,  and  which  the  then 
^'  existing  circumstances  of  that  country,  and  the  morals  of  the 
"  people,  peculiarly  required.  That  the  suppression  of  those 
"  bills,  and  the  unexpected  alteration  of  others,  whereby  the  hopes 
"  of  that  country,  founded  in  the  declarations  of  his  majesty's 
*'  servants  there,  had  been  frustrated,  tended  to  weaken  the  con- 
"  fidence  of  the  public  in  his  majesty's  ministers,  so  essential  to 
"  the  dignity  of  the  crown,  and  to  the  happiness  of  the  subject. 
"  That  both  public  and  private  credit  w^as  in  a  very  low  state, 
"  that  government  securities,  which  used  to  bear  a  considerable 
"  premium,  could  not  then  be  circulated  at  par.  That  money 
"  could  scarcely  be  obtained,  and  that  the  price  of  land  was  fall- 
"  ing.  That  the  circumstances  could  not  fail  to  be  attended  by 
"  melancholy  and  anxious  apprehensions  in  the  most  loyal  of 
"  his  majesty's  subjects  ;  and  imploring  that  his  majesty  would 
*'  be  graciously  pleased  to  take  such  steps  for  the  rem.edy  there- 
"  of,  as  his  royal  wisdom  and  paternal  dignity  should  suggest." 
In  the  address  of  the  commons  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  which 
was  moved  for  and  carried  on  the  16th  of  May,  two  days  only 
before  the  prorogation,  the  patriots  objected  to  the  thanks  con- 
tained in  it  for  his  excellency's  ^'z/5^  and  prudent  administration  ; 
but  on  a  division  they  were  outvoted  by  106  against  51  :  this 
address  together  with  the  king's  answer*  to  the  address  of  the 

*  2nd  of  IMay,  177'1.  Journ.  Com.  vol.  8,  p.  383.  The  Right  Honourable 
Sir  Georg-e  Macartney  informed  the  house,  that  he  was  commanded  by  his  ex- 
cellency the  lord  lieutenant,  to  acquaint  them,  that  his  majesty  had  been 
pleased  to  return  a  most  gracious  answer  to  the  address  of  this  house,  which 
he  read  hi  his  place,  and  after  delivered  in  at  the  table,  and  the  same  was  read 
by  Mr.  Speaker  (all  the  members  being  uncovered)  and  is  asfoUoweth  : 

"  George  R. 

"  His  majesty  thanks  the  house  of  commons  for  the  many  warm 
"  expressions  of  affection  and  loyalty  contained  in  their  address,  and  for  their 
"  congratulations  on  the  increase  of  his  family. 

•'  His  majesty  is  extremely  glad  to  find  that  the  opportunity  he  has  given 
"  them  of  consulting  together,  at  tliis  time,  for  the  general  good  of  his  king- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  15a 

commons  to  the  throne,  was  considered,  by  the  castle,  to  have 
completely  counteracted  the  whole  effect  of  the  successful  efforts 
of  the  patriots  in  the  last  session,  and  to  have  given  the  express 
royal  sanction  to  every  part  of  the  viceroy's  conduct. 

The  address  of  the  lords  to  the  king  contained  the  following 
paragraph :  "  We  have  the  truest  sense  of  the  many  instances, 
*'  which  your  majesty  has  been  pleased  to  afford  us  of  your  pa- 
"  ternal  care,  and  particularly  your  continuing  the  Lord  Viscount 
"  Townshend  in  the  government  of  this  kingdom,  of  which,  as 
"  his  experience  enables  him  to  form  the  truest  judgment,  so 
"  his  candour  and  integrity  will,  we  doubt  not,  move  him  to 
^'  make  the  justest  representation."  A  warm  debate  took  place 
upon  the  question  being  put,  that  the  said  paragraph  do  stand 
part  of  the  address  ;  which  was  carried  by  thirty  against  fifteen. 
The  protest  entered  by  sixteen  lords  on  this  occasion,  is  an  au- 
thentic and  very  precise  historical  document  of  the  grounds  and 
nature  of  the  opposition  made  in  parliament  to  that  lord  lieute- 
nant's administration. 

^Dissentient. 

1°  Because  the  repeated  proofs  we  have  of  his  majesty's  pa- 
ternal tenderness  towards  his  people,  convince  us,  that  a  misre- 
presentation of  his  faithful  commons  could  alone  have  determined 
his  royal  breast  to  exert  his  undoubted  prerogative  of  proroguing 
his  parliament  at  a  crisis,  when  the  expiration  of  laws  essential 
to  the  well-being  of  this  kingdom,  seemed  peculiarly  to  point 
out  the  most  urgent  demand  for  the  assistance  of  the  legisla- 
ture: at  a  time,  when  the  commons  had  given  a  recent  efficacious 
testimony  of  their  unrcmitiing  zeal  for  his  majesty's  service, 
by  voting  an  augmentation  of  his  majesty's  forces  ;  a  measure, 
which  had  been  represented  to  parliament  as  highly  acceptable 
to  the  king  ;  at  a  season  too,  when  the  suddenness  of  this  unex- 
pected mark  of  royal  displeasure,  rendered  its  consequences 
almost  irretrievably  fatal  to  the  nation,  insomuch,  that  v/e  see, 
with  the  deepest  concern,  an  extraordinaiy  deficiency  in  his 
majesty's  revenue,  proceeding  from  the  declining  state  of  our 
credit,  trade,  and  manufactures,  thereby  occasioned. 

2°  Because  the  unbounded  confidence  we  repose  in  his  majes- 
ty's inviolate  regard  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  consti- 

"  dom  of  Ireland,  has  been  received  by  them  with  so  much  satisfaction,  and 
*'  he  trusts  it  will  be  productive  of  every  benefit  to  the  public  that  they  could 
**  desire. 

"  His  majesty  is  well  pleased  with  the  assurances  g-iven  by  the  house  of 
"  commons,  of  their  regard  for  his  rights  and  those  of  the  crown  of  Great 
"  Britain,  which  it  is  his  indispensable  duty  to  assert,  and  which  he  shall  ever 
"  think  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  maintain. 

G.  R." 
*  Lords  Journ.  vol.  4.  p.  545. 


134  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  . 

tution,  assures  us,  that  the  attempt,  which  has  been  lately  made, 
to  infringe  that  balance,  indefeasibly  inseparable  from  its  very 
formation,  by  entering  upon  the  journals  of  this  house  a  protest, 
animadverting  upon  the  proceedings  of  the  house  of  commons, 
was  the  result  of  pernicious  counsels,  insidiously  calculated  to 
alienate  the  affections  of  the  most  loyal  subjects,  from  the  most 
amiable  of  princes  :  an  opinion,  in  which  we  conceive  ourselves 
by  60  much  the  better  founded,  as  this  unconstitutional  extension 
is  unprecedented;  (save  only  in  one  instance)  which  was  fol- 
lowed by  just  disapprobation  of  the  sovereign,  testified  by  the 
immediate  removal  of  the  chief  governor.  We  further  conceive, 
that  as  the  constitution  of  this  kingdom  is,  in  respect  to  the 
distinct  departments  of  the  crown,  the  lords,  and  the  commons, 
one  and  the  same  with  that  of  Great  Britain ;  we  should  depart 
not  only  from  our  duty  to  our  king,  and  to  this  our  country, 
but  likewise  from  that,  which  we  owe  to  Great  Britain,  if  in 
our  high  capacity  of  hereditary  great  council  of  Ireland  to  the 
crown,  we  should  acquiesce  under  an  attempt,  which  manifestly 
tends  to  subvert  that  reciprocal  independence  of  the  three  estates, 
which  is  the  basis  of  its  security. 

3°  Because  the  justice  and  piety,  which  shine  conspicuous  in 
our  sovereign,  as  well  in  his  domestic  life  as  on  the  throne,  do 
not  suffer  us  to  suppose,  that  this  dismission  of  trusty  nobles 
and  commoners  from  his  majesty's  privy  council,  the  former 
only,  because  they  made  a  just  exercise  of  their  hereditary 
birth-right  as  peers  of  the  realm,  the  latter,  on  account  only  of 
their  parliamentary  conduct,  can  have  proceeded  from  the  truly- 
informed  intention  of  so  great  and  good  a  prince. 

4°  Because  moderation,  firmness,  consistency,  a  due  distinc- 
tive regard  to  all  ranks  of  persons,  a  regular  system  of  admi- 
nistration, being,  as  we  conceive,  indispensably  requisite  to  the 
support  and  dignity  of  government,  and  to  the  conduct  of  his 
majesty's  affairs,  we  cannot,  without  violation  of  truth  and 
justice,  return  thanks  to  the  king  for  continuing  a  chief  governor, 
who  in  contempt  of  all  forms  of  business  and  rules  of  decency, 
heretofore  respected  by  his  predecessors,  is  actuated  only  by  the 
most  arbitrary  caprice  to  the  detriment  of  his  majesty's  interests, 
to  the  injury  of  this  oppressed  country,  and  to  the  unspeakable 
vexation  of  persons  of  every  condition. 

Leinster,  (by  proxy)  Baltinglass, 

Westmeath,  Mount-Cashell, 

Lanesborough,  Moira,  (by  proxy) 

Shannon,  Longford, 

Mornington,       .  Louth, 

Lisle,  *  Bective, 

Powerscourt,  Mole  sworth, 

Charlemont,  Bellamont, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  135 

And  when  on  the  same  day  it  was  resolved,  that  the  address 
to  the  lord  lieutenant,  then  before  the  house,  should  stand  the 
address  of  that  house,  the  same  sixteen  peers*  protested  against 
it.  Because  the  address  to  the  lord  lieutenant  having  contained 
acknowledgments  of  thanks  to  his  excellency  for  his  conduct  in 
the  government  of  that  kingdom,  to  which  they  v/ere  conscious 
he  had  not  any  just  claim,  they  had  therefore  conceived  it  to  be 
their  duty  to  withhold  even  that  accustomed  compliment.  No 
policy  is  more  unwise,  than  to  attempt  to  suppress  from  a  nation 
(as  from  an  individual)  in  debt  the  real  state  of  its  finances.  It 
appears  evident,  from  the  arguments  of  the  still  uncorrupted 
patriots  of  the  house  of  commons,  from  the  protests  of  the  six- 
teen peers,  from  the  state  of  the  national  accounts  still  upon 
record,  and  from  other  historical  documents,  that  the  national 
debt  of  Ireland  very  heavily  accumulated  during  the  administra- 
tion of  Lord  Townshend  :  yet  we  find,  that  after  the  experience, 
which  two  years  and  a  quarter  had  given  him  of  the  inadequacy 
of  the  fiscal  resources  of  that  kingdom  to  ansv/er  his  new  plan 
of  keeping  up  the  English  interest^  he  refrained  from  calling  on 
the  commons  for  any  supplies,  alleging  in  his  speech  to  par- 
liament, on  the  26th  of  February,  1771,  that  with  very  strict 
oeconomy,  the  duties  granted  last  session  would  be  sufficient  to 
answer  the  expences  of  his  majesty's  government  -,  and  therefore 
he  would  ask  no  further  suppl}'. 

The  confidence,  with  which  Lord  Townshend  met  the  parlia- 
ment in  October  1771,  was  strongly  depictured  in  his  speech. 
"  My  experience"  said  his  excellency,  "  of  your  attachment  to 
''  his  majesty's  person,  and  of  your  zeal  for  the  public  service, 
"  affords  me  the  best  grounded  hopes,  that  nothing  will  be  want- 
*'  ing  on  your  part  to  co-operate  with  his  majesty's  gracious 
"  intentions  to  promote  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  this  king- 
"  dom,  and  when  to  this  consideration  I  add  my  remembrance 
"  of  your  kind  regard  for  the  ease  and  honour  of  my  adminis- 
"  tration,  I  feel  the  most  sensible  pleasure  in  the  present  oppor- 
"  tunity,  which  his  majesty  has  given  me  of  meeting  you  a 
"  fourth  time  in  parliament."!  Notwithstanding  his  boasted 
oeconomy,  which  prevented  his  application  to  the  commons  for 
any  further  supply  in  the  last  session,  he  now  told  them,  that  it 
was  with  concern,  that  he  must  ask  a  sum  of  money  to  discharge 
the  arrears  already  incurred  on  his  majesty^s  establishments, 
but  that  they  would  find,  they  had  been  unavoidable ;  for 
that  the   strictest   oeconomy   had   been   used,  not   only   in    the 

*  These  same  lords  also  protested  against  the  motion  for  entering-  the  lord 
lievitenant's  protest  on  their  journals  :  it  is  also  a  well  considered,  well  worded 
and  truly  constitutional  representation  of  that  extraordinary  and  illegal  mea- 
sure of  Lord  Townshend's  ;  which  see  ia  the  Appendix,  No.  LXII. 

t  Journ.  Com.  vol.  8,  p.  403. 


136  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

charges  of  the  late  augmentation,  upon  which  a  very  large  saving 
had  been  made,  but  in  the  reduction  of  the  staff,  which  was 
then  diminished  to  the  number  directed  by  his  majesty.* 

Another  part  of  the  lord  lieutenant"*s  speech  referred  to  the 
illegal  associations  and  audacious  outrages  committed  in  divers 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  but  especially  in  the  north,  which  deserved 
their  most  serious  attention,  being  as  destructive  to  commerce, 
as  disgraceful  to  liberty :  the  parliamentary  proceeding  upon 
this  recommendation,  was  a  still  stronger  illustration  of  the 
unconstitutional  tendency  of  the  measures  and  general  system 
of  that  nobleman's  administration.  One  of  the  insurgents, 
charged  with  felony,  had  been  apprehended  and  carried  to  Bel- 
fast, and  there  confined  in  order  to  be  transmitted  to  the  county 
jail.  Provoked  by  this  treatment  of  their  associate,  several  thou- 
sands of  them  proceeded  to  Belfast,  to  rescue  the  prisoner. 
When  intelligence  of  this  reached  the  town,  it  being  resolved 
not  to  give  him  up,  he  was  removed  to  the  barrack,  and  placed 
under  a  guard  of  soldiers.  The  Steel  Boys  pressed  forward  to 
the  barrack,  firmly  determined  to  effect  a  rescue.  The  conse- 
quence in  all  probability,  would  have  been  fatal  to  many  on  both 
sides  and  to  the  to^vn,  had  not  a  gentleman  of  commanding 
influence,  interposed,  at  the  risque  of  his  life,  and  prevailed  with 
the  military  to  set  the  prisoner  at  liberty.  Being  delivered  up 
to  his  associates,  they  marched  off  in  triumph.  One  house  only 
experienced  the  effects  of  their  resentment.  Many,  who  v/ere 
engaged  in  this  enterprise,  returned  home,  and  had  afterwards 
no  further  connection  with  the  rioters  :  yet  their  numbers  daily 

*  Very  strong"  objections  have  been  made  to  the  unconstitutional  system  of 
Lord  Townshend's  administration  both  in  and  out  of  parliament :  but  he  had 
now  so  completed  his  system  of  manag-in:^  the  house  of  commons,  that  he  was 
sure  on  all  occasions  of  one  third  majority  on  any  question  :  and  it  is  remarka- 
ble, that  by  such  majority  did  he  carry  the  question  on  seventeen  different  divi- 
sions, which  took  place  in  the  house  of  commons  on  the  two  first  days  of  the 
session.  Most  of  these  questions  arose  upon  the  eulogies  contained  in  the 
addresses  upon  the  lord  lieutenant's  conduct  and  administration.  Some  how- 
ever turned  upon  mere  matters  of  fact,  which  the  patriots  charged  him  witli  hav* 
ing  designedly  misrepresented  in  order  to  deceive  the  people.  One  of  the 
questions,  upon  which  they  divided,  was  upon  a  proposal  to  insert  in  the  ad- 
dress the  following  words  :  "  notwithstanding  that  the  said  resolution  was  propo- 
*'  sed  to  obviate  tlie  tendency  of  that  part  of  the  lord  lieutenant's,  speech  where- 
*♦  in  he  insinuates,  that  the  deductions  made  from  the  revenue  for  paj'ment 
•*  of  grants,  for  premiums,  bounties,  and  public  works,  were  the  cause  of  the 
"  great  arrears  mentioned  in  his  excellency's  speech."  Another  division  took 
place  upon  a  motion  for  adding  the  following  words  to  the  address  :  *'  notwith- 
"  standing  we  must  observe,  that  two  of  the  gentlemen,  who  resigned  the  staff, 
"  are  aged  and  infirm,  so  that  the  public  are  not  likely  to  receive  so  much 
'*  benefit  from  that  alteration,  as  was  graciously  intended  by  his  majesty  :  and 
*'  that  a  pension  of  200/.  a  year  has  been  granted  to  General  Lambert  and  300/. 
•'  a  year  to  his  wife,  in  consideration  of  his  long  and  faithful  services,  making 
"  in  all  500/.  a  year,  which  is  within  47/.  10*.  of  the  saving  accruing  to  the  pub- 
*'  iic  from  his  resignation."     Vide  Com.  Journ.  vol.  8,  p.  408. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  137 

encreased,  and  their  spirit  extended  to  the  neighbouring  coun- 
ties. Besides  the  oaths,  which  they  exacted,  they  ill  treated  in- 
dividuals and  destroyed  houses :  and  several  were  guilty  of 
other  flagrant  acts  of  inhumanity.  Some  of  them  were  taken 
and  tried  at  Carrickfergus  ;  but  whether  from  want  of  evidence, 
from  fear  of  incurring  the  resentment  of  the  populace,  or  from 
partiality  in  the  witnesses  and  the  jury,  they  were  acquitted. 
On  this  account  the  legislature  passed  an  act,  by  which  all  per- 
sons indicted  of  such  offences  were  ordered  to  be  tried  in  coun- 
ties different  from  those,  in  which  the  excesses  vrere  committed. 
In  consequence,  several  of  the  Steel  Boys  against  whom  exami- 
nations had  been  taken,  were  carried  to  Dublin  and  put  upon 
their  trial.  But  so  strong  was  the  prejudice  conceived  against 
this  new  law,  that  no  jury  there  would  find  any  of  them  guilty. 

But   when  the"*  obnoxious  act  was  repealed,   reflection  took 
place,  and  the  pernicious  consequence  of  the  principles  and  the 

.  *  This  act  11  and  12  of  Geo,  III.  c,  v.  was  entituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  more 
"  effectual.  Punishing  wicl'td  and  disorderly  persons,  ^ho  have  connnitted,  or  shall 
"  commit  violences  and  do  injuries  to  persons  or  properties  of  any  of  his  Majesty's 
**  subjects  in  the  counties  of  Antritn,  Doivn,  Armagh,  City  and  County  of  London' 
"  derrv,  and  County  of  Tyrone^  or  any  of  them  ;  or  ivho  shall  deliver  or  publish 
*'  Threatening  Letters,  or  ivho  resist  or  oppose  the  levying  the  public  Taxes  in  the 
"  said  Counties,  or  any  of  them,  ;  and  for  the  tnore  effectual  bringing  to  justice 
"  certain  Offenders  therein  vientioned.^'  And  the  sixth  section  of  it  is  to  the 
following-  eiiect,  "  and  whereas  there  is  great  reason  to  believe,  that  such 
*'  wicked  persons  have  been  greatly  encouraged  in  the  commission  of  such 
*'  enormous  crimes  by  their  hopes  of  being-  acquitted,  if  to  be  tried  by  the 
*'  petty  juries  of  their  respective  counties  :  for  the  more  imjiartial  trial  of  all 
**  persons  so  as  aforesaid  offending-,  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
*'  tiiat  if  any  indictment  or  indictments  for  oftences  committed,  since  the  first 
*'  day  of  January  last,  or  which  shall  be  committed  ag-ainst  the  said  acts  of 
"  the  twenty -ninth  reign  of  his  late  majesty  George  the  Second  and  the  fifth 
*'  of  his  present  majesty,  herein  before  mentioned,  or  either  of  them,  or  for 
*'  high  treason  or  murder  committed  since  the  first  day  of  January  last,  or  to 
*'  be  committed  hereafter,  or  for  any  offence  or  offences,  which  shall  hereafter 
"  be  committed  against  this  act,  shall  be  found  in  any  of  the  said  counties, 
*'  where  such  offences  shall  be  committed,  the  offender  or  offenders  to  be  men- 
*'  tioned  in  such  indictment  or  indictments,  may  be  proceeded  against  and 
*'  tried  upon  indictment  or  indictments  for  such  offences  before  such  commis- 
"  sioners  of  oyer  and  terminer  and  general  gaol  deliver}-,  as  shall  be  sssigned 
*'  by  the  king's  majesty's  commission  under  the  great  seal  of  this  kingdom  of 
'*  Ireland,  by  the  good  and  lawful  men  of  the  body  of  the  county  of  Dublin, 
•'  or  of  the  county  of  the  city  of  Dublin,  as  respectively  shall  be  appointed  in 
"  such  commission,  and  at  such  place  within  the  said  counties  or  either  of 
"  them  as  shall  be  appointed  in  said  commission  ;  and  such  proceeding  shall 
**  be  valid  and  effectual  in  the  law,  as  if  the  offence  had  been  done  within  the 
•*  county,  where  the  same  shall  be  tried  ;  and  such  indictment  or  indictments 
'•  in  such  cases,  shall  be  certified  unto  such  commissioners  upon  his  majesty's 
"  writ  o^  certiorari,  to  be  issued  for  that  purpose  ;  and  that  in  all  such  cases 
"  no  challenge  to  the  array  or  the  polls  shall  lye,  or  be  allowed,  by  reason  that 
*'  the  jurors  do  not  or  have  not  come  fiom  the  proper  county  or  place,  where 
"  the  offence  was  committed,  or  by  reason,  that  the  trial  is  out  of  the  county  or 
'•  place,  whei-e  such  offence  wKs  committed;  b-ut  nevertheless  upon  the  trials 
*'  of  such  offences  the  challenge  to  any  jui-or  for  waut  of  freehold  in  the  county 

VOL.    II.  >S 


138  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

conduct  of  the  insurgents  began  to  be  viewed  by  the  people  in 
the  true  light.  Once  more  some  of  them  were  tried  in  their 
respective  counties.  The  indictments  were  proved,  and  they 
were  condemned  and  executed.  These  examples,  with  proper 
exertions  of  the  military,  extinguished  the  commotion;  though 
the  consequences  of  it  produced  effects  that  were  permanent,  and 
highly  prejudicial  to  the  country.  In  a  short  time,  many  thou- 
sands of  its  inhabitants  emigrated  to  America. 

The  great  ground  of  opposition  to  Lord  Townshend's  admi- 
nistration was,  that  in  supporting  the  government  by  unconsti- 
tutional means,  he  deprived  the  country  of  that  basis  of  freedom 
and  happiness,  to  which  by  the  fair  enjoyment  of  its  constitution 
it  was  entitled.  When  therefore  the  address  of  thanks  to  the 
king  was  reported  to  the  house  by  Mr.  Foster,  of  which  the 
second  paragraph  began  in  these  words,  "  JVe  are  fully  per- 
"  siiaded^  that  the  support  of  ijour  majesties  government  is  thg 
"  great  and  frm  basis  of  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  this  couU' 
"  ^rz/,''  an  amendment  was  proposed,  that  before  the  word  sup' 
port^  the  w^ord  constitutional  should  be  inserted  j  it  was  nega- 
tived by  a  majority  of  88  against  36.^    ' 

The  baneful  example  of  the  chief  governor's  marshalling  the 
ranks  of  parliament  encouraged  the  already  too  deeply  rooted 
principle  of  despotism  throughout  the  nation.  Not  only  the 
great  lords  and  real  owners  of  land  exercised  in  general  a  most 
ferocious  rule  over  their  inferiors:  but  that  obnoxious  race  of 
self-created  gentlemen,  whose  consequence  and  virtue  consisted 
in  not  being  Papists,  and  whose  loyalty  was  mere  lust  for  perse- 
cuting and  oppressing  them,  were  uncontrollable  in  their  petty 
tyranny.  Even  the  lord  lieutenant  was  so  sensible  of  it,  that 
being  resolved  to  pardon  a  Catholic  gentleman  unjustly  found 
guilty,  he  withdrew  the  hand  of  mercy,  with  this  reflection :  / 
see  them  resolved  upon  his  blood;  so  he  may  as  rvell  go  noxv. 

The  remainder  of  Lord  Townshend's  administration  went 
over  without  any  further  incident  worthy  of  notice,  either  from 

"  where  the  same  shall  be  tried  by  virtue  of  this  act,  and  all  other  due  chal- 
*'  lenges  to  jurors  sliall  be  allowed,  any  thing  in  this  present  act  contained  to 
**  the  contrary  in  any  wise  notwithstanding." 

*  During-  this  administration  we  find  by  the  Journals  mentioning  the  tellew 
upon  the  different  divisions,  that  three  of  the  most  forward  and  constant  sup- 
porters of  every  government  question  were  Mr.  Monk  Mason,  Mr.  Foster, 
and  Mr.  Fitzgibbon  :  and  historical  justice  obliges  us  to  remark,  that  the  truth 
or  falsity  of  the  propositions  little  availed,  provided  it  were  made  a  govern- 
ment question.  TLi.s  besides  the  instances  already  adduced,  we  find  upon 
the  Journals  (8  vol.  iii.)  the  following  resolution  negatived  on  the  8th  of  March, 
1766 :  "  That  it  be  resolved,  that  the  office  of  a  commissioner  of  his  majesty's 
•*  revenue  would  be  better  executed  by  a  person  resident  in  this  kingdom, 
•'  than  by  an  absentee."  During  this  session  of  1771,  died  Dr.  Lucas,  whom, 
from  his  first  entrance  into  political  life,  no  promises  or  ofTers  could  seduce 
from  untainted  patriotism  ;  in  this  particular  he  has  been  more  admired  thaii 
imitated  by  his  countrymen. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  139 

the  opposition  of  the  patriots  within,  or  the  disturbance  of  other 
pers  rs  out  of  parliament.  It  is  remarkable,  that  the  whole  of 
this  lord's  administration  should  have  passed  without  any  public 
act,  or  the  agitation  of  any  question  concerning  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics. Lord  Townshend's  natural  humanity  and  benevolence 
concurnfig  with  the  known  disposition  of  his  gracious  majesty 
to  lenity  aad  liberality,  softened  as  much  as  possible  the  rigour 
and  sharpness  of  the  existing  laws.  His  lordship  could  not  how- 
ever relirc  from  a  situation,  which  he  had  holden  for  near  five 
years,  without  having  given  some  proof  of  his  zeal  for  promoting 
the  Protestant  religion.  Having  been  so  successful  in  prosely- 
tizing for  the  state,  he  recommended  to  parliament  hiS  own  spe- 
cific in  gaining  converts  to  the  church.  Such  e^cacy  did  he 
annex  even  to  the  smallest  pension,  that  he  conceived  an  addi- 
tional 10/.  per  ann.  a  more  pov/erful  lure  to  bring  over  the  Ca- 
tholic clergy,  than  any  of  the  means  of  rigour  or  intimidation 
enacted  by  former  statutes.  A  provision  had  been  made  by  the 
8th  of  Anne,  that  everj^  Popish  priest,  who  had  or  should  be- 
come Protestant,  and  be  approved  of  as  a  convert,  should  have 
30/.  yearly  for  his  maintenance,  until  provided  for  by  some 
ecclesiastical  preferment  beyond  that  amount.  But  by  an  act* 
of  this  session  it  was  recited,  that  it  had  been  found  by  experi- 
ence, that  the  former  act  had  not  answered  the  purposes  intend- 
ed, especially  as  the  provision  made  as  aforesaid  yor  such  Popish 
priests  is  in  no  respect  a  sujjicient  e  neon  rage  merit  for  Popish 
priests  to  become  converts ;  it  was  therefore  enacted,  that  40/. 
should  in  future  be  allowed  annually,  in  lieu  of  30/.  to  every  Po- 
pish priest  converted  from  the  Popish  to  the  Protestant  religion. 
The  multiplication  of  these  allowances  up  to  the  height  of  the 
most  proselytizing  zeal  could  not  interfere  with  the  civil  list  of 
pensioners,  as  these  spiritual  douceurs  were  to  be  levied  on  the 
inhabitants  of  the  district,  wherein  the  convert  last  resided. f 

This  act  for  the  encouragement  of  converts  to  the  Protestant 
religion  was  also  in  some  measure  deemed  necessary  to  counter- 
balance the  effects  of  another  act  made  in  the  same  session,  sup- 
posed to  be  very  favoural^le  to  the  Catholics,  and  which  in 
times  of  less  liberality  had  been  repeatedly  thrown  out  of  parlia- 
ment, as  tending  to  encourage  Popery  to  the  detriment  and  pre- 
judice of  the  Protestant  religion.  This  was  An  Act  to  encourage 
the  reclaiming  of  unprofitable  Bogs^X  This  act  recites,  that  there 
were  large  tracts  of  deep  bogs  in  several  counties  of  the  kingdom, 

*  11  and  12  Geo,  III   c.  xxvii, 

t  The  consequence,  which  by  this  act  appears  to  have  been  annexed  to  the 
paltry  sum  often  pounds  per  annunn,  rather  justifies  tlie  wit  of  the  Irish  (they 
will  be  witty  on  the  gravest  subjects)  upon  the  efficacy  of  To^.vns.bend's  golde?i 
drops;  upon  which,  songs,  squibs,  toasts,  and  epigrams  were  endless. 

\  11  and  13  Geo.  III.  c.  xxi. 


140  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  in  their  then  state  were  not  only  unprofitable,  but  by  their 
damps  rendered  the  air  unwholesome  ;  and  it  had  been  found 
by  experience,  that  such  bogs  were  capable  of  improvement, 
and  of  being  converted  into  arable  or  pasture  land,  if  encourage- 
ment were  given  to  the  lower  class  of  people  to  apply  their  in- 
dustry to  the  reclaiming  of  them.  It  therefore  enacted,  that 
notwithstanding  the  laws  then  in  force,  any  Catholic  might  be 
at  liberty  to  take  a  lease  of  fifty  plantation  acres  of  such  bog,  and 
one  half  an  acre  of  arable  land  adjoining  thereto,  as  a  site  for  a 
house,  or  for  the  purpose  of  delving  for  gravel  or  limestone,  for 
manure,  at  such  rent,  as  should  be  agreed  upon  between  him 
and  the  owner  of  the  soil,  as  also  from  ecclesiastical  or  bodies 
corporate  ;  and  for  further  encouragement,  the  tenant  was  to  be 
free  for  the  first  seven  years  from  all  tithes  and  cesses  ;  but  it 
was  provided,  that  if  half  of  the  bog  demised  were  not  reclaimed 
at  the  end  of  twenty-one  years,  the  lease  should  be  void ;  and 
no  bog  v\^as  to  be  considered  unprofitable,  unless  the  depth  of  it 
from  the  surface,  when  reclaimed,  were  four  feet  at  least ;  and 
no  person  was  to  be  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  the  act,  unless  he 
reclaimed  ten  plantation  acres  ;  and  the  act  was  not  to  extend  to 
any  bog  within  one  mile  of  a  city  or  market  town.* 

When  Lord  Townshend  met  the  parliament  for  the  last  time, 
after  the  common  place  topics  of  congratulations  and  thanks  for 

*  I  have  been  rather  particular  in  detailing"  the  substance  of  this  act,  in  order 
to  g-ive  legislative  proof  of  the  unnatural  and  unaccountable  parsimony,  with 
which  the  Irish  g'overnment  heretofore  dealt  out  justice  even  to  themselves 
and  country.      Such  extreme  bigotry  could  not   be  credited,   if  the  public 
records  of  the  nation,  even  as  late  as  1771,  did  not  proclaim  it  in  every  line 
of  the  above-mentioned  act.     The  liberal  and  philosophical  Dr.  Campbell  has 
given  us  a  strikinp^instanceof  the  backwardness  of  g-overnment,  in  earlier  days, 
to  encouraire  or  promote  the  advantages,  wliich  nature  has  lavished  on  that 
country.     Writing  from  Cashell  in  1775,  he   says,  that  the  first  place  he  stop- 
ped  at  in  the  province  of  Munster,  going  from  Kilkenny,  was  a  little  village 
called  Killinaul;  there  he  entered  into  conversation  with  his  landlord,  (P.  120  ) 
*'  Upon  my  supposing,  in  my  turn,  that  the  clear  fire  before  me  was  of  Kil- 
**  kenny  coal,  his  answer  was  somewhat  indignant,  yet  fraught  with  informa- 
*'  tion.''     "  Arrah  no  !   my  dear  jewel,  for  by  Shasus  we  have  as  good  coal  as 
*'  Kilkenny  ourselves,  ay  and  better  too.     The  devil  an  inch  you  rode  to  day 
**  but  upon  coal  pits.     Sure  it  is  we,  that  serve  all  Munster  with  coals,  and 
"  Connaught  too.     Did  not  the  Dutch  boors  offer  to  their  countryman,  King 
"  William,  that,  if  he  would  let  them  live  by  the  laws  of  Holland,  that  they 
**  would  make  meadow  ground  of  the  whole  bog  of  Allen,  and  carry  the  coals 
*'  of  Killinaul,  through  their  canals,  all  over  Ireland,  ay  and  England  too.  For  you 
*'  see,  that  our  coal  is  the  hottest  coal  in  the  universe,   and  tlie  only  coal  for 
*'  drying  malt  with,  because  it  has  no  smoke,  and  therefore  gives  the  beer 
*'  neither  taste  nor  smell."     He  then  touched  upon  the  affair  of  the  V/hite  Boys, 
to  v/hom  he  was  no  friend.     He  said  they  had  been  in  that  tov.n  the  very  night 
hef)re.     You  liave  heard  of  these  banditti.    I  am  not  yet  in  possession  of  the 
true  state  df  their  case.     For  it  Is  so  variously  represented  in  this  country, 
that  one  must  listen  with  attention,  and  assent  with  caution.     But  the  vWiole 
country  round  Killinaul  bears  upon  the  very  face  of  it  an  evident  and  sufficient 
cause  for  their  insurgency  ;  if  insurgency  it  may  be  called,  where  each  house- 
keeper disclaims  all  connection  with  the  wretches  concerned. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  ui 

their  long  and  close  attention  to  public  business  ;  he  particularly 
assured  the  commons,  that  he  should  faithfully  apply  the  sup- 
plies granted  at  the  beginning  of  that  session  to  the  support  of 
his  majesty's  establishment,  and  to  the  advancement  of  the  pub- 
lic service.  Yet  that  the  arrears  incurred  before  their  meeting 
^upon  his  majesty's  establishment  civil  and  military  had  made  it 
necessary  for  him  to  borrow  100,000/.  immediately  after  the  act 
was  passed;  and  that  that  sum  not  sufficing,  he  had  since  been 
obliged  to  raise  the  remaining  100,000/.  being  the  full  extent 
of.  the  credit  entrusted  to  him  by  that  act.  We  have  seen  that 
some  fruitless  divisions  were  made,  upon  the  different  concep- 
tions, which  the  patriots  had  of  the  lieutenant's  applications  of 
the  revenue,  to  the  advancement  of  the  public  service  ;  they  did 
not  consider  the  public  purse  liable  to  any  of  these  appropria- 
tions by  way  of  bargain  or  remuneration,  by  which  they  openly 
charged  the  lord  lieutenant  with  having  obtained  a  majority  of 
the  members,  in  his  support,  and  kept  them  steady  in  their  ranks. 
Every  effort  to  countervail  the  system  so  successfully  established 
by  this  lord  lieutenant  became  not  only  negatively  fruitless,  but 
positively  mischievous  by  encreasing  the  evil  and  extending  the 
infection.  As  this  governor  had  completely  succeeded  in  his 
arduous  attempt  of  reducing  the  parliamentary  influence  of 
Ireland  to  the  uncontrollable  direction  of  the  castle,  he  took 
care  in  this  farevv^ell  speech  to  leave  such  a  portrait,  as  he  wished 
to  hand  down  to  posterity  of  his  administration  of  the  kingdom 
of  Ireland. 

"  His  majesty  gave  it  in  express  command  to  me,  to  make 
"  your  interest  and  prosperity  the  great  object  of  my  adminis- 
*'  tration,  and  my  own  inclination  incited  me  to  a  strict  and  zea- 
*'  lous  performance  of  that  duty.  I  have  upon  every  occasion 
*'  endeavoured,  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  to  promote  the  public 
*'  service,  and  I  feel  the  most  perfect  satisfaction  in  now  repeat- 
"  ing  to  you  my  acknowledgments  for  the  very  honourable 
"  manner,  in  w^hich  (after  a  residence  of  near  five  years  amongst 
"  you)  you  have  declared  your  entire  approbation  of  my  conduct, 
*'  Be  assured  that  I  shall  always  entertain  the  most  ardent 
"  wishes  for  your  v/elfare,  and  shall  make  a  faithful  representa- 
*'  tion  to  his  majesty,  of. your  loyalty  and  attachment  to  his  royal 
*'  person  and  government." 

How  far  this  chief  governor  of  Ireland  did  in  reality  promote 
the  interest  and  happiness  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  the  unbiassed 
observer  of  past  scenes  will  judge  more  accurately  than  the 
chief  actor  himself.  His  lordship  however  has  the  credit  of 
having  ably  performed  the  part  allotted  to  him  ;  as  Dr.  Camp- 
bell observed  in  the  year  1775,  his  successor  Lord  Harcourt  Lhen 


142  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

found  the  parliament  of  Ireland  as  obsequious  as  that  of  Great 
Britain,^ 

When  Lord  Harcourt  assumed  the  government  in  October, 
1772,  he  had  little  to  do,  but  to  continue  the  system,  which  his 
predecessor  had  with  so  much  perseverance,  difficulty  and  charge 
to  the  finance  regularly  established  according  to  his  instructions 
from  the  British  cabinet.  In  order  therefore  to  give  continu- 
ance and  stability  to  the  new  English  interest^  which  had  been 
raised  upon  the  partial  destruction  of  the  Irish  oligarchy,  as 
Lord  Clare  observed,  a  man  v/as  chosen  of  amiable  character, 
easy  disposition,  and  of  no  other  ambition  than  to  move  by 
the  direction,  and  thus  acquire  the  approbation  of  his  immediate 
employers.  With  the  active  labour  of  office  he  considered,  that 
lie  also  threw  the  burthen  of  responsibility  upon  his  secretary. 
He  had  been  nearly  twelve  months  in  the  government  of  Ireland 
before  he  met  the  parliament,  on  the  12th  of  October,  1773. 
Nothing  particularly  commands  attention  in  his  excellency's 
speech :  he  assured  the  commons,  that  he  had  it  in  command 
from  his  majesty,  to  lay  before  them  the  public  accounts  and 
estimates,  by  which  they  would  be  able  to  judge  of  the  provi- 
sions necessary  to  be  made  for  the  honourable  support  of  his 
majesty's  government,  and  to  ask  the  necessary  supplies  for  that 
purpose ;  v/hich  on  his  part  he  pledged  himself  should  be  faith- 
fully applied  and  frugally  administered.  The  address,  thanks 
and  other  proceedings  usual  at  the  commencement  of  a  session 
passed  without  opposition.  The  first  stand  made  by  the  patriots, 
was  upon  an  alarm  at  the  intention  of  government,  in  laying  the 
accounts  before  the  house,  to  hold  back  several  of  the  docu- 
ments, which  would  too  palpably  bring  to  light,  the  means  used 
in  the  late  administration  of  ensuring  a  majority  to  do  the  king's 
business,'^  After  the  house  had  ordered  the  different  accounts 
and  estimates  to  be  laid  before  them,J  a  motion  was  made  for  an 
address  to  his  excellency,  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  give  direc- 
tions to  the  proper  officers  to  lay  before  the  house  the  estimates  ; 
and  an  amendment  was  proposed  to  be  made  to  the  question, 
by  adding  the  following  words,  as  far  as  there  are  materials  for 
that  purpose:  upon  which  a  division  took  place,  and  the  amend- 
ment was  carried  by  88  against  52.  Thus  was  it  left  in  the 
discretion  of  the  clerks,  or  rather  of  their  patrons,  to  bring  for- 
ward or  hold  back  what  materials  they  chose. § 

On  the  24th  of  December,  1773,  the  commons  were  sum- 
moned to  attend  the  lord  lieutenant  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of 

*  Phil.  Surv.  p.  59. 

t  Or  rather,  as  Lord  Clare  observed,  the  Minister's.  .  \ 

4  Journ.  Com.  vol.  9.  p.  16. 

^  By  this  division  wc  see  the  proportionate  strength  of  the  opposite  parties 
in  the  house. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  14$ 

Peers,  when  his  excellency  gave  the  royal  assent  to  some  money 
bills,  and  to  the  repeal  of  that  unconstitutional  act  for  the  trial 
of  offenders  out  of  their  own  counties,  passed  in  Lord  Towns- 
hend's  administration.  Mr.  Pery  had  too  long  sided  with  the 
patriots,  not  to  see  the  real  state  of  distress  and  difficulty,  into 
which  the  country  was  then  plunged :  and  having  himself  gone 
over  upon  terms  to  the  court  party,  he  found  it  difficult  to  take 
any  step  or  suggest  any  measure  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
that  could  effectually  check  the  ruinous  system,  in  which  the 
patriots  would  not  cordially  join  ;  and  this  vfould  have  been  con- 
sidered by  the  people  out  of  doors  either  as  concession,  or  coa- 
lition. A  middle  plan  was  therefore  devised,  by  which  the 
feeling  and  sense  of  the  representatives  of  the  people  should  be, 
in  part  at  least,  handed  up  to  the  throne  through  the  lord  lieute- 
nant, without  Y/eakening  the  majority  by  hazarding  the  steadi- 
ness of  individuals  on  questions  too  palpable  for  plausible  con- 
troversy. To  accomplish  this  half  measure,  calculated  to  com- 
mit ministers,  no  further  than  to  the  uncertain  result  of  con- 
sequences, Mr.  Pery,  the  speaker,  delivered  the  following 
speech  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Lords.^ 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

"  The  commons  have  exerted  their  utmost  efforts 
"  to  answer  your  excellency's  expectations,  not  only  in  providing 
"  for  the  discharge  of  an  arrear  of  265,000/.  but  also  in  making 
"  an  addition  to  the  revenue  of  near  100,000/.  a  year.  Difficult 
"  as  this  task  appeared  in  a  kingdom  so  destitute  of  resources  as 
"  this  is,  yet  it  was  undertaken  with  cheerfulness  and  prosecuted 
"  with  vigour;  but  if  the  means  they  have  employed  shall  prove 
"  inadequate  to  the  liberality  of  their  intentions,  it  must  be 
'^  imputed  to  the  inability  of  the  kingdom  not  to  any  disinclina- 
"  tion  or  unwillingness  in  them  to  make  ample  provision  for  his 
"  majesty's  service,  to  which  they  have  sacrificed  their  most 
"  favourite  objects.  The  moderation  and  temper,  with  which 
"  all  their  proceedings  have  been  conducted  during  the  course 
"  of  this  session,  afford  the  clearest  proof,  not  only  of  their 
"  gratitude  for  his  majesty's  attention  and  condescension  to  their 
"  wishes,  but  also  of  the  just  sense  they  entertain  of  your  excel- 
*'  lency's  effectual  intercession  in  their  favour,  to  which  they 
"  attribute  those  measures  of  oeconomy,  which  have  been  lately 
"  adopted,  and  which  they  doubt  not  will  be  continued  ;  and 
*'  they  have  the  fullest  confidence,  that  the  same  humane  and 
*'  benevolent  disposition  will  induce  your  excellency  to  represent 
"  to  his  majesty  in  the  strongest  light,  not  only  their  duty  and 
"  affection  to  him,  but  also  the  state  and  circumstances  of  this 

*  Com.  Journ.  vol.  9.  p.  73. 


144  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  kingdom  :  from  which,  and  from  your  excellency's  credit  and 
"  influence,  they  conceive  the  most  sanguine  hopes,  that  those 
"  restrictions,  which  the  narrow  and  short  sighted  policy  of 
*'  former  times,  equally  injurious  to  Great  Brit^Ain  and  to  us, 
"  imposed  upon  the  manufactures  and  commerce  of  this  king- 
*'  dom,  will  be  remitted.  If  Great  Britain  reaped  the  fruits  of 
"  this  policy,  the  commons  of  Ireland  would  behold  it  without 
*'  repining,  and  submit  to  it  without  complaining ;  but  it  aggra- 
"  vates  the  sense  of  their  misfortunes  to  see  the  rivals,  if  not 
"  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  undisturbed  possession 
*'  of  those  advantages,  to  which  they  think  themselves  entitled 
''  upon  every  principle  of  policy  and  justice.  It  is  the  expecta- 
"  tion  of  being  restored  to  some,  if  not  to  all  of  those  rights, 
*'  and  that  alone,  which  can  justify  to  the  people  the  conduct  of 
'.'  their  representatives  in  laying  so  many  additional  burdens 
*'  upon  them,  in  the  course  of  this  session  ;  and  no  time  can  be 
"  more  favourable  to  their  wishes,  than  the  present,  when  the 
"  public  councils  are  directed  by  a  minister,  who  has  judgment 
*'  to  discern,  and  courage  to  pursue,  the  common  interest  of  the 
"  whole  empire,  and  when  the  throne  is  filled  by  a  monarch,  the 
**■  sole  object  of  whose  ambition  is  to  render  all  his  people 
"  happy.'' 

.  Lord  Harcourt's  administration  at  first  promised  so  much 
moderation  and  fair  intention  to  promote  the  real  interest  of 
Ireland,  that  it  met  with  the  support  of  several  most  respectable 
and  popular  characters,  which  afterwards  opposed  it,  when  they 
found  it  carried  forward  entirely  upon  the  principles  and  plan 
of  the  administration  of  Lord  Townshend.  There  v/as  an  af- 
fectation of  correcting  some  of  the  defects,  errors,  and  extrava- 
gances of  the  last  administration ;  thus  was  the  insurgent  act 
repealed  :  thus  was  the  board  of  excise,^'  created  in  the  former 
administration,  abolished,  and  thereby  some  saving  made  to  the 

*  The  following-  proceedings  in  the  commons  were  had  upon  this  subject.  C9 
^ourn.  Com.  28.) 

"  The  house  being-  informed  that  Mr.  Vaughan  Montgomery  attended  at 
•'  the  door,  lie  was  called  in,  and  at  the  bar  presented  to  the  house,  pursuant 
•'  to  their  order : 

"  No.  I.  An  account  of  all  charges  that  have  attended  the  new  boards  of 
«'  excise  and  customs,  distinguishing  each  expence,  and  for  what  paid,  from  the 
"  3d  of  February,  1772,  to  the  26th  of  October,  1773. 

"  No.  II.  An  account  of  all  charges  that  have  attended  the  appointment  of 
«  the  four  new  surveyors  general,  from  their  respective  appointments  to  the 
«'  26th  of  October,  1773. 

"  No.  III.  An  account  of  all  new  offices  and  additional  charges  onthe  estab- 
*'  lishmcnt  of  the  commissioners  of  excise  during  the  period  of  Lord  Viscount 
♦<  Tovvnshend's  administration. 

"  The  titles  wliereof  were  read,  and  the  accounts  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table 
"  for  the  perusal  of  the  members, 

"  A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  being  proposed,  that  it  be  resolved, 
<*  that  the  present  expeoces  of  government  ought  to  be  greatly  retrenched  ; 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  145 

nation.  It  must  hovrever  be  allowed,  that  this  lord  lieutenant 
had  the  exclusive  merit  of  having  proposed  a  measure,  which 
the  interests  of  Ireland  had  long  called  for,  and  which  the  in- 
fluence of  the  great  land  owners  in  the  country  had  alv/ays  op- 
posed. At  the  beginning  of  the  first  session  under  Lord  Har- 
court,  an  absentee  tax  was  ofiered  on  the  part  of  government, 
and  v/onderful  to  say,  was  rejected.  In  the  then  distressed  and 
empoverished  state  of  Ireland,  it  will  be  neither  rash  nor  harsh, 
to  conclude,  that  the  patriotism  of  the  majority,  which  rejected 
this  seasonable  relief  to  their  country  could  have  been  neither 
disinterested  nor  pure.  It  was  proposed,  that  a  tax  of  two 
shillings  in  the  pound  should  be  laid  upon  the  net  rents  and 
annual  profits  of  all  landed  property  in  Ireland,  to  be  paid  by  all 
persons,  who  should  not  actually  reside  in  that  kingdom  for  the 
space  of  six  months  in  each  year  from  Christmas  1773  to  Christ- 
mas 1775.  This  measure  though  so  equitable  in  itself,  so  de- 
sirable for  the  country,  which  was  drained  of  its  own  produce  to 
be  spent  in  another  country,  could  not  so  decently  be  pressed  by 
the  representatives  of  the  English  government,  as  left  to  the  free 
disposal  of  the  Irish  parliament,  whose  interest  it  more  imme- 
diately concerned.  It  was  not  therefore  made  a  government 
question,  all  their  connexions  were  understood  to  be  left  at 
perfect  liberty,  and  most  of  the  servants  of  the  crown  voted 

"  An  amendment  was  proposed  to  be  made  to  the  question  by  inserting*  be- 
•*  tween  the  word  "  resolved,"  and  the  word  '*  that,"  the  following^  words  ; 
"  that  it  is  necessary  and  ])arliamentary  at  this  time  to  declare." 

"  And  the  qustlon  being  put,  that  the  words  proposed,  stand  part  of  the 
"  question  : 

"  It  was  carried  in  the  aSirmiative,  Nem.  Con. 

"  An  amendment  was  proposed  to  be  made  to  the  question  by  inserting  be- 
**  tween  the  word  **  declare,"  and  the  word  "that,"  the  following  words; 
"  notwithstanding'  the  reduction  of  expences  lately  made  by  government,  andl 
"  thougli  the  report  is  not  yet  made  from  the  committee  of  accounls." 

'•  And  the  question  being  put,  that  the  words  proposed  stand  part  of  the 
'*  question: 

"  It  was  carried  in  the  afarmative,  Non.  Con. 

'*  A  further  amendment  was  proposed  to  be  made  to  the  question  by  insert- 
**  ing  between  the  word  *'  accounts,"  and  the  word  *'  that,"  the  following; 
•*  words  ;  *'  and  notwithstanding  we  have  the  utmost  confidence  in  the  present 
**  chief  governor." 

"  And  the  question  being  put,  that  the  words  proposed  stand  part  of  the 
*'  question  : 

"  It  was  carried  in  the  affirmative,  Nem.  Con. 

"  And  tlie  question  so  amended,  is  as  follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  necessary  and  parliamentary,  at  this  time,  to  declare, 
*'  notwithstanding  the  reduction  of  expence  lately  made  by  government,,  and 
"  though  the  report  is  not  yet  made  from  the  committee  of  accounts,  and  not- 
"  withstanding  we  have  the  utmost  confidence  in  the  present  chief  governor, 
*'  that  tl:!e  present  expences  of  government  ought  to  be  greatly  retrenched." 

*'  And  the  main  question  put : 

*'  The  house  divided,  when  the  ayes  wer$  88  and  tha  noesi  112,  It  passed 
"  therefore  in  the  negative." 

VOL.    II.  T 


146  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

against  the  question.  Considering  the  powerful  interest,  that 
was  made  against  the  tax  by  the  most  considerable  land  owners 
on  this  and  the  other  side  of  the  water,  the  small  majority,  by 
which  it  was  rejected,  is  rather  to  be  wondered  at,  there  being 
102  for  and  122  against  the  measure.* 

*  The  following  letters  to  and  from  Lord  North  will  fully  and  fairly  display 
the  grounds  of  the  failure  of  this  desirable  measure  for  Ireland. 

"  My  Lord, 

*'  It  is  publicly  reported,  tliat  a  project  has  been  communicated  to 
"  the  king's  ministers,  for  proposing  in  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  a  tax  of  re- 
*'  gulatioji,  which  is  particularly  and  exclusively  to  affect  the  property  of  those 
*'  of  his  m.ajesty's  subjects,  vvlio  possess  lands  in  that  kingdom,  but  whose  or- 
•'  dinary  residence  is  in  this.  It  is  in  the  same  manner  publicly  understood,  that 
**  this  extraordinary  design  lias  been  encouraged  by  an  assurance  from  admi- 
*'  nistration,  that  if  the  heads  of  a  bill  proposing  such  a  tax,  should  be  trans-^ 
*'  mitted  from  Ireland,  they  would  be  returned  with  the  sanction  of  his  majes- 
•'  ty's  privy  council  here,  under  the  great  seal  of  England.  My  lord,  we  find 
"  ourselves  under  the  description  of  those,  vv^ho  are  to  be  the  object  of  this  un- 
•'  precedented  imposition.  We  possess  considerable  landed  pi'operty  in  both 
"  kingdoms ;  our  ordinary  residence  is  in  England.  We  have  not  hitherto 
"  considered  such  residence  as  an  act  of  delinquency  to  be  punished ;  or,  as  a 
*'  a  political  evil,  to  be  corrected  by  the  penal  operation  of  a  partial  tax.  We 
**  have  had,  many  of  us,  our  birth,  and  our  earliest  habits  in  this  kingdom; 
**  some  of  us  have  an  indispe^isable  public  duty,  and  all  of  us  (where  such  duty 
**  does  not  require  such  restriction)  have  the  right  of  free  subjects,  of  choosing 
*'  our  habitation  in  whatever  part  of  his  majesty's  dominions  we  shall  esteem 
*'  most  convenient.  We  cannot  hear,  without  astonishment,  of  a  scheme,  by 
**  which  we  are  to  be  stigmatized,  by  what  is  in  effect,  a  fine  for  our  abode  in 
**  this  country,  the  principal  member  of  oiu-  British  empire,  and  the  residence 
•*  of  our  common  sovereign.  We  have  ever  shev/n  the  utmost  readiness  in 
**  contributing  with  the  rest  j^f  our  fellow  subjects,  in  any  legal  and  equal  me*- 
*'  thod,  to  the  exigences  of  the  public  service,  and  to  the  support  of  his  ma- 
**  jesty's  government.  We  have  ever  borne  a  cordial,  though  not  an  exclusive 
*'  regard,  to  tlie  true  interest  of  Ireland,  and  to  all  its  rights  and  liberties  :  to 
*'  none  of  which  we  think  our  residence  in  Great  Britain  to  be  in  the  least  pre- 
**  judicial,  but  rather  the  means,  in  very  many  cases,  of  affording  them  a  timely 
*'  and  effectual  support.  We  cannot  avoid  considering  this  scheme  as  in  the 
*'  highest  degree  injurious  to  the  \\elfare  of  that  kingdom  as  well  as  of  this; 
*'  its  manifest  tendency  is  to  lessen  tlie  value  of  all  landed  property  there,  to 
**  put  restrictions  upon  it  unknown  in  any  part  of  the  British  dominions  ;  and 
*"'  as  far  as  we  can  find,  without  parallel  in  any  civilized  country.  It  leads  di- 
•'  rectly  to  a  separation  of  these  kingdoms  in  interest  and  affection,  contrary 
*'  to  the  standing  policy  of  our  ancestors,  which  has  been,  at  every  period, 
*^'  particularly  at  the  glorious  Revolution,  inseparably  to  connect  them  by  every 
*'  tie  both  of  affection  and  interest.  We  apply  to  yovu'  lordship  in  particulai'. 
"  Tiiis  is  intended  as  a  mode  of  public  supply  ;  and  as  we  conceive  the  trea- 
**  sury  of  Ireland,  as  well  as  that  of  England,  is  in  a  great  measure  within  you:? 
"  lordship's  department,  we  flatter  ourselves  we  shall  not  be  refused  authentic 
"  information  concerning  a  matter  in  v/hich  we  are  so  nearly  concerned;  that 
"  if  the  scheme,  which  we  state  to  your  loidsiup  doth  exist,  we  may  be  ena- 
•*  bled  to  pursue  every  legal  method  of  opposition  to  a  project  in  every  lighs 
*'  unjust  and  impolitic.     We  have  the  honour  to  be, 

**  Your  loidship's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servants, 
"  Devonshire,  Rockinghamj, 

*'  Besborough,  Mdton, 

"  Upper  Ossory. 
"  Londor;,  October  the  IGth,  1773." 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  147 

One  of  the  next  schemes  of  finance  was  to  raise  the  sum  of 
S65,000/.  by  tontine  annuities  with  benefit  of  survivorship  at  six 
pounds  per  cent,  and  the  second  reading  of  the  bill  for  this  pur- 
pose produced  a  division  of  a  majority  of  103  against  49.*  The 
plan  of  the  tontine  v/as  this.  The  sum  of  650,000/.  was  divided 
into  shares  of  100/.  each,  and  for  every  share  one  life  was  allow- 
ed to  be  nominated  j  the  lives  were  divided  into  three  classes. 
No  dividend  of  the  interest  arising  from  the  shares  of  those, 
who  died  in  each  class,  was  to  be  made,  until  it  yielded  a  clear 
•one  half  per  cent,  among  the  survivors ;  and  the  increased  in- 
terest never  was  to  be  more,  than  the  principal  originally  ad- 
vanced bv  each  subscriber.  The  remainder  of  the  interest  as 
it  occurred,  to  be  applied  to  the  credit  of  the  nation.  This 
scheme  was  hclden  forth  by  the  secretary  of  the  day,  as  a  mas- 
ter-piece in  finance,  as  being  little  less  than  an  actual  gain  of  so 
much,  without  adding  in  the  least  to  the  debt,  as  the  principal 
was  never  to  be  refunded.  The  revenue  being  this  year  consi- 
derably short  of  the  expences  of  government,  stamp  duties  were 
granted  upon  all  parchment,  vellum  or  paper,  on  which  any 
legal  proceeding  or  private  instrument,  of  almost  any  nature, 
should  be  written  or  engrossed,  according  to  the  nature  of  the 
article,  stamped ;  the  duties  were  at  first  granted  for  one  year 
and  nine  months  from  the  25th  of  March,  1774  ;  at  the  expira- 

Jtistoer  from  Lord  North  to  the  Duke  of  Devonshire. 

"  My  Lord, 

"  Your  grace,  and  the  Lords  Rocklnj^ham,  Besbornugh,  Milton  and 
**  Upper  OsSory,  liaAanj^  in  yonr  letter  of  the  16th  desired  authentic  informa- 
*'  tion  concerniiif^  a  project  of  proposing-  to  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  a  tax 
*'  upon  the  landed  property  of  such  persons,  whose  ordinary  residence  is  out  of 
"  that  kingdom,  I  will  endeavour  to  state  in  a  few  words,  what  has  passed  upon 
*' the  subject.  In  the  course  of  the  summer,  the  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland 
*'  sent  over  several  propositions  for  restoring-  the  credit,  providing  for  the 
*'  debts,  and  putting-  upon  a  proper  footing"  the  iinances  of  that  kingdom  ;  at 
*'  the  same  time  he  informed  his  majesty's  servants  here,  that  he  had  reason 
*'  to  believe,  that  among-  other  modes  of  supply,  there  would  probably  l)e  a 
*'  tax  of  the  nature  mentioned  in  yourg-race's  letter.  The  answer,  which  was 
*'  returned  to  liis  excellency,  by  those  of  his  majesty's  servants,  to  whom  this 
"  communication  v/as  made,  was  to  the  following  effect:  that  if  the  Irish  par- 
*'  liament  shoidd  send  over  to  England  such  a  plan,  as  should  appear  to  be 
"  well  calculated  to  g-ive  effectual  relief  to  Ireland,  in  its  present  distress,  their 
*'  opinion  would  be,  that  it  ought  to  be  carried  into  execution,  although  the 
*'  tax  upon  absentees  should  be  a  part  of  it.  1  beg  leave  to  trouble  your  grace 
*'  to  communicate  this  information  to  the  other  lords,  and  have  the  honour  to 
*•  be,  with  great  respect,  Stc.  &:c.  &c.  North." 

Oil  account  of  this  answer,  circular  letters  were  written  by  Lord  Rocking- 
ham, to  the  several  gentlemen  who  might  be  affected  by  this  measure,  pro- 
posing a  general  meeting  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  the  most  eligible  and 
effectual  means  of  defeating  it.  But  as  it  v/as  rejected  by  the  parhament,  any 
further  opposition  became  unnecessary.  A  melancholy  instance  of  the  pre- 
valence of  self-interest  over  that  of  the  country  in  some  of  the  most  plausible 
patriots. 

*  Jovun.  Cora.  yoI  9,  p.  109. 


148  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tion  of  which  period  they  were  continued,  and  have  been  to 
this  day,  from  time  to  time,  raised  very  considerably.  The 
stamp  duties  have  been  found  by  experience  one  of  the  most 
efficient  resources  of  the  financier.  It  was  confidently  promis- 
ed, that  these  duties  would  so  far  increase  the  revenue,  as  to  be 
equal  to  the  expences,  when  they  had  undergone  the  economi- 
cal reduction  tl.us  intended,  so  that  the  pernicious  practice  of 
running  in  debt  would  be  no  longer  pursued.  The  public  ac- 
counts of  the  next  session,  however,  clearly  displayed  the  falla- 
cy of  those  promises.  As  to  the  national  debt,  it  amounted  at 
Lady  Day,  1773,  to  994,890/.  10^.  lOd,  and  the  total  of  pen- 
sions to  172,464/.  145.  S^d.  for  the  tv/o  years  then  ending.  A 
bill  for  the  improvement  of  the  agriculture  of  that  kingdom 
having  passed,  and  being  duly  returned,  the  commons  voted  an 
address  of  thanks  thereupon  to  his  majesty,  considering  it  as  a 
signal  instance  of  his  paterneJ  regard  for  his  people  of  Ireland. 

To  the  further  credit  of  Lord  Harcourt's  administration  must 
be  laid  the  m-eritorious  account  of  opening  the  door  of  that  civil 
liberty,  through  which  the  great  body  of  Irish  Catholics  were 
afterwards  admitted  to  the  rights  of  subjects.  True  it  is,  that 
the  British  ministry  began  about  this  time  to  be  alarmed  at  the 
too  vv^ell  grounded  discontents  of  the  king's  American  subjects  : 
the  constitutional  maxim,  no  representation^  no  taxatioji,  was 
fully  considered  and  carried  into  action  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic  ;  the  fatal  and  ill-advised  resistance  ended  in  the  avul- 
sion of  that  bright  v/estern  gem  from  the  imperial  diadem.  It 
was  impossible,  that  a  man  of  Lord  North's  penetration  should 
not  foresee  the  inversion  of  many  constitutional  maxims,  when 
brought  practically  to  bear  upon  the  bulk  of  the  Irish  nation  ;  he 
wisely  therefore,  though  silently,  instructed  the  lord  lieutenant 
to  endeavour  by  all  means  to  sooth  and  engage  the  affections  of 
the  Catholics  by  gradual  relaxations  of  the  rigorous  code  of 
penalties,  pains,  and  disabilities,  under  which  they  had  so  long 
and  so  patientl)'  suffered.  As  early  therefore  in  the  session  as 
the  10th  of  November,  1773,  "^leave  was  given  to  bring  in  the 
heads  of  a  bill  to  secure  the  repayment  of  money,  that  should 
be  really  lent  and  advanced  by  Papists  or  persons  professing 
the  Popish  religion  to  Protestants  on  mortgages  of  lands,  tene- 
ments, and  hereditaments;  and  that  it  might  be  understood  to 
be  a  government  measure  of  grace,  Prlr.  Pvlason,  Sir  Lucius 
CBryen,  and  Mr.  Langrishe,  great  and  determined  supporters 
of  government,  were  ordered  to  bring  it  in.  f  On  the  preceding 
day  leave  had  been  given  to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill  to  enable 
Papists  upon  the  terms  and  subject  to  the  provisoes  therein 
mentioned  to  take  leases  of  lives,   of  lands,   tenements,   and 

*  9  Com.  Journ.  p.  28.        f  Ibid.  p.  27. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  149 

hereditaments.  But  neither  one  or  the  other  of  these  biHs  at 
that  time  proceeded.  The  Irish  antipathies  to  Popery,  *  and 
the  reluctance  of  most  men  in  place  or  power  in  Ireland  to  do 
justice  to  the  Catholics  deterred  the  easy  mind  of  Lord  Har- 
court  from  pushing  forward,  what  they  persuaded  him  would 
create  difficulties  and  disturbances  in  parliament,  and  interrupt 
that  easy  and  quiet  majority  v/hich  government  then  enjoyed, 
and  which  he  had  it  strongly  in  command  to  keep  up  by  all 
possible  and  prudent  means.  Although  the  managers  of  the 
English  interest  in  Ireland  (this  lord  lieutenant  was  but  their 
passive  tool)  had  blasted  these  two  scions  of  indulgence  in  their 
first  shoot,  yet  the  British  ministry  sent  over  positive  and  un- 
controllable orders,  that  some  act  of  the  legislature  should 
positively  be  passed  in  that  session  of  a  soothing  and  conci- 
liatory tendency  to  the  Catholics :  well  imagining,  that  the 
breadth  of  the  Atlantic  would  not  prevent  the  infection  of  poli- 
tical discontent  in  persons  equally  suffering  a  deprivation  of  that 
nutriment  and  support,  which  their  constitution  required  for  the 
preservation  of  their  existence.  On  the  5th,  therefore,  of 
March,  17^4,  leave  was  given  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  enable  his 
majesty's  subjects  of  whate\'er  persuasion  to  testify  their  allegi- 
ance to  him  ;t  and  as  the  bill  remitted  no  part  of  the  then  ex- 
isting code  of  severity,  but  purported  merely  a  permission  to  the 
Catholics  of  expressing  their  allegiance  to  their  sovereign,  which 
before  they  had  not,  it  passed  i)oth  houses  without  obstruction 
or  opposition.i:  It  gratified  the  Catliolics,  inasmuch  as  it  was  a 
formal  recognition,  that  the)'  were  subjects  ;  and  to  this  recog- 
nition they  looked  up  as  to  the  cornerstone  of  their  future  eman- 
cipation. To  this  act  and  the  well  knov/n  and  long  tried  alle- 
giance of  the  Catholics,  the  lord  lieutenant  in  his  speech  to  the 
parliament  at  the  close  of  the  session  thus  alluded  :  ^^'  This  reci- 
"  procal  intercourse  of  duty  and  protection,  which  has  for  so  many 

*  Thus  Mr.  Burke  expressed  liimself  upon  this  subject  hi  a  letter  to  a  peer 
of  Ireland  in  1785,  (p.  28):  *'  From  what  I  have  cb£crved,  it  is  pride,  arro- 
**  g-ance,  a  spirit  of  domination,  and  not  a  bigotted  spirit  of  religion,  tliat  lias 
**  caused  and  kept  up  those  oppressive  statutes.  I  am  sure  I  have  known 
"  those,  who  have  oppressed  Papists  in  their  civil  rights,  exceedingly  indul- 
*'  gent  to  them  in  their  religious  ceremonies  ;  and  v.ho  wished  them  to  con- 
*'  tinue  in  order  to  furnish  pretences  for  oppression  ;  and  who  never  saw  a 
**  man  by  conforming  escape  out  of  their  power,  but  with  grudging  and  re- 
*'  gret.  'l  have  known  men,  to  whom  I  am  not  uncliaritable  in  saving,  though 
"  they  are  dead,  that  they  would  become  Papists  in  order  to  oppress  Protes- 
"  tants  ;  if  being  Protestants  it  was  not  in  their  pov.er  to  oppress  Papists.  It 
**  is  injustice,  and  not  a  mistaken  conscience,  that  has  been  the  principle  o£ 
"  persecutioi,  at  least  as  far  as  it  has  fallen  under  my  observation." 

t  9  Com.  Journ.  p.  114.  Mr.  Robert  French,  and  Sir  Lucius  O'Bryen,tv.'0 
ministerial  members,  were  ordered  to  bring  it  in. 

X  9  Journ.  Com.  p.  160.  13  and  14  Geo,  IILc,  xxsy.  For  the  form  of  this 
oath  or  test,  vide  Appendix,  No.  LXIII. 

S  9  Journ.  Cora.  p.  160. 


WB^ 


150  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

*'  years  happily  prevailed,  and  from  which  so  many  salutary 
*'  consequences  have  been  derived  during  his  majesty's  auspi- 
*'  cious  reign,  holds  out  to  every  part  of  his  majesty's  empire, 
*'  an  example  reflecting  the  highest  honour  upon  the  virtues  of 
*'  a  most  amiable  and  excellent  sovereign,  and  the  wisdom  and 
'^  good  conduct  of  affectionate  and  loyal  subjects.  In  the  high 
*'  station,  in  which  his  majesty  has  placed  me,  I  claim  no  merit, 
*'  but  a  faithful  execution  of  his  majesty's  gracious  puq^oses  for 
'^  the  happiness  of  his  people  of  Ireland,  and  the  most  just,  and 
*'  therefore  the  most  favourable  representations  of  their  loyal, 
"  dutiful,  and  affectionate  conduct,  which  cannot  fail  to  entitle 
"  them  to  the  continuance  of  his  ro3'al  favour  and  protection." 

At  the  commencement  of  the  next  session  in  October  1775, 
the  lord' lieutenant  observed,  that,  since  the  last  meeting  of  par- 
liament, his  majesty's  tender  concern  for  the  welfare  of  that 
kingdom  had  induced  him  to  pass  several  laws  in  the  British 
parliament  highly  beneficial  to  the  commerce,  manufactures, 
and  agriculture  of  Ireland.  "  By  the  act,  which  extends  the 
"  great  advantage  of  British  fisheries  to  Ireland  a  source  of 
"  industry  and  wealth  (said  he)  is  opened  to  you,  which  has 
"  made  other  nations  great  and  flourishing.  That  act,  which 
*■'  allows  the  clothing  and  accoutrements  necessary  for  his 
"  majesty's  forces  paid  from  the  revenues  of  this  kingdom  to 
"  be  exported  from  Ireland,  is  a  particular  mark  of  the  royal 
"  favour ;  and  even  thnt,  which  allows  the  importation  of  rape 
"  seed  into  Great  Britain  from  this  kingdom,  under  certain 
"  regulations,  connected  with  those  salutary  laws  passed  in  our 
"  last  session,  form  such  a  system  of  agriculture  and  improve- 
''  ment  as  will,  I  trust,  secure  riches  and  plenty  to  the  people  of 
"  Ireland.  A  bounty  granted  by  Great  Britain,  upon  the  im- 
"  portation  of  flax,  is  so  marked  a  recommendation  of  the 
"  linen  manufacture,  that  it  becomes  needless  for  me  to  urge 
"  the  most  persevering  application  to  that  staple  of  the  country.'* 

The  allusion,  which  the  lord  lieutenant  made  to  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  British  parliament,  during  the  recess  of  the  parliament 
of  Ireland,  calls  upon  us  to  submit  to  our  readers,  what  passed 
on  this  side  of  the  water  during  that  interval.  The  opinions  of 
the  British  legislators  upon  Irish  incidents  are  strong  illustra- 
tions of  Irish  history.  On  the  16th  of  December,  1774,  upon 
Mr.  R.  Fuller's  calling  for  papers  relative  to  our  military  forces 
in  America,  a  desultory,  though  interesting  conversation  took 
place,  in  which  the  late  Governor  Johnstone  took  occasion  to 
make  several  pointed  applications  to  Ireland :  they  originated 
out  of  the  confident  and  unequivocal  declarations  made  in  the 
course  of  the  last  session  by  Mr.  Rigby  (master  of  the  rolls  in 
Ireland),  that  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  had  a  right  to  tax 


CF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  151 

Ireland  In  ail  cases  xvhatso2ve7'  as  xvell  as  America^,  Mr.  Fox 
observed,  that  it  was  certainly  proper  to  include  Ireland  in 
all  the  debates  upon  American  taxaiicn,  in  order  to  ascertain 
the  parliamentary  right  of  taxation  over  every  part  of  the  British 
empire. 

As  Great  Britain  never  hitherto  had  beeji  known  to  overflow 
with  liberality  and  kindness  to  her  sister  kingdom,  it  becomes 
proper  to  trace  the  true  and  genuine  sources,  out  of  which  this 
new  disposition  to  favour  Ireland  arose.  The  differences  be- 
tween America  and  her  mother  country  had  now  broken  into 
open  war.  Most  of  the  leading  members  of  the  opposition  in 
both  countries  (who  afterwards  composed  that  administration, 
which  put  an  end  to  the  American  v/ar)  opposed  the  war  upon 
principle  :  they  inveighed  against  the  unconstitutional  exactions 
of  the  ministry,  and  in  their  debates  went  very  little  short  of 
formally  justifying  the  American  rebellion.  The  analogy  be- 
tween America  and  Ireland  was  too  close  to  pass  unnoticed  ; 
and  the  defection  of  the  American  colonies  produced  strong 
effects  upon  Ireland.  The  exportation  of  Irish  linen  for  America 
had  been  very  considerable  ;  but  now  this  great  source  of  national 
wealth  vras  totally  shut  up,  by  an  extraordinary  stretch  of 
prerogative.     Under  the  pretext  of  preventing  the  Americans 

*  1  Par.  Deb.  p.  19.  **  The  kingdom  of  Irelund  (said  Governor  Johnstone), 
*'  within  our  own  dominion,  is  a  proof"  of  what  these  learned  gentlemen  assert 
*'  to  be  impossible.  A  worthy  member,  in  rny  eye,  being  pressed  with  this 
*'  argument  in  the  last  session  of  parliament,  from  the  fairricss  of  his  mind, 
*'  avowed,  as  his  opinion,  that  we  could  tax  Ireland.  I  remember  there  were 
"  some  gentlemen  in  the  gallery  when  this  declaration  was  made,  whom  I 
"  immediately  perceived  by  the  contortions  in  their  countenance  to  be  Irish 
"  members.  Next  day  the  worthy  member  chose  to  make  some  apology  to 
'*  his  friends.  He  said,  no  parallel  could  be  draw  n  between  Ireland  and  the 
*'  colonies  ;  for  Ireland  had  a  paraphernalia  ;  and  this  satisfied  both  the  English 
**  and  Irish  members.  For  my  pjirt,  I  do  not  see  what  dimculty  can  occur,  in 
*'  leaving  the  difterent  colonies  on  the  same  footing  of  raising  money  by  requi- 
•'  sition,  as  from  the  people  of  Ireland.  Lord  Clare  (Nugent)  jocularly  com.- 
"  plimented  Mr.  Higby  on  the  exceeding  popularity,  reverence',  and  esteem, 
*'  that  gentleman  was  held  in  by  the  whole  Irish  nation  ;  that  there  was  no  man 
"  in  England  or  Ireland  more  loved  or  revered,  Mr.  Rigby  said,  he  acted  in 
"  that  country  as  secretary  to  the  lord  lieutoiant ;  which,  on  many  accounts 
*'  was  rather  an  invidious  and  critical  situation;  that  the  sentiments  now 
**  alluded  to,  he  maintained  upon  general  principles ;  that  his  opinion  was  not 
"  singular,  for  he  was  supported  in  it  by  a  statute  passed  in  the  reign  of  George 
*'  the  First :  that  he  begged  to  be  understood,  accorduig  to  the  obvious  con- 
"  struction  of  that  statute  ;  and  that,  according  to  that  sense  of  it,  he  still  con^^ 
**  tinned  to  be  of  opinion,  that  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain  had  a  right  to 
"  make  laws  to  bind  Ireland,  and  all  the  other  members  and  dependances  of 
"  the  British  empire.  Sir  WiUiam  Mayne  drew  a  melancholy  picture  of  the 
"  sufferings  of  the  Irish ;  said  that  all  promises  had  been  shamefully  broken 
*'  with  them;  that  pensions  to  the  amount  of  10,000/.  per  annum  had  been 
"  lately  granted  on  that  miserable,  ruined  and  undone  country  ;  and  that  the 
"  castle  was  an  asylum  to  every  needy,  servile,  cringing  apostate,  that  would 
"  bow  the  knee,  and  barter  every  thing  which  should  be  deur  to  him,  for 
**  cmelument  R:id  court  favour, 


132  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

from  being  supplied  with  provisions  from  this  country,  an 
embargo  was  laid  on  the  exportation  of  provisions  from  Ireland, 
which,  in  prejudicing  that  kingdom,  served  only  to  favour  the 
adventures  of  British  contractors.  This  embargo,  combined 
with  other  causes,  which  were  invariable  and  permanent,  produced 
the  most  melancholy  effects.  Wool  and  black  catde  fell  con- 
siderably in  value,  as  did  also  land ;  and  rents  in  many  places 
could  scarcely  be  collected ;  so  much  was  public  credit  essen- 
tially injured.  It  has  already  been  observed,  that  the  parliament 
of  Ireland  had  declared  the  general  sense  of  the  kingdom 
respecting  its  distressed  situation,  and  the  illiberal  restrictions 
thrown  on  its  commerce  :  it  had  even  defended  its  constitutional 
privileges  ;  and  though  the  voice  of  the  nation  were  only  thus 
conveyed  through  the  speech  of  the  speaker  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  public  mind  was  not  unknown  in  Great  Britain. 
As  the  American  fisheries  were  now  abolished,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  think  of  some  measures  for  supplying  their  place,  and 
particularly  to  guard  against  the  ruinous  consequences  of  the 
foreign  markets  either  changing  the  course  of  consumption,  or 
fallinp-  into  the  hands  of  strangers,  and  those  perhaps  inimical 
to  Great  Britain.  The  state  of  public  affairs  in  Ireland  it  now 
seemed  necessary  to  take  some  notice  of,  and  to  pay  some  greater 
considerations  to  her  interests,  than  had  been  hitherto  practised. 
The  question  between  England  and  her  colonies,  particularly  in 
the  manner  it  had  been  argued,  was  not  calculated  to  quiet  the 
kingdom  of  Ireland :  and  the  repose  of  such  parts  of  the  empire 
as  were  still  at  rest  v/as  never  more  necessary.  In  the  crisis,  to 
which  matters  were  nov/  evidently  tending,  little  doubt  remained, 
that  every  assistance  v»'ould  be  requisite  from  Ireland ;  besides, 
her  patience,  her  sufferings,  and  her  forbearance,  might  be 
holden  up  as  a  mirror,  in  contrast  to  America:  and  though 
these  merits  had  long  passed  unregarded,  this  did  not  seem  a 
fit  season  to  encourage  an  opinion,  that  a  similar  conduct  would 
never  obtain  any  rev/ard.  The  nature  of  the  benefit,  however, 
was  to  be  considered,  and  nothing  could  seem  better  adopted, 
than  a  donation,  which  would  be  an  advantage  instead  of  a  loss 
to  the  giver.  It  was  not  itself  very  considerable,  but  it  might 
be  considered  as  a  beginning;  and  small  benefits  carry  weight 
v/ith  those,  who  have  not  been  habituated  to  great  favours.  It 
had  been  shewn  to  the  British  parliament,  that  the  exports  from 
England  to  Ireland  amounted  then  to  2,400,000/.  annually ; 
besides  the  latter  supported  a  large  standing  army,  at  all  times 
ready  for  the  defence  of  the  former ;  and  immense  sums  of 
her  ready  cash  were  spent  there  by  her  numerous  absentees, 
pensioners  and  placemen ;  yet  by  oppressive  restrictions  in  trade, 
Ireland  was  cut  off  from  the  benefit  of  her  great  natural  staple 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  153 

commodity,  as  well  as  excluded  from  the  advantage,  v/hlch  she 
might  derive  from  the  peculiarity  of  her  situation. 

The  British  minister  on  the  11th  of  October,  1775,  moved 
for  a  committee  of  the  whole  house,  to  consider  of  the  encou- 
ragement proper  to  be  given  to  the  fisheries  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland.  This  attention  to  Ireland  was  generally  approved 
of,  and  after  some  conversation  on  the  hardships  that  country 
suffered,  it  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Barke  to  extend  the  motion, 
by  adding  the  w^ords  "  trade  and  commerce  ;"  and  thereby  af- 
ford an  opportunity  to  grant  such  relief  and  indulgence  in  those 
exports,  as  might  be  done  without  prejudice  to  Great  Britain* 
The  minister  objected  to  this ;  however,  the  committee  in  its 
progress  granted  several  bounties  to  the  ships  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  for  their  encouragement  in  prosecuting  the  New- 
foundland fishery  ;  and  it  was  farther  resolved  in  favour  of  Ire- 
land, that  it  should  be  lawful  to  export  from  thence,  cloaths  and 
accoutrements  for  such  regiments  on  the  Irish  establishment,  as 
were  employed  abroad  :  and  also,  that  a  bounty  of  five  shillings 
per  barrel  should  be  allowed  on  all  flax  seeds  imported  into  Ire- 
land. This  last  resolution  was  passed,  to  prevent  the  evils,  that 
were  apprehended  there,  from  the  cutting  off  their  great  Ame- 
rican source  of  supply  in  that  article.  Another  resolution  was 
also  passed,  by  which  Ireland  was  allowed  to  export  provisions, 
hooks,  lines,  nets  and  tools  for  the  implements  of  the  fishery. 
The  committee  also  agreed  to  the  granting  of  bounties  for  en- 
couraging the  whale  fishery,  in  those  seas,  that  were  to  the 
southw^ard  of  Greenland  and  Davis's  Straits  fisheries  :  and 
upon  the  same  principle-took  off  the  duties,  that  were  payable 
upon  the  importation  of  oil,  blubber,  and  bone,  from  Newfound- 
land, &c.  They  also  took  off  the  duty,  that  was  payable  upon 
the  importation  of  seal  skins.* 

*  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  436.  Mr.  Burke  thanked  his  lordship  (Nortli)  for  the 
friendly  disposition  he  had  now  shewn  towards  his  (Mr.  Burke's)  native  coun- 
try ;  observing  at  tiie  same  time  that  however  desirous  he  might  be  to  promote 
any  scheme  for  the  advantage  of  Ireland,  he  would  be  much  better  pleased, 
that  the  benefits  thus  held  out  should  never  be  realized,  than  that  Ireland 
should  profit  at  the  cxpence  of  a  country,  v.hicli  was,  if  possible,  more  op- 
pressed than  herself.  Mr.  Thomas  Townshend  condemned,  in  the  most 
pointed  terms,  the  narrow,  weak,  and  ill-founded  policy,  which  had  directed 
tlie  English  councils  in  respect  to  Ireland,  ever  since  that  country  had  become 
a  part  of  the  British  dominions ;  ai.d  recommended  very  warmly  an  enquiry 
into  the  state  of  Irish  commei'ce  and  manufactures,  in  order  that  such  of  tliem 
as  did  not  immediately  interfere  with  those  of  Great  Britain,  might  receive 
every  possible  encouragement  consistent  with  the  general  interests  of  the 
whole  empire.  Mr.  Conjlly  drew  a  very  melancholy  picture  of  the  present 
state  of  Ireland,  ajui  reca})itulated  many  instances  of  tlie  eminent  loyalty  of 
that  country,  and  of  the  repeated  proofs  she  had  given,  for  a  series  of  }'earjj 
back,  ot  her  readiness  to  contribute  inuch  beyond  her  ability,  to  the  conimoii 
support.  Besides  the  merits  she  had  to  plead  on  these  grounds,  he  pointed 
cut  the  absurdity  of  several  oi'  llie  restraints  laid  upou  the  Irish  coramtrce  j 

VOL.  ir.  u 


1S4^  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

As  soon  as  prudence  would  admit,  after  the  lord  lieutenaiDt 
had  called  upon  the  gratitude  of  the  Irish  parliament  for  the 
favours  granted  by  the  English  legislature,  his  excellency  sent 
through  his  secretary,  Sir  John  Blaquire,  a  message  to  the 
House  of  Commons  to  the  following  effect : 

C'  HARCOURT.) 

"  I  have  his  majesty's  commands  to  acquaint 
*'  you,  that  the  situation  of  affairs  in  part  of  his  American  do- 
*'  minions  is  such  as  makes  it  necessary,  for  the  honour  and 
"  safety  of  the  British  empire,  and  for  the  support  of  his  majes- 
"  ty's  just  rights,  to  desire  the  concurrence  of  his  faithful  par- 
*'  liament  of  Ireland,  in  seeding  out  of  this  kingdom  a  force  not 
*'  exceeding  4000  men,  part  of  the  number  of  troops  upon  this 
"  establishment,  appointed  to  remain  in  this  kingdom  for  its  de-» 
*'  fence  ;  and  to  declare  to  you  his  majesty's  most  gracious  in- 
"  tention,  that  such  part  of  his  army  as  shall  be  spared  out  of 
"  this  kingdom,  to  ansv/er  the  present  exigency  of  affairs,  is  not 
"  to  be  continued  a  charge  upon  this  establishment,  so  long  as 
"  they  shall  remain  out  of  this  kingdom.  I  am  further  com- 
"  manded  to  inform  you,  that  as  his  majesty  hath  nothing  more 
"  at  heart,  than  the  security  and  protection  of  his  people  of  Ire- 
"  land,  it  is  his  intention,  if  it  shall  be  the  desire  of  parliament, 
"  to  replace  such  forces  as  may  be  sent  out  of  this  kingdom,  by 
"  an  equal  number  of  foreign  Protestant  troops,  as  soon  as  his 
"  majesty  shall  be  enabled  so  to  do  ;  the  charge  of  such  troops 
*'  to  be  defrayed  without  any  expence  to  this  kingdom.'' 

The  message  having  been  referred  to  a  committee,  they  re- 
solved, that  this  force  of  4000  men  might  at  that  juncture  be 
spared,  provided  they  were  no  longer  a  charge  upon  the  estab- 
lishment, than  they  remained  in  that  kingdom.  Upon  which 
resolution  being  reported  to  the  house,  the  patriots  determined 
not  to  let  an  opportunity  go  by,  without  manifesting  to  their 
constituents  their  persevering  attention  to  the  rights  and  welfare 
of  the  nation.  They  saw  through  this  first  opening  the  gross 
inattention  of  the  British  cabinet  to  the  internal  defence  and 
W' elfare  of  Ireland. 

An  amendment  was  accordingly  proposed  to  be  made  to  the 
resolution,  by  inserting  after  the  word  *■'  Resolved,"  the  follow- 
ing words,  viz.  "  That  having  in  consequence  of  his  majesty's 
"  gracious  recommendation,  and  of  our  mature  consideration  of 
"  the  state  of  this  country,  repeatedly  declared  our  opinion,  that 
"  12,000  men  are  necessary  for  the  defence  of  this  kingdom  ; 

and  endeavoured  to  shew  that  some  of  those  were  as  unkind  as  impolitic  ;  and 
that  there  were  some  branches  of  trade,  particularly  that  to  the  Levant,  which 
might  be  laid  open,  much  to  the  adyantag-e  of  both  countries,  luid  to  the  corn- 
plete  rivalship  of  the  French. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  i5.^ 

**  being  sensible,  that  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  trust  reposed 
*'  in  us,  should  we  have  subjected  our  constituents  to  a  very 
"  heavy  expence,  in  times  of  perfect  tranquillity,  for  the  purpose 
"  of  providing  a  force,  which  we  are  to  part  with  in  times  of 
"  danger,  and  being  convinced  that  since  the  time,  at  which 
*^  we  first  declared  12,000  men  to  be  necessary,  the  probability 
"  of  a  war  has  increased  and  not  diminished  ;  it  is  now  the  opi- 
**  nion  of  this  ho-use  that".... 

This  proposed  amendment  was  negatived  upon  a  division  of 
103  against  58.  Yet  much  to  the  surprise  and  embarrassment 
of  government,  the  second  proposition  of  introducing  foreign 
troops  into  that  kingdom  vras  negatived  by  nearly  as  large  a  ma- 
jority as  the  first  v/as  carried  ;  namely,  by  106  against  68.  The 
house  accordingly  voted  an  address  to  his  excellency,  expressive 
of  their  sense  and  resolution  upon  this  subject.^  This  conduct 
of  die  Irish  commons  is  oTsingular  importance  in  the  history  of 
Ireland,  inasmuch  as  it  was  the  first  patriotic  step  taken  by  the 
representatives  of  the  people  tov/ards  attaining  that  state  of  civil 
liberty,   which  was  obtained  by  the  nation  in  v/hat  Mr.   Burke 

*  9  Com.  Jonrn.  p.  223. 
To  his  Excellency,   Simon,  Earl  Harcnurt,  Lord  Lieutenant  General  and  Ge- 
neral Governor  of  Ireland.     The  humble  address  of  the  Knig-hts,   Citizens, 
and  Burgesses  in  parliament  assembled. 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

'*  "We  his  majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  tlie 
*'  commons  of  L^eland,  in  parliament  assembled,  deeply  impressed  with  a  sense 
"  of  the  many  blessings  we  enjoy  under  his  majesty's  government,  humbly  re- 
"  quest,  thatjour  excellency  will  be  pleased  to  assure  his  majesty  of  our  zeal 
*'  at  all  times  for  the  support  of  his  just  rights,  and  for  the  honour  and  safety 
**  of  the  British  empire.  That  your  excellenc}-  will  bo  pleased  to  express  the 
"  ready  and  cheerful  concurrence  of  his  inajcsty's  faitliful  commons  in  send- 
*'  ing  out  of  ti)Is  kingdom  a  force  not  exceeding  4000  men,  part  of  the  troops 
*'  upon  this  establishment  appointed  to  rcm;un  in  this  kingdom  f  )r  its  defence. 
*'  That  your  excellency  will  be  pleased  to  assm-e  his  majesty,  that  we  acknow- 
*'  ledge  his  paternal  regard  to  the  ease  and  i-elief  of  this  country,  manifested 
"  in  his  majesty's  most  gracious  intention,  that  such  part  of  his  army  as  may 
"  be  sent  out  of  this  kingdom  during  the  present  exigency,  shall  not  be  con- 
"  tinued  a  charge  upon  this  establishment,  so  long  as  they  shall  remain  out  of 
*'  this  kingdom.  That  your  excellency  will  be  pleased  to  return  his  majesty 
"  our  most  grateful  tiianks  for  his  gracious  declaration,  that  his  majesty  Jiath 
*'  nothing  ir.ore  at  heart  than  the  security  and  protection  of  liis  people  of  Ire- 
"  land,  of  v.-hich  his  majesty  has  given  a  signal  proof,  b}^  his  oi^er,  if  it  shall  be 
•'  t!ie  desire  of  parliament,  1o  replace  such  forces  as  maj'  be  sent  out  of  this 
**  kingdom,  by  an  equal  number  of  Protestant  troops,  the  charge  thereof  to  be 
"  defrayed  without  any  expence  to  this  kingdom.  And  we  entreat  your  ex- 
•*  cellency,  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  assure  his  majesty,  that,  fully  sensible  of 
*'  his  majesty's  benevolent  attention  to  his  faithful  commons,  after  mature  de- 
*'  liberation,  tl^ey  have  agreed  not  to  desire  that  the  4000  troops,  which  may 
"  be  sent  out  of  rhis  kingdom  in  the  present  exigency,  should  be  replaced,  ajs 
*'  mentioned  in  your  excellency's  message  ;  confiding  in  the  vigilance  and  care 
"  of  government,  and  trusting,  that  vrith  its  assistance,  his  majesty's  loyal 
*'•'  people  of  Ireland  may  be  able  so  to  exert  themselves,  as  to  make  such  aid 
^'  at  this  iuncture  r.nnecepsarv.'* 


i5Q  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

called  their  revolution  of  1782.  Once  the  spirit  of  patriotism 
had  regained  an  influence  upon  the  ministerial  ranks,  many  of 
them  rather  sought  than  shunned  opportunities  to  unfetter  tlieir 
shackles,  and  some  of  them  probably  created  occasions  of 
opening,  with  a  view  to  improve  the  terms  of  their  bargains. 
A  more  favourable  opportunity  could  not  have  presented  itself 
to  resist  the  mandates  of  the  British  cabinet,  than  a  renewed 
attack  upon  their  favourite  privilege  of  originating  money  bills 
in  ttie  commons.  The  heads  of  a  bill  for  granting  additional 
duties  on  beer,  ale,  &c.  being  transmitted,  were  returned  with 
certain  alterations,  for  which  reason,  the  bill  was  rejected,  and 
a  new  one  framed.  The  like  circumstances  also  attended  the 
bill  for  granting  stamp  duties.  As  there  was  by  these  means 
for  some  short  time  no  law  there  for  collecting  the  additional 
duties  on  tobacco  and  other  goods  imported  into  that  kingdom, 
great  exertions  were  made  by  tlie  importers  to  procure  supplies 
of  such  articles,  before  a  new  bill  could  receive  the  royal  assent. 
An  opportunity,  which  proved  of  some  advantage  to  several 
individuals,  and  no  inconsiderable  detriment  to  the  finance. 

The  patriotic  party  having  on  some  great  national  questions 
been  supported  by  several  of  the  opposite  side  of  the  house, 
resolved,  ere  the  session  closed,  to  afford  another  opportunity 
of  calling  forth  their  exertions  upon  the  general  and  melancholy 
state  of  the  nation."*     A  motion  wr.s  accordingly  made  two  days 
before  the  end  of  the  session  for  an  address  to  his  majesty,  "  to 
express   their  inviolable   attachment  to   his    royal   person   and 
government,  hupibly  to    assure  his   majesty,  that  they  felt  a 
conscious  happiness  in  the  ample  and  liberal  discharge  of  duty 
to  a  sovereign  so  ready  to  express  his  gracious  approbation  of 
■the  lo3'al  endeavours  of  his  people.     To  return  their  unfeigned 
thanks  for  his  majesty's  paternal  solicitude  at  the  burdens  sus- 
tained by  his  people  ;    a  solicitude  repeatedly  communicated  to 
them  from  the  throne  by  his    majesty's  representatives,    and 
suggesting  to  them  an  attention  to  the  diminution  of  their  ex- 
pence,  and  the  discharge  of  their  national  debt:   that  they  met 
the  v^^ishes  of  his  majesty,  and  v/ould  not,  by  an  inexcusable 
silence,  conceal  from  his  majesty  the  real  distresses  of  his  people 
of  Ireland.     That  at  the  close  of  the  last  war,  the  debt  of  that 
nation  did  not  exceed  521,161/.  16^.  6^d*  which  was  then  deemed 
so  considerable,  that  his  majesty's  paternal  care  thought  itself 
called  upon  to  direct  the  attention  of  his  faithful  commons  to  the 
discharge  of  their  national  debt,  and  to  signify  his  gracious 
wishes    for   a  very  considerable    diminution  of  their  national 
cxpence.     That  after  a  peace  of  ten  years,  the  debt  of  the  nation 

*  9.  Journ.  Com.  p.  280.    What  the  division  was  on  this  occasion  the  Jour- 
nals do  not  disclose. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  157 

appeared  to  be  so  increased,  that  it  was  voted  by  his  faithful 
commons  in  the  last  session  of  parliament,  to  be  a  sum  not 
exceeding  994,890/.  10^.  lQ}d.  a  circumstance  so  alarming  and 
insupportable  to  his  people,  that  they  determined  with  one  voice 
to  put  an  end  to  the  pernicious  practice  ©f  accumulating  debts, 
and  they  thought  it  their  duty  to  accomplish  that  necessary  end 
by  first  endeavouring  to  raise  the  revenue  of  the  kingdom  to  an 
equality  with  the  establishment.  That  they  adopted  every  pro- 
position of  his  majesty's  ministers,  and  accepted  their  promises 
of  cEconomy  vv^ith  unbounded  confidence,  vainly  expecting,  that 
it  would  be  ever  after  unnecessary  to  afflict  their  gracious  sove- 
reign, by  enumerating  either  the  complaints  or  the  distresses 
of  his  people.  That  as  they  wished  to  second  the  promised 
ceconomy  of  his  majestv's  ministers  by  every  eifort  on  their  part, 
they  had  conside'rabiy  diminished  the  sum  usually  granted  by 
this  house  for  the  purposes  of  national  improvement.  That  in 
order,  that  there  might  be  no  remnant  of  any  arrear  upon  any  of 
his  majesty's  establishments,  they  had  departed  from  the  usual 
custom  of  discharging  the  arrears  to  the  25th  of  ^larch  only, 
and  had  raised  the  sum  of  265,000/.  to  pay  them  up  to  the 
29th  of  September,  1773  ;  .and  to  prevent  the  necessity  of  any 
arrear  for  the  future,  they  had  consented  to  a  stamp  duty, 
and  several  other  taxes,  which  their  predecessors,  in  the  times 
of  the  most  expensive  wars,  had  never  thought  proper  to  impose. 
That  the  calculations  of  his  majesty's  ministers  v/ere  admitted, 
their  promises  were  relied  upon,  the  taxes  they  proposed  were 
voted,  and  their  projects  were  uninterrupted  by  any  opposition 
from  his  faithfid  commons.  But  that  they  were  then  reduced 
to  the  melancholy  necessity  of  informing  their  gracious  sove- 
reign, that  those  unquestionable  proofs  of  their  zeal  had  been 
equally  proofs  of  their  inability.  That  the  new  taxes  had  fallen 
short  of  the  estimates  made  by  his  majesty's  ministers,  and 
unequal,  as  they  v/ere  to  the  effects,  which  were  hoped  for,  they 
had  served  only  to  shew,  that  they  had  arrived  at  that  point  of 
taxation,  where  the  imposition  of  new  lowered  the  old  duties. 
That  the  debts  and  incumbrances  of  his  faithful  subjects  had 
increased  with  such  alarming  rapidity,  that  they  had  in  that 
session  been  reduced  to  the  unfortunate  necessity  of  raising 
175,000/.  to  defray  the  arrears  incurred  in  one  year  and  six 
months  only.  That  the  perseverance  of  his  faithful  commons 
was  not  yet  exhausted,  and  they  had  again  endeavoured  in  that 
present  session,  to  support  his  majesty's  establishments,  by  new 
liurdens  upon  themselves.  But  that  the  experience  of  his  ma-? 
jesty's  ministers,  assisted  by  the  best  efforts  gi  his  faithful  com- 
mons, had  been  able  to  devise  one  new  tax  only,  a  tax  upon 
spirits ;  a  tax  the  last,  which  they  proposed  for  his  majesty's 
service,  because  it  v/as  of  the  most  doubtful  nature ;    a   tax, 


158  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  proved  their  despondency  as  well  as  their  zeal,  and  con- 
cerning which  they  knew  nothing  certainly,  except  that  it  could 
not  produce  enough.  That  they  saw  before  them  the  necessity 
of  borrowing,  session  after  session  continued.  They  saw  the 
funds,  on  which  they  used  to  borrow  nearly  exhausted.  They 
saw  the  new  duties,  which  they  raised  with  the  hopes  of  pro- 
viding a  sufficient  revenue  within  the  year,  mortgaged  in  part 
for  the  payment  of  incumbrances  ;  and  that  they  saw  his  m.ajes- 
ty's  ministers  relapsing  into  their  former  despondency  of  supply- 
ing the  exigencies  of  the  state,  in  any  other  manner,  after  every 
effort,  made  on  their  part,  and  seconded  by  them,  and  with  a 
dreadful  increase  of  debt  incurred  during  the  experiment.  That  . 
if  an  indulgence  to  his  majesty's  ministers  could  induce  them  to 
suppress  these  truths,  they  should  be  guilty  of  a  criminal  deceit 
towards  the  best  of  sovereigns.  That  could  they  neglect  the 
most  essential  interests  of  themsehes,  their  constituents,  and 
their  posterity,  stilltheir  duty  to  his  majesty  would  prevent  them 
from  suffering  the  resources  of  his  majesty's  power  and  dignity 
to  dvv^indle  and  decay ;  and  that  they  were  the  more  necessitated 
to  mak-e  that  earnest  application,  because  the  evils  they  suffered 
were  not  temporary  or  occasional ;  because  the)^  could  not  attri-t 
bute  them  to  any  physical  evil,  or  proud  national  exertion, 
but  to  a  silent,  Vv^isting,  and  invisible  cause,  which  had  injured 
the  people,  vrithout  adding  strength  to  the  crown.  That  they 
therefore  performed  that  indispensable  duty  of  laying  their 
distresses  at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  that  history  might  not  report 
them  a  nation,  which  in  the  midst  of  peace,  and  under  a  gracious 
king,  equally  ready  to  warn  and  relieve,  proceeded  deliberately 
to  their  own  ruin,  without  one  appeal  to  the  wisdom,  which 
would  have  redressed  them.  And  that  they  did  appeal  from 
the  temporary  expedients  of  his  majesty's  ministers,  to  his  own 
wisdom  and  virtues,  and  to  that  permanent  interest,  which  his 
majesty  had,  and  ever  vrould  have,  in  the  welfare  of  his  people. 
And  if  supplication  could  add  force  to  the  pleadings  of  their 
common  interest,  and  of  their  persevering  loyalty,  they  suppli- 
cated that  his  majesty  would  graciously  turn  his  royal  attention 
to  the  reduction  of  their  establishments,  which  they  were  unable 
to  support,  and  which  they  would  support  if  they  could.  That 
they  did  not  presume  to  point  out  more  particularly  what  his 
royal  wisdom  would  more  properly  and  effectually  distinguish. 
That  after  all  their  efforts,  and  all  their  disappointments,  they 
had  one  sure  resource  in  his  majesty's  royal  justice  and  wisdom, 
and  they  did  rest  assured,  that  their  gracious  sovereign  would 
not  suffer  the  strength  of  his  crown  to  be  impaired,  or  the  glories 
of  his  reign  to  be  sullied  by  the  unaccountable  and  entire  ruin 
of  a  loyal  people." 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  159 

In  order  to  get  rid  of  this  motion,  the  ministerial  party  put 
and  carried  the  question,  that  the  motion  should  be  adjourned 
to  that  day  se'nnight;  and  upon  its  being  thus  negatived,  another 
motion  was  made,  and  also  carried,  that  an  humble  address  of 
thanks  be  presented  to  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  for 
his  prudent,  just,  and  wise  administration.  The  majority  of 
the  votes  for  adjourning  the  consideration  of  this  motion  took 
off  none  of  the  fatal  truth  and  resemblance  of  the  portrait,  which 
it  exhibited  of  the  nation  at  that  melancholy  juncture.  An. 
address*  was  framed  in  the  committee,  and  upon  the  second  ■ 
reading  of  the  fourth  paragraph  thereof  an  amendment  was 
proposed  to  be  made  by  adding  thereto  the  following  w6j?^. 

"  At  the  same  tim.e,  that  we  pay  your  excellency  every  perso- 
'*  nal  respect,  and  make  you  the  same  acknowledgments,  which 
"  we  have  not  refused  to  any  of  your  predecessors,  we  do  not 
"  mean,  that  it  should  be  understood,  that  the  situation  of  this 
'*  country  is  less  deplorable  now  than  it  was  upon  your  excel- 
"  lency's  arrival ;  a  period  in  which  her  situation  was  admitted 
"  to  be  desperate.  On  the  contrary,  we  must  lament,  that  every 
"  proposal,  which  the  wishes  or  abilities  of  your  administration 
"  suggested,  supported  by  the  most  perfect  conformity  of  parlia- 
"  ment,  in  the  course  of  four  years  has  had  no  other  effect,  than 
*'  to  leave  this  country  more  exhausted  than  ever,  more  incum- 
"  bered  with  taxes,  more  loaded  with  debt,  and  more  oppressed 
"  with  unnecessary  establishments.  That  in  the  first  session  of 
"  your  excellency's  government,  we  were  induced  to  grant  new 
"  taxes  in  time  of  profound  peace,  under  a  persuasion,  that  the 

*  9Journ.  Com.p.282. 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

"  We  his  majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  commons 
"  of  Ireland,  in  parliament  assembled,  observe  with  pleasure  the  harmony, 
"  which  subsists  between  our  chief  governor  and  the  people,  the  natural  result 
"  of  mutual  good  wishes.  The  additional  strength  which  our  happy  constitu- 
"  tion,  the  envy  of  foreign  nations,  has  lately  received,  fills  our  hearts  with 
"  gratitude  towai'ds  his  majesty,  and  must  ever  reflect  honour  upon  your 
*'  excellency's  administration.  Freedom  of  election  seems  to  be  effectually 
"  secured  by  those  salutary  laws,  at  length  obtained  by  your  exellency's  stre- 
**  nuous  interposition,  which  place  our  constitutional  rights  upon  a  firmer 
*'  basis  than  ever  they  stood  before.  When  the  liberties  of  the  people  are 
**  secured,  industry  prevails,  and  commerce  survives.  We  acknowledge  with 
*'  gratitude,  that  in  return  for  the  liberality  of  the  commons,  new  objects  of 
*'  trade,  through  your  excellency's  interposition,  are  presented  to  us,  and  new 
"  sources  of  commerce  ai'e  opened,  of  which  vv  e  persuade  ourselves,  that  we 
*'  shall  in  time  reap  the  good  effects.  We  depend  with  the  utmost  confidence 
"  upon  the  continuance  of  the  same  benevolent  disposition  towards  us,  and 
"  that  your  excellency  will  take  every  opportunity  of  representing  the  advan- 
"  tages,  which  nature  has  bestowed  upon  this  island,  peculiar  to  it  in  situation, 
"  climate,  and  soil,  wliich  by  proper  attention  and  encouragement  may  prove 
"  a  fund  of  wealth  and  strength  to  Great  Britain,  where  the  riches  of  this 
"  kingdom  must  ultimately  centre.  We  concur  with  the  wishes  of  the  people, 
•*  that  your  excellency  may  continue  our  chief  governor  :  their  affections  are 
"  the  surest  testimony  both  of  your  private  and  your  public  virtues."    ^ . 


€i 


160  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  promised  frugality  of  administration  would  justify  the  unu- 
"  sual  bounty  of  parliament,  and  put  an  end  to  the  pernicious 
practice  of  running  in  debt.  That  in  the  same  session  we  set 
the  example  of  oeconomy  to  your  excellency's  administration, 
"  by  abridging  our  own  expences ;  and  v/e  provided  for  the 
payment  of  a  great  arrear,  including  a  fifth  half  year,  a  libe- 
rality without  precedent,  but  which  vre  adopted  to  take  away 
all  pretence  of  presenting  us  v^^ith  a  future  arrear.  That  the 
"  failure  of  those  projects  of  iinance  proposed  under  your  ex- 
*'  cellency's  administration,  as  it  was  a  testimony  of  the  poverty 
"  of  the  kingdom,  so  it  was  an  additional  reason  for  adminis- 
tration to  preserve  inviolate  the  solemn  engagements  of  (Eco- 
nomy. That  we  cannot  but  lament,  notwithstanding^  the  libe- 
*'  ral  confidence  of  parliament,  the  solemn  professions  of  admi- 
"  nistration,  and  the  authenticated  poverty  of  the  kingdom,  our 
"  sagacity  cannot  discover  any  visible  retrenchment.  On  the 
"  contrary,  we  have  been  in  the  course  of  this  session  surprised 
*'  with  a  new  arrear,  not  less  in  proportion  than  that  incurred  in 
*'  the  two  last  years  of  the  administration  of  your  predecessor. 
"  We  behold  the  old  burdensome  establishments,  which  we 
'^  know  to  be  unnecessary,  and  feel  to  be  insupportable,  conti- 
"  nued,  and  increased  ;  and  we  see  the  old  spirit  of  profusion, 
*'  vvhich  has  long  wasted  us  in  time  of  peace,  opposing  every 
*'  project  of  retrenchment,  whether  conceived  in  the  shape  of 
"  parliamentary  resolution,  or  humble  address  to  the  throne, 
^'  with  fatal  success  under  your  excellency's  administration, 
"  which  has  been  candid  enough  to  acknowledge  public  dis- 
"  tresses^  but  not  fortunate  enough  to  relieve  them.  When  we 
"  state  these  facts,  we  do  not  mean  to  attribute  them  to  your 
"  excellency's  intentions,  nor  do  we  attribute  to  those  intentions 
^'  the  alarming  and  military  powers  given  to  the  lowest  officers 
*^  in  the  revenue  ;  as  little  do  we  attribute  to  those  intentions 
"  the  flagrant  violations  of  our  constitution  in^the  course  of 
"  the  last  four  years.  We  are  convinced  the  alteration  of 
*'  four  money  bills,  that  breach  of  constitution,  and  insult  on  the 
"  dignity  and  bounty  of  this  nation ;'  the  questioning  the  validi- 
*'  ty  ofthe  augmentation  compact  by  subtleties  as  dangerous  as 
"  unintelligible  ;  the  involving  this  country  in  a  civil  and  unna- 
"  tural  war,  the  leaving  her  exposed  to  any  invasion  by  sending 
*'  away  her  necessary  and  stipulated  defence  in  prosecution  of 
"  that  civil  war  ;  the  attack  made  on  her  law,  and  the  interrup- 
"  tion  of  her  trade  in  the  course  of  that  civil  war ;  the  refusal  of 
*'  a  militia  bill,  always  eligible,  now  rendered  necessary  for  our 
"  security,  and  so  qualified  as  not  to  alarm  the  arbitrary  spirit 
*'  of  the  times,  were  measures  adopted  jiot  in  pursuance  of  your 
"  councils,  but  in  total  disregard  of  them  :  and  we  are  the  more 
"  ready  to  acquit  your  excellency's  intentions  of  all  those  mea- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  161 

**  sures,  because  if  they  did  insult  this  country,  they  did  not 
"  less  insult  and  violate  the  dignity  of  its  chief  governor.  And 
''  when  your  excellency  shall  return  to  the  royal  presence,  and 
^^  lay  before  our  sovereign  the  unhappy  state  of  this  kingdom, 
"  you  will  please  to  represent  us  as  a  nation  unable  to  exist  for 
"  ten  years  under  such  a  system  of  management  as  has  unfortu- 
*'  nately  been  pursued  during  your  excellency's  administration  ; 
"  as  a  people  not  insensible  to  an  earnest  of  a  favourable  dispo* 
"  sition  shewn  to  us  in  some  late  acts  respecting  our  trade,  con- 
"  sidering  that  in  process  of  time  they  may  become  a  national 
"  benefit ;  but  you  v/ill  please  to  inform  his  majesty,  that  our 
"  condition  is  misunderstood,  if  it  is  thought  that  such  acts  do 
"  atone  for  the  total  want  of  oeconomy  hitherto,  or  can  support 
"  us  under  future  profusion.  We  entertain  no  doubt  your  ex- 
"  cellcncy  will  make  such  representation,  conceiving  the  facts 
"  to  be  melancholy  truths,  and  the  representation  of  them  in- 
"  cumbent  upon  you  as  an  indispensable  duty,  because  the  mea- 
"  sures,  which  have  perplexed  our  revenues,  increased  our  debt, 
"  and  insulted  our  country,  though  we ,  must  suppose  not  agree- 
"  able  to  your  sentiments,  have  all  taken  place  under  your  ad- 


So  much  analogv  existed  between  the  cases  of  Ireland  and 
America,  that  it  became  the  fashion  both  in  and  out  of  parlia- 
ment to  put  them  on  a  parallel,  and  to  argue  indifferently  from 
one  and  the  other :  the  American  war  never  was  popular  either 
in  Great  Britain  or  Ireland  ;  but  in  the  latter  of  those  kingdoms, 
the  people  assumed  the  cause  of  America  from  sympathy ;  in 
the  former  they  abetted  it  upon  principle.  Government  was 
seriously  alarmed  at  the  honourable  light  in  which  the  American 
rebellion  was  generally  viewed,*  and  found  it  incumbent  upon 

*  The  American  dispute,  which  so  much  engag-ed  the  attention  of  every 
part  of  t,he  Britlsli  empire,  most  naturally  attracted  the  consideration  of  the 
citizens  of  Dublin.  In  1775,  the  Earl  of  Effingham,  finding  that  the  regiment 
in  which  he  served  was  destii^.ed  to  act  against  the  colonies,  thought  it  incon- 
sistent with  his  character  and  imbecoming  of  his  dignity  to  enforce  measures 
with  his  sword,  which  he,  had  condemned  in  his  legislative  capacity.  He 
therefore  wrote  a  letter  to  the  secretary  at  war,  resigning  his  comm.and  in  the 
army,  and  stating  his  reasons  for  it.  This  conduct  rendered  that  nobleman 
extremely  popular,  and  the  city  of  UubUn,  at  the  Midsummer  quarter  assem- 
bly, voted  public  thanks  to  Lord  Effingham,  "  for  having  consistently  with 
"  the  principles  of  a  true  Englishman  refused  to  draw  his  sword  against  the 
**  lives  and  liberties  of  his  feilow-subjects  in  America."  Soon  after  an  ad- 
dress of  thanks,  in  fuller  terms,  was  presented  to  him  from  the  guild  of  mer- 
chants of  Dublin  :  the  latter  also  presented  an  address  of  thanks  to  the  several 
peers,  who  (as  they  said)  "  in  support  of  the  constitution,  and  in  opposition 
"  to  a  weak  and  wicked  administration,  protested  against  tlie  Anierican  Re- 
"  straining  Bills."  This  address,  with  the  several  answers  of  the  lords  to 
whom  it  was  presented,  appeared  at  that  time  in  the  pxibllc  papers,  and  pro- 
duced a  very  strong-  sensation  throughout  the  nation.  The  sheriffs  and  com- 
mons of  Dublin  hud  for  some  lime  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  cyivcurrenc®  of 

VOL.    II.  S 


162  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

them  to  discredit  and  debase  the  cause  cf  America  to  the  ut- 
most. Lord  Harcourt,  in  closing  the  session,  assured  the  par- 
liament, that  it  must  give  sincere  pleasure  to  tvery  friend  of 
Ireland  to  reliect,  that  whilst  a  great  part  of  his  majesty's  do- 
minions in  America  was  torn  and  convulsed  by  a  most  unnatu- 
ral rebellion,  that  kingdom  wisely  and  affectionately  persevered 
in  its  duty,  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  tranquillity  and  abundance, 
and  cultivated  the  arts  of  peace,  and  the  improvements  of  com- 
merce, agriculture,  and  manufactures.  This  flattering  picture 
of  the  countrv,  however  admired  by  some,  evidently  bore  no 
resemblance  to  the  original.  The  fiscal  resources,  and  finan- 
cial state  of  a  country's  credit,  ever  weigh  heavy  in  the  scale  of 
national  prosperity.  The  expences  of  the  two  preceding  years 
ending  at  Lady-Bay,  17^5,  exceeded  the  revenue  by  247,7'97/. 
Oso  lOlr/.  The  national  debt  then  am.ounted  to  931,690/.  Is,  9^d, 
and  the  pensions  for  the  same  time  to  158,685/.  4s»  8^d,  Par- 
liament had  again  recourse  to  the  ill-judged  plan  of  raising 
175,000/.  by  another  tontine,  although  they  had  already  felt  the 
inconveniency  and  disadvantage  of  that  m.ode  of  borrowing. 
The  greatest  part  of  the  subscriptions  to  the  first  tontine  had 
been  m^ade  out  of  the  nation,  so  that  not  only  the  expence  of 
agency  WMs  incurred  for  the  payment  of  the  annuities  in  London, 
but  the  amount  of  those  annuities  being  remitted  out  of  the  king- 
dom became  an  additional  drain  to  its  specie,  and  consequently 
an  increase  of  the  evil  arising  from  absentees. 

The  first  octennial  parliament,  had  scarcely  lived  four  years, 
when  the  British  cabinet  found  it  expedient,  that  it  should  be 
dissolved.  This  parliament  had  during  the  last  session  in  two 
instances  opposed  their  mandates,  and  when  summoned  to  at- 
tend the  House  of  Peers,  the  commons  through  their  speaker 

the  tlien  lord  mayor  and  board  of  aldermen,  in  a  petition  to  tlie  throne,  ag-ainst 
the  measures  pursued  vvith  respect  to  the  colonies,  but  were  answered  by  the 
latter,  upon  their  first  application,  that  the  matter  was  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance, and  therefore  expedient.  Upon  a  subsequent  occasion,  however,  a 
committee  of  six  aldermen,  with  as  many  of  the  common  council,  was  appoint- 
ed to  draw  up  a  petition  and  address;  which  after  several  weeks  preparation 
or  delay,  being-  at  leng-th  accomplished,  the  petition  was  arrested  in  its  further 
progress,  by  a  negative  from  the  lord  mayor  and  aldermen.  Upon  this  disap- 
pointment, the  slierifts  and  commons  entered  into  resolutions,  which  they  pre- 
faced as  follows  :  Anxious  to  preserve  our  reputations,  from  the  odium,  that 
must  remain  to  all  posterity  on  the  names  of  those,  who  in  any  wise  promote 
the  acts  now  carrying  on  in  America ;  and  feeling  the  most  poigiiant  grief,  as 
well  on  account  of  the  injured  inhabitants  of  that  country,  as  on  that  of  our 
ov.^n  brave  countrymen,  sent  on  the  unnatural  errand  of  killing  their  fellow  sub- 
jects :  "  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen  to  exert  his  ut- 
*'  most  abilities  to  allay  the  unhappy  disputes,  tliat  at  present  disturb  the  Bri- 
**  tish  empire."  "  Resolved,  That  whoever  would  refuse  his  consent  to  a 
"  dutiful  petition  to  the  king,  tending  to  undeceive  his  majesty,  and  by  which 
"  it  could  be  hoped  that  the  effusion  of  one  drop  of  subject-blood  might  be 
"  prevented,  is  not  a  friend  to  the  British  constitution." 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  163 

macle  a  just  but  ungracious  and  ineftectual  representation  of  the 
state  of  the  nation.  These  symptoms  of  independency  alarmed 
government,  and  created  a  diaidence  in  the  steadiness  of  tlwse, 
who  had  enlisted  under  their  banners.  They  looked  to  more 
steady  submission  in  a  future  parliament,  and  dissolved  the 
present.  Mr.  Pery  was  re-elected  speaker  by  a  majority  of  141 
to  98.  The  lord  lieutenant  did  not  meet  the  nev/  parliament, 
which  was  convened  in  June,  1776,  pro  for  ma^  and  by  several 
prorogations  went  over  to  the  14th  of  October,  17/7. 

It  has  been  alread}^  mentioned,  that  in  the  session  of  1775  a 
message  from  his  majesty  had  been  sent  to  the  commons,  re- 
quiring the  use  of  4000  men  out  of  the  army  of  Ireland  for  fo- 
reign service,  and  proposing  to  replace  them  by  foreign  Protes- 
tant troops,  without  any  expence  to  that  country.  The  first 
part  of  the  proposal  was  complied  with,  but  the  acceptance  of 
foreign  troops  refused.  The  engagement  for  the  disposal  of  the 
public  money,  included  in  the  foregoing  message,  without  the 
consent  or  knowledge  of  the  British  House  of  Commons,  ren- 
dered this  subject  a  matter  of  discussion  in  that  body.  On  the 
15th  of  February,  1776,  Mr.  Thomas  Townshend  (afterwards 
Lord  Sidney),  there  introduced  it  as  a  breach  of  the  privileges 
of  that  house,  and  stated  his  complaint  in  the  following  words : 
"  That  the  Earl  of  Harcourt,  lord  lieutenant  general  and  gene- 
"  ral  governor  of  Ireland,  did,  on  the  23d  of  November  last,  in 
"  breach  of  the  privileges,  and  in  derogation  of  the  honour  and 
"  authority  of  that  house,  send  a  written  message  to  the  House 
"  of  Commons  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  signed  with  his 
"  own  hand,  to  the  following  effect ;"  having  then  recited  the 
message,  he  moved  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  enquire 
into  the  matter  of  the  said  complaint,  and  to  report  the  same,  as 
it  should  appear  to  them,  to  the  house.  This  gentleman  support- 
ed his  motion  with  great  ability,  and  was  equally  well  supported 
by  his  friends.  They  maintained,  that  the  privileges  of  the 
house,  though  applied  to  themselves  individually,  or  collectively 
in  a  more  refined  sense,  were  the  indubitable  right  of  all  the 
commons  of  England,  who  had  one  general  interest  in  them. 
That  though  each  of  these  were  an  object  of  consideration,  they 
all  sunk  to  a  very  inferior  degree  of  importance,  when  at  all 
placed  in  opposition  to,  or  compared  with  that  inestimable  pri- 
vilege, the  power  of  granting  money,  of  holding  the  purse  of 
their  constituents,  and  of  guarding  it  from  the  hands  of  violence, 
art,  or  fraud.  This  was  a  trust  of  the  first  magnitude,  which, 
in  fact,  included  every  other ;  for  while  that  was  preserved  invio- 
late, the  crown  would  remain  under  the  constitutional  control 
of  parliament ;  but  whenever  that  was  wrested  by  open  force, 
defeated  by  indirect  means,  or  done  away  by  fraud,  the  liberties 
and  privileges  of  the  people  would  be  for  ever  annihilated. 


164  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

They  pointed  out  the  wise,  commendable,  and  well-founded  jea» 
lousy  shewn  by  the  commons,  when  at  any  time,  even  the  other 
house  had  interfered  in  the  smallest  degree  with  that  great  pri- 
vilege; but  that  when  any  attempts  of  this  sort  were  made 
by  the  crown,  or  its  ministerial  agents,  they  immediately  caught 
the  alarm;  and  however  they  were  before  divided,  had,  at  all 
times,  uniformly  united,  as  if  actuated  by  one  soul,  in  resisting  the 
smallest  encroachment  upon  their  power  of  granting  or  refusing 
their  own  money  and  that  of  their  constituents.  They  said,  that  the 
message  in  question  presented  facts,  and  contained  matters  of  the 
most  suspicious  and  alarming  nature.  That  if  the  conditions  it 
held  out  had  been  accepted,  the  parliament  of  England  would  have 
been  pledged  to  that  of  Ireland  for  the  payment  of  8000  men,  only, 
to  have  the  use  of  4000;  so  tliat  Ireland  was  to  be  bribed  into  an 
acceptance  of  this  insidious  bargain,  by  retaining  her  usual  estab- 
lishment as  to  number,  while  she  was  to  be  eased  of  one  third  of 
the  burthen.  That  such  a  proposition  could  only  have  originated 
from  the  worst  designs,  as  the  absurdity,  they  said,  was  too  glaring 
to  be  charged  to  any  degree  of  folly.  But  that  the  nature  of  the 
bargain  was  a  matter  of  little  consequence,  when  put  in  compe- 
tition with  that  double  violation  of  the  constitution,  that  daring 
temerity,  of  engaging  f@r  the  payment  of  sums  of  money,  and 
venturing  to  propose  the  introduction  of  foreign  forces,  without 
the  consent  of  parliament.  Some  gentlemen  v/ent  as  far  as  to 
say,  that  no  doubt  could  be  entertained  of  the  designs,  from 
whence  these  propositions  originated.  One  was  an  experiment 
on  the  Irish  parliament,  to  try  if  it  could  be  induced  to  consent 
to  the  reception  of  foreign  troops,  thereby  to  establish  a  prece- 
dent, which  might  be  afterwards  applied  to  other  purposes. 
The  other  had  also  its  fixed  object:  it  was  a  scheme,  they  said, 
however  deep,  formed  on  very  simple  principles,  and  went  di- 
rectly to  vest  in  the  crown  a  virtual  power  of  taxing,  as  oppor- 
tunity might  serve,  both  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  In  Ireland, 
the  minister  was  to  be  taught  to  ask  some  favour  ;  then  England 
was  to  be  pledged.  In  England  again,  when  such  circum- 
stances occurred,  as  rendered  the  attempt  impracticable,  Ireland 
was  to  be  taxed,  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  British  legis- 
lature. In  the  mean  time,  it  prepared  the  minds  of  the  people, 
and  habituated  them  to  such  notions,  as  would  by  degrees  be  the 
means  of  reducing  the  parliament  of  each  to  be  the  mere  instru- 
mental agents  of  the  crown,  without  the  least  degree  of  will  or 
independency  whatever.  Administration  seemed  in  an  odd 
situation  upon  this  attack.  The  matter  was  serious  ;  the  offer 
of  introducing  foreign  troops  without  the  previous  consent  of 
parliament,  indeed  to  introduce  them  at  all  as  a  permanent  part 
pf  our  establishment,  could  not  be  a  matter  of  ittdifference  to 
the  constitution  and  safety  of  this  kingdom.     On  this  occasioi>, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  165 

lio  small  marks  of  the  want  of  concert  and  system  appeared  in 
the  grounds,  upon  which  this  measure  was  explained  and  de- 
fended in  the  debate.  The  minister  disavowed  those  specific 
instructions,  upon  which  it  was  supposed  the  message  must  have 
been  founded ;  but  acknowledged  his  general  co-operation,  in 
matters  relative  to  the  government  of  Ireland.  Both  he,  and 
another  lord,  then  lately  come  into  administration,  disclaimed 
all  responsibility  whatever,  for  the  conduct  of  his  majesty's  ser« 
vants  in  that  kingdom.  They  said  in  general  or  separately,  that 
the  viceroy  might  have  mistaken,  or  exceeded  his  instructions ; 
that  he  might  not  have  conveyed  his  meaning  in  the  clearest 
terms ;  but  that  there  was  no  relation  between  the  British 
ministry  and  the  king's  servants  in  that  country,  which  rendered 
the  former  in  any  degree  accountable  for  these  matters,  and 
consequently  they  could  not  be  affected  by  any  censure  grounded 
upon  them.  Some  of  the  gentlemen  in  opposition  considered 
the  business  as  of  somewhat  a  less  dangerous  nature,  from  the 
schemes  not  being  carried  into  execution.  They  held,  that 
the  spirit  and  magnanimity  of  Ireland,  in  rejecting  the  foreign 
troops,  and  in  refusing  to  accept  the  offer  for  lessening  her  own 
burthen  by  throwing  a  part  of  it  upon  Great  Britain,  had  already 
obviated  the  mischievous  tendency  of  that  measure ;  so  that 
the  only  object  of  censure  now  remaining,  was  the  evil  intention 
from  which  it  originated.  They  also  held,  that  the  whole 
weight  of  the  censure  would  fall  upon  the  lord  lieutenant,  who 
was  merely  ministerial  in  the  business,  while  those  who  were 
really  culpable  would  not  only  pass  untouched,  but  very  possibly, 
from  some  crooked  motive  of  policy,  might  rejoice  in  the  ill- 
placed  effect.  After  very  considerable  debates,  the  question 
being  put,  near  twelve  at  night,  the  motion  for  a  committee  was 
rejected  upon  a  division,  by  a  majority  of  224  to  106.  A  motion 
was  then  made  for  laying  the  votes  of  the  Irish  commons,  of 
some  specified  dates,  and  relative  to  this  business,  before  the 
house,  which  passed  in  the  negative  v/ithout  a  division.  This 
was  succeeded  by  the  following  motion,  "  That  it  is  highly 
"  derogatory  to  the  honour,  and  a  violent  breach  of  the  privi- 
"  leges  of  this  house,  and  a  dangerous  infringement  of  the 
"  constitution,  for  any  person  whatever  to  presume  to  pledge  his 
"  majesty's  royal  word  to  the  house  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland: 
"  that  any  part  of  the  troops  upon  the  establishment  of  that 
"  kingdom  shall,  upon  being  sent  out  of  that  kingdom,  become 
"  a  charge  upon  Great  Britain,  without  the  consent  of  this  house, 
"  or  for  any  person  to  presume  to  offer  to  the  House  of  Com- 
"  mons  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  without  the  consent  of  this 
"  house,  that  such  national  troops,  so  sent  out  of  Ireland,  shall 
^'  be  replaced  by  foreign  troops,  at  the  expence  of  Great  Britain." 


165  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Th6  motion  for  this  resolution  was  lost,  by  putting  the  previous* 
question,  without  a  division.* 

The  British  cabinet  was  little  satisfied  with  the  administra- 
tion of  Lord  Harcourt:  the  easy  and  delicate  turn  of  his  mind 
ill  qualified  him  to  support,  much  less  to  improve  upon  the 
system  of  his  predecessor :  but  by  which  alone,  to  the  infamy 
and  misfortune  of  Ireland,  the  legislators  of  that  kingdom  were 
to  be  kept  steady  in  their  ranks  to  i\\t  fiat  of  the  castle.  Although 
government  upon  the  whole  still  retained  a  considerable  majo- 
rity, yet  several  of  their  adherents  had  occasionally,  during  the 
last  session,  proved  recreant  from  their  instructions  \  some  had 
deserted  their  ranks,  many  amongst  them  wavered,  menaced, 
and  complained  of  the  terms  of  their  engagements.  It  was 
therefore  resolved  to  invigorate  the  new  system  by  the  election 
of  a  new  parliament.  For  this  purpose  an  unusual,  and  till  that 
time  unprecedented,  number  of  promotions  in  the  peerage  took 
place  in  one  day.f  Many  other  engines  were  in  the  mean  time 
put  in  motion  for  the  same  purpose.  Shortly  before  this  gene- 
ral promotion  took  place,  Mr.  Sawbridge,  then  lord  mayor  of 
London,  moved  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,^  that  his 
majesty's  colonies  in  America  be  continued  upon  the  same  foot- 
ing of  giving  and  granting  their  money,  as  his  majesty's  sub- 
jects in  Ireland  were,  by  their  own  representatives :  on  which 
occasion,  the  Honourable  Temple  Luttrell^  observed,  that  such 
esteem  had  he  for  the  right  honourable  magistrate's  disposition 
and  talents,  that  if  he  were  to  form  a  constitution  for  the  colonies 
to  satisfy  his  own  mind,  he  would  have  their  interests  and  hap- 
piness better  provided  for,  than  by  giving  them  a  constitution 
on  the  model  of  that  of  Ireland.  A  people  so  wretched,  so 
X)ppressed  were  scarcely  to  be  found  in  anv  civilized  part  of  the 
globe. II  Too  many  and  too  crying  were  the  proofs  of  the  national 

*  The  violence  of  party  spirit  will  often  render  it  difficult  for  the  historian  to 
extract  the  impartial  spirit  of  a  debate  :  to  avoid  therefore  any  imputation  of 
partiality  or  bias,  the  candid  reader  is  referred  to  the  whole  debate  on  this 
subject  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXIV. 

f  It  far  exceeded  the  famous  promotion  of  twelve  in  the  days  of  Queen 
Anne.  Five  viscounts  were  advanced  to  Earldoms,  seven  barons  to  be  vis- 
counts, and  eighteen  new  barons  were  created  in  the  same  day.  The  usual 
terms  of  such  modern  peerag-es  are  well  imderstood  to  be  an  engagement  to 
support  the  cause  of  their  promoters  by  their  individual  votes  in  the  House 
of  Peers,  and  by  those  of  their  substitutes  in  the  House  of  Commons,  whose 
seats  are  usually  settled  and  arranged  before  they  vacate  them  upon  their  pro* 
motions. 

\  Viz.  on  the  10th  of  May,  1776.  §  3  Parliamentary  Debates,  p.  392. 

}|  Then  with  allusion  to  the  intended  creation  of  Baron  Macdonald  he  ob- 
served :  "  Nor  could  a  more  substantial  injury,  or  a  more  humiliating  insult  he 
*'  offered  by  a  ])aramount  nation  to  one  of  its  dependences,  than  what  Ireland 
«'  would  experience  at  the  hands  of  a  British  ministry  within  forty-eiglit  hours, 
"  if  his  infoi-mation  proved  authentic.  An  English  minister  had  abused  the 
*■'  confidence  of  his  royal  master  so  far,  as  to  prevail  with  him,  in  his  character 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  167 

calamity  and  distress  of  the  Irish,  to  place  this  saying  of  Mr. 
Temple  Luttrell  to  the  account  of  declamation  or  the  heat  of 
party. 

The  English  ministers  hecame  daily  more  embarrassed  and 
perplexed  by  the  encreasing  difficulties  of  carrying  on  the  Ameri- 
can war,  which  hourly  became  more  unpopular  at  home,  and 
less  successful  abroad.  The  analogy  of  the  cases  of  America 
and  Ireland  necessarily  drew  their  attention  to  this  latter  coun- 
try, and  forced  them  to  smooth  the  vray  for  a  new  viceroy, 
impiicit;ly devoted  to  their  whole  system.  Lord  Buckingham- 
shire went  over  the  sv/orn  servant  of  the  British  cabinet ;  and 
lest  there  should  be  a  knot  in  the  thread  of  subserviency,  he  took 
over  his  attorney,  Mr.  Heron,  for  his  secretary.  The  critical, 
alarming,  and  embarrassed  situation  of  Ireland  at  that  juncture 
certainly  called  for  a  larger  share  of  political  knowledge,  expe- 
rience, and  address,  than  either  that  lord  lieutenant  or  his 
secretary  carried  over.  And  we  must  not  dissemble,  that  a 
modest  consciousness  of  his  own  inadequacy  to  fill  the  arduous 
situation  appeared  in  his  speech  to  the  new  parliament  in  Octo- 
ber, 1777.^  "  His  majesty,"  said  he,  "  has  been  graciously 
"  pleased  to  honour  me  with  a  most  distinguished  mark  of  his 
"  confidence  in  appointing  me  to  the  government  of  Ireland ; 

**  of  king  of  Ireland,  to  create  hereditary  leg-islators  for  that  island  from  the 
«*  clans  of  the  mountains  of  Scotland.  Men,  who  in  their  private  characters, 
**  he  believed  to  be  not  only  irreproachable  but  amiable  and  praise-worthy, 
"  of  authority  and  hig-li  descent  amidst  their  own  thaneships,  yet  whose  public 
'*  pretensions  in  the  year  1715  and  1745  (for  he  never  heard  of  any  other)  noAV 
"  construed  loyalty,  were  still  in  the  eye  of  our  constitution,  acts  of  infamy  and 
*'  rebellion.  He  should  be  told,  perhaps,  that  this  power  was  a  part  of  th© 
*'  rightful  prerog-ative  of  the  crown;  an  idea,  to  which  he  could  never  subscribe, 
*'  while  he  remembered  the  wise  and  sterling  definition  of  prerogative  given 
«*  us  by  Mr.  Locke,  who  says,  "  'tis  a  discretionary  power  of  acting  for  the 
«'  public  good,  where  the  positive  laws  are  silent ;  if  that  discretionary  power 
*'  be  abused  to  the  public  detriment,  such  prerogative  is  exerted  in  an  uncon- 
"  stitutional  manner."  Was  this  acting  for  the  public  good  ?  To  bestow  thoso 
«'  privileges  and  pi-e-eminences,  which  are  attached  to  a  peerage  of  a  kingdom, 
*'  on  persons  whose  names  and  families  are  utterly  unknoA\m  to  the  natives  of 
*'  such  kingdom,  and  without  any  ties  of  property,  of  local  services  or  affeC"* 
*'  tion  ?  Barons  whose  blood  has  been  tainted  by  an  open  violation  of  the  laws 
"  of  their  own  country,  are,  in  preference  to  the  best  gentlemen  of  Ireland, 
**  sent  over  to  possess  the  most  honourable  seats  ui  the  senate,  to  enact  public 
«'  statutes,  and  judge  upon  personal  inheritances  in  the  dernier  resort."  Mr. 
Rigby,  who  had  advised  the  right  honourable  magistrate  to  define  the  consti- 
tution of  Ireland,  before  he  proposed  it  to  be  adopted  by  the  colonists  :  re- 
marked, that  with  respect  to  the  Scotch  peers,  the  mountaineer  lords,  as  they 
were  called,  he  believed  the  creation  would  do  no  harm,  if  it  did  no  good  :  what 
good  it  would  do  them,  was  best  known  to  themselves  :  but  he  must  observe, 
that  the  case  was  not  without  more  precedents  than  one.  It  must  be  admitted, 
that  the  defence  of  Mr.  Rigby,  as  the  organ  of  government,  against  the  charge 
of  depreciating  the  Irish  peerage,  by  lavishing  it  on  persons  no  way  connected 
with  or  interested  in  the  welfare  of  that  kingdom,  was  not  very  satisfactory 
at  least  to  the  Irish. 
*  9  Com.  Journ.  p.  309. 


168  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  with  ease  he  might  have  found  an  abler  minister,  with  diffi- 
"  culty  one  more  anxiously  solicitous  to  justify  his  choice  in 
"  meriting  your  approbation.  Influenced  by  that  benevolent 
*'  spirit,  which  may  justly  command  the  affections  of  all  his 
"  subjects,  his  instructions  to  me  are  to  co-operate  with  hispar- 
"  liament  in  every  measure,  which  can  promote  the  improve- 
"  ment,  insure  the  happiness,  and  cherish  the  true  interests  of 
"  this  kingdom.  I  decline  making  any  professions  relative  to 
"  my  future  conduct ;  it  is  by  the  tenor  of  my  actions,  that  the 
"  character  of  my  administration  must  be  determined." 

When  the  commons  addressed  to  his  excellency  their  thanks 
for  his  speech,  they  very  significantly  assured  him,  that  they 
founded  their  hopes  of  his  administration  upon  better  omens, 
than  those  of  mere  assurances,  and  they  were  happy  in  having  a 
chief  governor,  who  chose  rather  to  rest  his  character  upon 
his  conduct  than  his  professions.  Certain  it  is,  that  when 
Lord  Bugkinghamshire  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  he 
found  the  country  in  a  most  deplorable  state  of  calamity  and 
distress.^"     In  Dublin,  numbers  of  wretched  manufacturers  had 

*  Stronger  proofs  cannot  be  adduced  of  national  distress  than  the  petitions 
of  certain  "bodies  of  men,  who  were  fallen  from  opulence  and  prosperity  into 
the  common  calamity.  Thus  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, from  the  merchants  and  traders  of  Cork,  setting  forth  that  about  the 
month  of  November,  1770,  an  embargo  was  laid  on  all  ships  laden  with  pro- 
visions, and  bound  from  that  kingdom  to  foreign  countries,  which  was  still 
continued  by  government,  and  had  been  very  strictly  enforced  :  that  in  conse- 
quence of  that  long  embargo,  an  extensive  beneficial  trade,  carried  on  for  se- 
veral years  by  that  kingdom  to  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Holland,  for  the 
supply  of  provisions,  had  been  not  only  interrupted,  but  was  in  danger  of  being 
entirely  lost ;  the  petitioners  being  informed,  that  the  merchants  of  these 
countries  were  respectively  stocked  and  provided  from  Russia,  Sweden,  Den- 
mark, and  Hamburgh,  whereby  the  usual  returns  to  that  kingdom  were  dis- 
continued, new  enemies  to  our  commerce  were  raised,  and  our  commodities 
rendered  useless  and  unprofitable.  That  great  quantities  of  salt  beef,  not  fit 
for  the  use  of  government  or  the  sug-ar  colonies,  being  made  up  in  that  city, 
and  also  great  quantities  of  beef  and  butter  being  annually  brought  to  that 
market,  these  commodities  of  a  perishable  nature  were  there  decaying  for 
want  of  a  free  export,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  proprietors  in  particular,  and 
of  the  kingdom  in  general.  That  in  support  of  these  assertions,  there  then  re- 
mained on  hand,  since  the  preceding  year,  a  very  considerable  quantity  of  pro- 
visions, the  property  of  several  merchants  in  that  city,  not  wanted  by  govern- 
ment, and  therefore  without  opportunity  of  sale  ;  and  although  a  considerable 
part  of  the  season,  ia  wliich  those  articles  were  made  up  and  exported,  had 
already  elapsed,  no  demand  whatsoever  then  existed  for  them,  except  for  such 
quantities  as  were  required  by  government  alone.  That  his  majesty's  revenue, 
which  before  had  received  large  and  constant  supplies  from  the  Customs  of 
the  city  of  Cork,  had  decreased  in  proportion  to  the  decay  of  their  trade.  That 
the  embargo,  therefore,  at  that  time  not  being  warranted  by  any  great  sub- 
stantial necessity,  but  on  the  contrar^v,  restraining  and  preventing  the  diffusion 
of  trade,  v/as  pregnant  with  the  most  ruinous  consequences,  not  only  to  the 
commercial,  but  also  to  the  landed  interests  of  that  nation  ;  and  therefore  the 
petitioners  prayed  redress. 

The  manufacturers  in  Dubhn  also  petitioned  parliament  that  session,  stating, 
that  being  made  acquainted  with  the  extreme  distress  of  the  working  manufac- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  169 

been  reduced  to  extreme  indigence,  and  would  have  absolutely 
perished,  had  they  not  been  supported  by  public  charity :  nor 
was  government  able  to  make  grants,  either  to  promote  industry 
or  to  relieve  the  national  calamities.  Every  branch  of  the  re- 
venue failed,  and  such  was  the  poverty  of  the  nation,  that  the 
militia  law  could  not  be  carried  into  effect.  Ireland  could  not 
pay  her  forces  abroad,  and  was  obliged  to  borrow  monev  from 
England  to  pay  those  at  home.  The  parliament  was  necessi- 
tated to  raise  money  at  an  exorbitant  interest ;  the  expences  in 
2  777  having  amounted  to  above  80,000/.  more  than  the  reve- 
nue: 166,000/.  were  therefore  borrowed,  and  attempted  to  be 
raised  in  the  old  manner  upon  debentures  at  4/.  per  cent. 

So  truly  desperate  was  the  financial  state  of  Ireland,  that  like 
desponding  bankrupts,  the  commons  undertook  to  grant,  what 

turers  and  their  families,  consequent  to  the  want  of  employment,  had  for  some 
time  past  associated  themselves,  in  order  to  advise  and  administer  the  most 
eftectual  relief  in  theii-  power  ;  that,  aided  by  the  liberal  benefactions  of  many 
others,  they  had  daily  swpplied  the  craving-  necessities  of  above  twenty  thou- 
sand persons,  numbers  of  whom  must  else  have  actually  perished  for  want  of 
food.  That  the  petitioners,  well  aware  how  much  more  desirable  it  was  in 
every  respect,  to  enable  the  poor  to  earn  their  own  livelihood,  than  to  support 
them  in  idleness,  early  directed  their  attention  to  that  important  object,  and 
resolved  to  apply  as  much  of  the  fund,  which  the  public  liberality  had  suj^phed, 
as  could  be  spared  from  the  imnvediate  relief  of  present  urgent  necessity,  to 
the  purpose  of  bounties  on  manufactvu-es  purchased  by  v.holesale  buyers  within 
a  short  time,  hoping  that  measure  might  have  created  a  useful  demand  ;  but 
they  presently  found  the  cause  of  the  distress  to  be  of  too  great  a  magnitude 
to  be  aifected  by  their  feeble  efforts.  From  the  best  information  that  had  been 
obtained,  and  the  most  probable  calculations  that  could  be  formed,  the  peti- 
tioners had  reason  to  believe  that  there  were  manufactures  in  Dublin  of  wool, 
worsted,  silk,  linen,  and  cottcjn,  to  the  aniount  of  at  least  300,000/.  hing  on  the 
hands  of  makers,  for  which  there  was  not  any  demand,  tlie  shopkeepers,  and 
retailers  being  already  loaded  with  very  heavy  stocks ;  whereas  at  that  season 
of  the  year  the  usual  demand  for  most  of  these  manufactures  had  been  so  great 
as  entirely  to  take  oli"  the  goods  from  the  makers.  The  petitioners,  tlierefore 
l)egged  leave  to  observe,  that  such  unhappy  circumstances  utterly  incapaci- 
tated the  manufacturers  from  proceeding  in  tJieir  respective  branches  of  busi- 
ness, and  giving  employment  to  the  poor.  That  it  would  be  an  indignity  to* 
the  wisdom  and  humanity  of  the  house,  for  the  petitioners  to  attemf)t  to  expa- 
tiate on  the  importance  and  iiecessity  of  furnishing  employment  to  the  lower 
orders  of  the  people,  or  on  the  present  affecting  miseries  of  the  poor  of  the 
city  of  Dublin  ;  and  it  would  as  ill  become  them  to  presume  to  point  out  modes 
of  relief.  That  it  was  only  for  the  petitioners  to  bring  that  great  subject  to 
the  view  of  the  house,  to  state  the  facts,  which  had  come  to  their  knowled^^e, 
and  when  required  to  support  them  by  evidence  ;  having  u  most  perfect  confi- 
dence, that  such  rehef  as  should  appear  necessary  and  adequate,  would  not 
be  less  freely  granted  tlian  it  was  earnestly  wished  and  prayed  for  by  tiie  pe- 
tioners.  Anotlier  petition  was  also  presented  from  the  manufacturers  of  silk 
wool,  linen,  and  cotlon,  in  the  city  of  Dublin  and  libeities  adjoining;  setting 
forth,  that  the  petitioners  frojn  want  of  trade,  were  overloaded  with^goods  for 
wliich  there  was  no  demand,  amounting  to  upwards  of  300,000/.  That  having 
worked  up  their  capitals  and  credit,  and  finding  no  sale  for  their  goods, 
they  had  been  under  the  painful  necessity  of  discontinuing  employment  to  the 
working  people,  whereby  they  and  tlicir  families,  to  the  number  »f  many  thou- 
.sands,  v.ore  reduced  to  extreme  po^"crty. 

VOL.    II.  Y 


iro  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

they  knew  they  had  not  the  means  of  paying^.  Even  the  mi* 
nisterial  party  could  not  be  blind  to  their  situation.  They  would 
not  however  permit  any  question  to  be  brought  forward  upon 
the  state  of  the  country  in  the  commons,  lest  too  strong  resolu- 
tions upon  it  should  be  carried,  or  their  opposition  to  them 
should  appear  even  too  rank  for  their  own  system.  They  ac- 
cordingly had  again  recourse  to  the  half  measure  of  conveying 
their  imperfect  sense  of  the  distressful  state  of  the  country 
through  their  speaker,  who  in  presenting  the  first  four  money 
bills  passed  in  that  sessions  addressed  himself  to  the  lord  lieute- 
nant in  the  following  manner  : 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

"  The  same  principle  of  duty,  which  directed 
"  the  proceedings  of  the  last  parliament,  has  eminently  distin- 
*'  guished  the  present  in  this  their  first  session  of  business,  a 
'*  certain  proof,  that  it  is  not  confined  to  any  class  of  men,  but 
*'  actuates  the  whole  mass  of  the  people  in  this  kingdom.  The 
"  commons,  however  disappointed  in  their  hopes,  that  the  large 
"  sums,  which  had  been  raised  to  discharge  debts  successively 
"  incurred,  and  the  great  addition  of  taxes,  which  had  been  im- 
"  posed  to  prevent  any  future  deficiency,  would  have  proved 
"  effectual  for  those  purposes,  have  now  made  provision  for  a 
"  new  arrear  of  166,000/.  which  they  could  not  accomplish  with- 
"  out  a  new  loan  ;  to  pay  the  interest  of  which,  they  have  been 
"  obliged  to  engage  the  scanty  remnant  of  the  former  loan  du- 
''  ties,  the  only  fund  now  left  ;  in  this  they  have  consulted  more 
*'  the  honour  of  his  majesty's  government  than  the  ability  of 
"  the  nation.  But,  however  discouraging  the  present  state  of 
''  affairs  may  be  to  them,  it  will  afford  your  excellency  a  favour- 
*'  able  occasion,  which  they  doubt  not  you  will  improve,  of  do- 
.• '  ing  a  signal  service  to  this  country,  by  laying  before  his  ma- 
*' jesty  the  difficulty,  under  which  it  labours,  and  by  explaining 
•  '^  the  necessity  either  of  limiting  the  expence,  or  of  extending 
"  the  trade  of  this  kingdom.  They  place  unbounded  confidence 
"  in  his  majesty's  wisdom,  justice,  and  paternal  care  of  all  his 
"  subjects,  and  they  rely  on  your  excellency's  candour  and  hu- 
*'  manity  to  make  a  faithful  representation  to  his  majesty  of 
*'  their  unshaken  loyalty,  duty,  and  affection." 

Although  the  House  of  Commons  had  through  the  organ  of 
their  speaker  conveyed  these  sentiments  to  the  lord  lieutenant, 
which  it  should  seem  ought  to  have  committed  them  to  follow 
up  the  spirit  of  them  with  effect ;  yet  in  the  division,  which  took 
place  on  the  6th  of  February,  1778,  of  143  against  66,  we  read 
|;he  melancholy  perversity  of  a  system,  which  binds  the  mem- 
bers to  vote  against,  what  on  any  other  occasion  than  that  of  a  di- 
vision of  their  house,  they  individually  and  collectively  admit  and 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  in 

^prove  of.  Thus  were  the  approved  principles,  spirit,  and 
substance  of  their  speaker's  address  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  when 
carried  into  detail  and  practice,  rejected  by  the  very  persons, 
who  were  supposed  to  have  spoken  through  the  mouth  of  the 
approver.  The  patriots  however,  although  sensible,  that  no 
motion  from  their  side  of  the  house  would  ever  be  adopted  by 
the  majority,  who  in  Lord  Clare's  phrase  were  kept  steady  in 
their  ranks,  yet  they  resolved,  that  their  zealous,  though  ineffec- 
tual exertions  to  heal  the  wounds  of  their  expiring  country 
should  be  handed  down  to  posterity,  whose  impartial  judgment 
no  interest  would  sway.  After  the  speech  of  the  lord  lieutenant 
to  both  houses  of  parliament  had  been  read  by  order,  a  motion 
was  made,  and  the  question  put  (though  afterwards  negatived  bv 
a  majority  of  77\  "  *That  an  humble  address  be  presented 
to  his  majesty,  humbly  to  lay  ourselves  at  his  majesty's  feet,  to 
assure  him  of  our  unshaken  affection  to  his  person  and  govern- 
ment, to  lay  before  him  the  state  of  this  nation,  declaring  our 
readiness  and  zeal  to  support,  in  the  most  honourable  manner, 
the  necessary  expences  of  his  government,  and  the  dignity  of 
his  crown ;  that,  however  in  the  present  session  of  parliament 
we  have  granted  the  supplies  which  were  asked  for  the  support 
of  the  present  establishments,  yet  we  should  deceive  his  majesty 
if  we  suffered  him  from  thence  to  conceive,  that  the  expence  of 
those  establishments  could  meet  with  the  continued  support,  or 
entire  approbation  of  his  faithful  commons.  That  the  expences 
of  his  majesty's  government  have  so  increased  in  the  course  of 
twenty  years,  that  the  charge  of  the  civil  list  alone  has  nearly 
doubled  in  that  period.  That  one  of  the  many  causes  of  that 
increase  is  the  rapid  and  astonishing  growth  of  the  pension  list, 
now  more  than  ever  an  object  of  universal  complaint;  a  list, 
which  does  now  greatly  exceed  the  expences  of  all  other  charges 
of  the  civil  list,  even  in  its  present  state,  and  does  considerably 
exceed  the  whole  civil  list  at  Lady-day,  1  775^  and  is  nearly  dou- 
ble the  charge  of  tlie  pension  list  at  that  period,  when  it  was 
so  extravagant,  that  the  commons,  sensible  of  its  weight,  entered 
unanimously  into  the  following  resolution,  which,  with  many 
otheis  against  it,  were  laid  before  his  late  majesty : 

"  Resolved^  That  the  granting  of  so  much  of  the  public  reve- 
"  nue  in  pensions,  is  an  improvident  disposition  of  the  revenue, 
"  an  injury  to  the  crown,  and  detrimental  to  the  public."  That 
this  increase  in  the  pension  list  is  more  severely  felt  by  his 
majesty's  subjects,  when  they  consider  that  its  present  extrava- 
gance does  not  appear  to  have  any  foundation  or  excuse  in  the 
public  service,  or  private  want  of  those,  v/ho  principally  compose 
it;   and  his  majesty's  faithful  subjects  have  reason  to  believe, 

*  9  Com.  Journ.  p.  406. 


1/2  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  in  a  list  so  greatly  augmented  in  favour  of  such  persons, 
and  in  times  of  accumulating  debt,  the  real  names  of  some  of 
those  pensioners,  and  the  merits  of  more,  have  not  been  truly 
Jaid  before  him.  That  another  cause  of  this  increase  is,  a  number 
of  new,  great,  and  additional  salaries  in  the  nature  of  pensions, 
annexed  to  lesser  offices,  mostly  sinecures,  or  of  so  insignificant 
a  trust,  that  the  frugality  of  former  times  allotted  to  them  small 
salaries.  That  another  cause  is  the  creation  of  new  employ- 
ments, or  the  annexing  great  salaries  to  old  offices,  that  became 
obsolete,  because  they  were  useless.  That  offices  so  created, 
or  revived,  or  endowed  with  great  additional  salaries,  are  become 
a  heavy  charge  upon  his  majesty's  faithful  subjects,  unnecessary 
to  the  dignity  of  his  crown,  and  under  a  prince  of  less  virtue, 
dangerous  to.  the  constitution.. ..That  his  majesty's  predecessors 
were  graciously  pleased  to  confine  military  contingences  and 
concGrdatumto  certain  bounds  ;  but  in  the  last  two  years,  during 
a  considerable  part  of  which  time  a  great  proportion  of  the  army 
was  not  on  the  establishment,  the  exceedings  on  military  contin- 
gencies were  greater  by  far  than  in  the  two  former  years,  and 
greater  tlian  ever  was  known  in  Ireland,  of  which  unexampled 
excess,  a  very  considerable  part  does  not  appear  to  be  expended 
for  military  purposes,  but  is  an  inferior  pension  list,  applied  to 
the  use  of  persons,  many  of  whom,  from  their  occupation  or  sex, 
cannot  be  comprehended  within  the  meaning  of  a  military 
contingency.  That  the  charge  for  exceedings  on  concordat 
tiim^  like  that  of  military  contingencies,  has  greatly  exceeded  its 
limit,  and  in  its  excess  and  application  is  a  grievance.  That  the 
original  establishment  was  10,000/.  that  the  exceeding  of  Lady- 
4ay,  1777,  v/as  above  50,000/.  an  exceeding  greater  than  ever 
^yas  known  before,  part  of  which  was  for  secret  service,  an 
expence  suspicious  from  its  nature,  and  alarming  from  its 
growth.  That  the  exceedings  on  military  contingencies  and 
copxor datum  are  the  more  an  object  of  our  jealousy,  as  we  pre- 
sume they  are  the  more  unbounded,  because  they  do  not  come 
under  the  previous  inspection  of  his  majest)',  and  to  this  we 
attribute  the  abuses  which  have  prevailed  in  both,  and  the  appli- 
cation of  great  sums  of  public  money  to  purposes,  which  do  not 
seem  to  belong  to  said  establishments,  or  to  any  branch  of  the 
expence  of  government. 

That  in  1773,  his  majesty's  faithful  commons  did  grant  seve- 
ral new  duties  ;  that  they  -were  induced  to  such  grant  by  a  reli- 
ance then  had  on  the  faith  of  his  majesty's  ministers,  plighted 
by  the  most  solemn  assurances  publicly  made  to  his  commons, 
that  the  thenexpencesof  governmentshould  be  greatlyretrenched, 
so  that  the  new  grants  of  the  people,  and  the  stipulated  retrench- 
ment by  the  ministry,  should  unite  to  establsh  a  system  of 
equalization,  and  put  an  end  to  the  ruinous  practice  of  running 
;n  debt.     That  his  majesty's  faithful  commons  have  performed 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  ns 

their  part  of  the  engagement,  by  raising  the  revenue ;  but  that  the 
expences  of  this  government,  instead  of  being  diminished,  have 
been  beyond  example  increased,  insomuch  that  the  commons 
did,  in  this  session  of  parliament,  come  unanimously  to  the  fol- 
lowing resolutions :  "  Resolved^  That  the  nett  produce  of  the 
"  unappropriated  revenue  for  the  two  years  ending  at  Lady-day, 
"  1777,  as  stated  in  the  accomptant-generars  paper,  No.  5, 
"  including  occasional  payments,  exceeded  the  produce  of  the 
"  said  revenue  for  the  two  years,  ending  at  Lady-day,  1775,  in 
"  the  sum  of  214,297/.  5s,  il|<7'."  "  Resolved^  That  the  charge 
"  of  the  military  establishment  from  Lady-day,  1775,  to  Lady- 
"  day,  1777^  was  less  than  the  charge  of  that  establishment  in 
"  the  two  former  years,  in  the  sum  of  98,240/.  16^.  4|«^." 
"  Resolved^  That  it  appears  from  the  accomptant-generaFs  paper, 
"  No.  3,  that  the  total  amount  of  public  charges,  exclusive  of 
"  appropriated  funds,  and  deducting  the  charge  on  account  of 
"  Duncannon  Fort,  for  the  two  years  ending  Lady-day,  1777, 
"  v/as  1,629,073/.  5s,  2\d,  and  exceeded  the  produce  of  the  reve- 
"  nue  applicable  thereto,  in  the  sum  of  82,130/.  19.9.  Irt'."  "  That 
it  appears,  that  the  highest  revenue  ever  known  in  this  coun- 
try^ does  not  equal  the  expences  of  government,  even  when  a 
great  proportion  of  the  army  is  not  on  the  establishment.  That 
the  bounty  of  his  majesty's  commons  has  hnd  little  effect, 
other  than  to  encourage  new  and  unnecessary  expences,  whereby 
his  faithful  commons  are  subject  to  a  still  accumulating  debt ; 
and  likewise  to  those  taxes  granted  for  the  sole  purpose  of  putting 
an  end  to  so  ruinous  a  practice.  That  as  the  expences  of  govern- 
ment when  the  army  return,  will  be  considerably  greater,  so  the 
revenue  upon  an  average  calculation,  will  be  probably  less  than 
in  the  two  last  years  :  that  the  revenues  have  already  gone  back 
in  the  half  year  ending  last  September,  above  100,000/.  And 
accordingly  his  majesty's  ministers,  finding  themselves  unable 
to  support  the  present  charges  of  government,  without  increas- 
ing the  debt  of  the  nation,  though  aided  by  all  the  new  taxes, 
and  though  a  great  proportion  of  the  army  was  not  upon  the 
establishment,  did  apply  for  a  loan  of  160,000/.  bringing  down 
the  arrear  to  the  29th  of  last  September,  a  method  which  has 
not  been  the  usual  resort  of  his  majesty's  ministers,  and  which 
bespeaks  their  sense  of  the  state  of  the  nation. 

That,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war,  his  majesty  was  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  order  the  then  chief  governor  of  Ireland,  to 
recommend  to  his  faithful  commons  a  diminution  of  the  then 
debt,  and  a  reduction  of  the  then  expences  of  government, 
that  the  debt  of  the  nation,  as  resolved,  was  then  521,161/. 
16^.  Old)  that  the  debt  of  the  nation  at  Lady-day,  1777,  was 
not  less  than  834,086/.  l^s,  3d, ;  and  the  nation  is  likewise 
subject  to  the  pay  of  certain  life  annuities,  at  the  rate  of  6/.  per 


iy4  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

cent,  for  the  sum  of  440,000/.  besides  1 66,000/. ^provided  for  by 
loan  this  session  of  parliament;  in  all  1,440,086/.  19*.  2d,  of 
which  the  greater  part  has  been  accumulated  since  the  peace,  and 
more  particularly  within  these  few  years  last  past,  notwithstand- 
ing the  new  tax  granted  to  put  an  end  to  the  ruinous  practice  of 
running  in  debt.  That  the  loan  duties  were  the  last  session  of 
parliament  increased  ;  and  when  the  loan  of  the  present  session 
shall  be  resorted  to,  will  in  all  probability  be  exhausted.  That 
the  expences,  which  have  out-run  the  abilities  of  the  people, 
appear  the  more  alarming,  because  his  majesty's  faithful  com- 
mons cannot  be  apprized  what  bounds  are  intended  to  be  put  to 
them.  That  even  though  we  could  be  induced  to  think  that 
such  expences  were  the  objects  of  support,  not  of  retrenchment, 
yet  an  attempt  to  lay  new  duties  upon  import,  export,  or  home 
consumption,  would  probably  depress  the  old  duty,  and  hazard 
or  destroy  the  weakly  remains  of  the  trade  of  Ireland.  That 
we  humbly  hope  his  majesty  will  forgive  us  for  having  delayed 
so  long  to  lay  before  him  the  real  state  of  this  country,  a  country 
labouring  under  the  severest  restrictions  in  trade,  and  under  a 
heavy  weight  of  taxes,  which  are  yet  exceeded  by  her  expence. 
That  we  have  waited  as  far  as  v/as  consistent  with  our  duty  to 
his  majesty,  or  to  those  whom  we  represent,  confiding  in  the 
solemn  and  repeated  assurances  of  ceconomy  from  time  to  time 
received  from  his  majesty's  ministers;  that  at  length  harassed 
by  a  course  of  unnecessary  e:?ipence,  we  can  no  longer  refrain 
from  laying  the  state  of  this  nation  at  the  foot  of  the  throne  ;  and 
without  presuming  to  point  out  any  particular  m-ethod  of  re- 
dress, we  do  most  humbly  rely  upon  his  royal  virtuejs,  and 
implore  his  protection." 

It  was  now  currently  believed,  though  not  officially  known  in 
Ireland,  that  France  was  about  to  abet  the  cause  of  the  American 
colonists ;  upon  which,  as  on  all  occasions,  the  Irish  were 
prominently  forward  in  giving  proofs  of  their  attachment,  duty, 
and  loyalty  to  their  sovereign.  The  commons  therefore  pre- 
pared an  address  to  his  majesty,  and  sent  it  up  to  the  lords  for 
their  concurrence.*     But  within  four  days  from  their  having 

*  The  form  of  the  address  was  to  the  following-  effect :  9  Com.  Journ.  p,  451. 

**  To  the  Kin.^'s  Most  Excellent   Majesty.     The   humble  Address  of  the 
"  Knit^hts,  Citizens,  and  Burg-esses  in  parliament  assembled. 

"  Most  gracious  SovEREIG^^ 

"  WE  your  majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects, 
f(  the  and  commons  of  Ireland,  in  parliament  assembled,  in  the 

"  present  critical  situation  of  affairs  beg"  leave  iiumbly  to  approach  your  ma- 
"  jesty  witli  the  most  unfeig-ned  assurances  of  loyalty,  duty  and  attachment  to 
•'  Vour  majesty's  royal  person  and  g-overnment ;  and  to  declare,  that  at  a  time 
**  when  the  public  tranquillity  is  in  danger  of  being  further  disturbed  by  the 
"  interposition  of  a  foreign  power,  we  feel  ourselves  called  upon  to  take  the 
*'  earliest  opportunity  of  expressing  our  zeal  for  the  dignity  of  your  majesty's 
"  crown,  and  our  earnest  wishes  and  warmest  regards  for  the    prosperity  of 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  175 

voted  that  address,  Mr.   Secretary  Keron  informed  the  House 
of  Commons,  that  he  had  in  command  from  his  excellency  to 
communicate  to  them  the  following  message  :* 
C  BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.) 

"  I  have  his  majesty's  commands  to  acquaint  you, 
*'  that  his  majesty,  having  been  informed,  by  order  of  the  French 
"  king,  that  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  has  been  signed 
"  between  the  court  of  France  and  persons  employed  by  his 
"  majesty's  revolted  subjects  in  North  America,  has  judged  it 
"  ne^^essary  to  direct,  that  a  copy  of  the  declaration  delivered  by 
"  the  French  ambassador  to  Lord  Viscount  Weymouth,  be  laid 
"  before  the  Flouse  of  Commons :  and  at  the  same  time  to 
*'  acquaint  them,  that  his  majesty  has  thought  proper,  in  con- 
"  sequence  of  this  offensive  communication  on  the  part  of  the 
"  court  of  France,  to  send  orders  to  his  ambassador  to  with- 
"  draw  from  that  court.  1  hat  his  majesty  is  persuaded  that 
*■'  the  justice  and  good  faith  of  his  conduct  towards  foreign 
"  powers,  and  the  sincerity  of  his  wishes  to  preserve  the  tran- 
"  quillity  of  Europe,  will  be  acknowledged  by  all  the  world; 
"  and  his  majesty  trusts,  that  he  shall  not  stand  responsible  for 
"  the  disturbance  of  that  tranquillity,  if  he  should  find  him- 
"  self  called  upon  to  resent  so  unprovoked  and  so  unjust  an 
aggression  on  the  honour  of  his  crown,  and  the  essential 
*'  interests  of  his  kingdoms,  contrary  to  the  most  solemn  as- 
surances, subversive  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  injurious  to 
the  rights  of  every  sovereign  powder  in  Europe.  That  his 
majesty,  rehing  with  the  firmest  confidence  on  the  zealous 
"  and  affectionate  support  of  his  faithful  people,  is  determined 
"  to  be  prepared  to  exert,  if  it  shall  become  necessary,  all  the 
force  and  resources  of  his  kingdom,  which  he  trusts 
"  will  be  found  adequate  to  repel  every  insult  and  attack,  and 
"  to  maintain  and  uphold  the  power  and  reputation  of  his  do- 
''  minions." 

After  this  message  had  been  read,  it  was  ordered  to  be 
entered  on  the  journals,  and  a  motion  was  immediately  made 
and  carried,  that  an  humble  address  should  be  presented  to  his 
excellency,  to  request  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  return  his 
majesty  their  thanks  for  the  important  intelligence  his  majesty 
had  been  pleased  to  communicate  to  them.  That  they  had 
read  with  the  utmost  indignation  and  resentment  a  copy  of  the 

"  Great  Britain.  We  think  it  at  this  time  peculiarly  incumbent  on  us  to 
*'  assure  your  majesty,  that  your  majestymay  rely  with  the  g-reatest  confidence 
"  on  the  entire  affection  of  your  faithful  subjects  of  Ireland,  and  depend  on 
'*  their  co-operating  cheerfully  with  your  majesty  to  the  utmostof  their  ability, 
•'  in  asserting  the  lionour  of  your  majesty's  government,  and  establishing: 
*'  the  security  of  your  dominions." 
*  9  Com.  Journ.  p.  458, 


176  AN  HISTOKICAL  REVIEW 

declaration  delivered  by  the  French  ambassador  to  Lord  Vis- 
count Weymouth;  and  that  they  could  not  but  applaud  the 
measure  taken  by  his  majesty,  in  consequence  of  that  offensive 
communication  on  the  part  of  the  court  of  France,  in  sending 
orders  to  his  ambassador  to  withdraw  from  that  court:  that 
confiding  in  his  majesty's  paternal  attachment  to  the  v^^elfare 
of  his  people,  and  his  spirited  regard  for  the  honour  of  his 
crown,  they  made  no  doubt,  but  he  would  pursue  such  measures 
as  might  effectually  preserve  and  assert  those  great  objects ; 
and,  that  as  they  were  conscious  no  part  of  his  majesty's  do- 
minions could  exceed  his  faithful  subjects  of  Ireland  in  the  most 
loyal  attachment  to  his  person  and  government,  so  were  they 
persuaded,  that  his  majesty  would  extend  his  royal  care  and 
attention  to  the  effectual  protection  and  defence  of  that  king- 
dom ;  and  that  they  entreated  his  excellency  to  assure  his  ma- 
jesty, that  in  so  doing,  he  might  rely  On  the  most  zealous  and 
affectionate  support  of  that  house,  and  that  they  would  cheerfully 
make  good  whatever  expence  should  be  necessarily  incurred 
thereby;  sincerely  lamenting  that  their  abilities  were  not  equal 
to  their  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his  majesty's  crown,  and  the  real 
interests  of  Great  Britain.  That  the  justice  and  good  faith  of 
his  majesty  towards  foreign  powers  were  too  conspicuous,  and 
the  sincerity  of  his  wishes  to  preserve  the  tranquillity  of  Europe 
too  well  known,  to  admit  of  his  being  responsible  for  the  dis- 
turbance of  that  tranquillity,  if  his  majesty  should  find  himself 
obliged  to  resent  so  unprovoked  and  so  unjust  an  aggression  on 
the  honour  of  his  crown,  and  the  essential  interests  of  his  king- 
doms. That  they  made  no  doubt  but  his  majesty  would  find 
abundant  resources  in  the  strength  of  his  kingdoms,  and  above 
all,  in  the  hearts  of  his  people,  to  repel  every  insult  and  attack, 
and  to  maintain  and  uphold  the  power  and  reputation  of  his 
majesty's  dominions  ;  and  that  they  could  not  but  rejoice,  that 
his  majesty's  loyal  subjects  of  Ireland  had  had  an  opportunity  of 
anticipating  the  present  occasion,  by  unanimous  and  uncalled-for 
assurances  of  their  affectionate  zeal  and  loyalty  to  his  majesty's 
person  and  government. 

Although  artifice  and  power  combined  to  varnish  the  appear- 
ances of  the  political  state  of  the  country,  and  to  bolster  up  a 
false    credit,   the   delusion  did  not  last  even  three   months.^ 

*  9  Journ.  Com.  p.  463.  Mr.  Foster,  according-  to  order,  reported  from  the 
committee  of  the  whole  house,  to  whom  it  was  referred  to  take  into  further 
consideration  the  messag-e  fi-om  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  the  resolu- 
tion, which  the  committee  had  directed  him  to  report  to  the  house,  which  he 
read  in  his  place,  and  after  delivered  in  at  the  table,  where  tlie  same  was  read, 
and  is  as  follows  :...."  Eesohtd,  Tliat  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that 
"  for  all  and  every  the  sum  or  sums  of  money  not  exceeding"  the  sum  of 
'*  300,000/.  to  be  subscribed  in  shares  of  100/.  each,  that  shall  be  paid  by  any 
«•  person  or  persons,  lutural-born  subjects  or  foreigners  into  his  majesty's 


a 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  177 

Three  hundred  thousand  pounds  were  ordered  to  be  raised  on 
the  30th  of  March,  1778,  by  a  tontine  at  6/.  per  cent.  And  such 
was  the  assurance  of  government  upon  the  proposal  of  this  loan, 
that  when  the  patriots,  upon  the  conviction  of  the  inability  of 
the  country  to  raise  it,  moved  for  reducing  it  to  150,000/.  the 
proposed  reduction  v/as  immediately  negatived  upon  a  division. 
Such,  however,  was  the  depressed  state  of  public  credit  at  that 
time,  that  on  the  3d  of  June  Mr.  Secretary  Heron  had  the  mor- 
tification to  communicate  the  following  message  to  the  House  of 
Commons. 
("  BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.) 

"    GENTLEMEN, 

*'  IN  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  the 
"  House  of  Commons,  entered  into  on  the  31st  day  of  March 
"  last,  for  raising  upon  a  scheme  of  life  annuities,  in  the  manner 
"  therein  mentioned,  a  sum  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  300,000/. 
"  to  be  paid  into  his  majesty's  treasury,  to  be  applied  towards 
"  the  necessary  expences  of  government,  in  putting  and  main- 
"  taining  this  kingdom  in  a  state  of  defence,  I  have  given  such 
directions  as  appeared  to  me  most  proper  to  carry  the  same 
"  into  execution:  and  I  am  sorry  to  inform  you,  that  it  is  found, 
"  after  the  most  diligent  endeavours  exerted  for  the  purpose, 
"  that  the  sum  intended  to  be  raised  by  that  resolution  cannot  be 
"  obtained  upon  an  interest  of  6/.  per  cent,  with  benefit  of  sur- 

"  treasury,  at  the  instance  of  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  or  other  chief 
"  g'overnor  or  g-overnors  of  this  kingdom  for  the  time  being",  to  be  applied  to- 
*'  wards  the  necessary  expences  of  government,  in  putting  and  maintainingtliis 
"  kingdom  in  a  state  of  defence,  upon  one  or  more  tontine  or  tontines,  scheme 
"  or  schemes  of  life  annuities,  this  house  will  make  good  to  the  person  orper- 
**  sons  so  paying  and  advancing  such  sum  or  sums  respectively,  or  to  any  per- 
**  son  lawfully  authorized  to  receive  the  same,  annuities  of  6/.  by  the  year  for 
"  every  100/.  subscribed  and  paid,  for  and  during  the  lives  of  the  persons  to 
"  be  nominated  by  the  persons  subscribing  and  paying  the  said  sum  or  sums 
**  respectively,  their  executors,  administrators  or  assigns,  the  said  annuities  to 
'*  be  made  good  in  the  same  manner  as  annuities  granted  by  an  act  of  parlia- 
**  ment  passed  in  tlie  session  holden  on  the  fifteentli  and  sixteenth  years  of  his 
"  pi'esent  majesty,   intituled,  *  An  Act  for  granting  Annuities'  in  the  manner 
**  therein  provided,  to  such  persons  as  shall  voluntarily  subscribe  towards  the 
*'  raising  a  sum  not  exceeding   175,000/.  and  to  be  payable  at  such  place  or 
"  places,  and  in  such  manner,  with  such  benefit  of  survivorship  upon  each  and 
"  every  such  tontine  or  scheme  of  life  annuities,  and  with  all  and  every  such 
"  rights,  benefits  and  advantages,  and  subject  to  all  and  every  such  regulations 
",  and  restrictions  as  in  and  by  tlie  said  act  were  granted,  enacted,  made,  and 
*«  provided  concerning  the  annuities  in  the  said  act  mentioned,  the  said  annui- 
'*  ties  upon  the  sum  or  sums  so  to  be  advanced,  to  be  payable  half  yearly  in 
*'  equal  proportions,  on  such  days  in  every  year,  and  to  commence  on  such  day 
"  or  days,  and  the  shai'es  or  subscriptions  of  100/.  each,  to  be  paid  at  such 
*'  times  and  in  such  proportions  ;  ar.d  the  lives  for  which  such  annuities  shall 
•'  be  granted,  to  be  nominated  within  such  time  or  times  before  the  29th  day  of 
•'  Sept.  1779,  as  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant,  or  any  other  chief  gO" 
"  vernor  or  govei-nors  of  this  kingdom,  for  the  time  being,  shall  publicly  declare 
"  and  appoint." 

VOL.    II.  2 


ITS  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  vivorshlp.  I  therefore  thought  it  incumbent  on  me,  that  this 
"  house  should  be  made  acquainted  therewith,  not  doubting' 
"  that  the  commons  of  Ireland,  attentive  to  the  honour  of  his  ma- 
"  jesty's  government,  and  to  the  safety  of  this  kingdom,  will  take 
"  such  measures  as  siiail  be  most  prudent  to  carry  the  intention 
'*^  of  that  salutary  resolution  into  immediate  elFect." 

Pressed  as  was  the  British  ministry  widi  the  unpopular  and 
ruinous  contest  with  the  American  colonists,  now  backed  and 
openly  supported  by  France  ;  losing  their  influence  and  credit  at 
home  ;  and  greatly  embarrassed  for  the  ready  and  efficient  means 
of  raising  the  supplies,  Lord  North  found  it  incumbent  upon 
him  to  devise  some  public  measures,  that  should  at  least  substi- 
tute a  share  of  that  popularity,  v»'hich  he  was  now  daily  losing, 
and  relieve  these  fiscal  difficulties,  by  facilitating  the  means  of  re- 
cruiting the  navy  and  army.  He  v/as  not  ignorant  of,  though  he 
betrayed  no  public  alarm  at  the  diffusion  of  the  American  spirit 
of  liberty  through  all  ranks  of  people  in  Ireland.  He  also  too 
Vi^ell  knew  the  national  grounds  of  discontent  and  misery,  which 
stretched  over  the  whole  surface  of  that  kingdom..  It  may  have 
been  uniformly  remarked  throughout  this  history,  that  the  Irish 
have  been  ever  profusely  grateful  for  every  thing,  that  had  come 
to  them  in  the  form  of  concession  and  kindness  ;  but  the  reluc- 
tant boon  v/rung  out  of  the  grasp  of  power  by  extreme  distress, 
can  never  be  received,  or  returned  with  fair  sensibility.  The 
blame  of  having  long  v/ithholden  ought  not  however  to  efface 
the  whole  merit  of  late  or  partial  concession.  To  the  admini- 
stration of  Lord  North  must  be  given  the  singular  and  impor- 
tant credit  of  having  first  opened  the  door  of  liberality  to  the  Irish 
Roman  Catholics,  in  the  face  of  a  very  powerful  and  determined 
opposition.  It  fell  to  his  lot,  to  experience  the  fatal  effects  of 
former  emigrations  from  Ireland  to  America :  it  being  a  fact  be- 
yond question,  that  most  of  the  early  successes  in  America 
v/ere  immediately  owing  to  the  vigorous  exertions  and  prowess 
of  the  Irish  emigrants,  (chiefly  from  the  North)  who  bore  arms 
in  that  cause.  He  accordingly  adopted  the  wise  policy  of  en- 
gaging the  affections  and  gratitude  of  the  Irish  people,  b}'  allevi- 
ating in  some  degree  the  imm^ediate  cause  of  their  soreness  and 
discontent. 

The  progress  of  the  American  contest  had  afforded  a  strong 
practical  lesson  to  ministry  of  the  importance  of  national  harmo- 
ny at  liome.  It  v/as  resolved  therefore  in  the  cabinet,  that  some 
popular  measure  of  toleration  should  be  brought  forward  in  each 
parliament.  But  the  mind  of  the  public  was  not  yet  so  broken  in 
to  this  liberality,that  the  minister  dared  to  submit  it  to  parliament 
as  a  government  measure.  He  well  knew,  that  the  patriots  in 
both  parliaments  would  support  the  proposition,  and  that  it 
would  be  carried  by  the  natural  and  unbiassed  majority,  from  the 
moment  that  the  minister's  assent  gave  freedom  of  voting  to  all 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  179 

his  adherents.  *The  English  House  of  Commons  being  in  a 
committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  acts  of  Parliament  re- 
lating to  the  Irish  trade,  the  Earl  of  Nugent  observed,  that  from 
a  long  series  of  unshaken  loyalty  the  Irish  were  entitled  to  every 
encouragement  which  good  and  faithful  subjects  could  deserve, 
and  a  wise  and  grateful  government  could  give  ;  oppressive  laws 
had  hitherto  been  their  only  reward  ;  he  did  not,  however,  mean 
to  complain  ;  ^  if  he  did,  his  generous  countrymen  would  disa- 
vow his  complaints:  they  then  saw  Great  Britain  in  distress-; 
that  silenced  their  resentment ;  and,  forgetful  of  their  wrongs, 
unsolicited  they  now  made  a  tender  of  their  lives  and  fortunes 
for  the  service.  If  the  narrow  policy  of  Great  Britain  had  not 
kept  them  low,  they  would  have  sent  over  something  more  sub- 
stantial than  addresses  ;  their  armies  would  arrive  here  for  our 
uei;-nce.  Would  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  suifer  every 
sentiment  of  gratitude  and  justice  to  be  inactive  in  their  breasts  ? 
Would  they  become  deaf  to  the  voice  of  policy  ?  He  trusted, 
he  was  sure,  they  would  not  ;  and  he  had  not  a  doubt  but  the 
house  would  give  ample  proof,  that  they  were  not  void  of  dis- 
cernment to  see,  nor  of  inclination  to  reward  merit.  He  had 
taken  a  view  of  all  the  laws,  which  bore  hard  on  Ireland,  and, 
trusting  to  the  justice  and  humanity  of  the  house,  he  had  drawn 
up  a  few  resolutions  which  he  hoped  the  committee  would  adopt. 
His  lordship  then  moved,  that  the  Irish  might  be  permitted  to 
send  on  board  of  British  vessels,  navigated  according  to  law,  to 
the  coast  of  Africa,  and  our  settlements  abroad,  all  sorts  of  Irish 
manufactures,  woollen  and  woollen  clothes  excepted.^  Mr. 
Pelham  professed  himself  a  well  wisher  to  Ireland  ;  and  said, 
that  no  man  had  a  greater  respect  for  that  kingdom  than  he  had; 
he  was  not,  however,  without  his  doubts,  that  the  present  mea- 
sure would  be  highly  detrimental  to  the  manufactures  of  this 
country  :  the  taxes  in  Ireland  being  low,  and  labour  cheap,  the 
Irish  would  be  able  to  undersell  us,  and  thereby  ruin  several  of 
our  trading  tovv^ns. 

Lord  Beauchamp  begged  leave  to  set  the  honourable  gentle- 
man right.  The  taxes  in  Ireland  were  many  and  high  ;  and, 
proportionably  to  the  means  of  paying  them,  considerably  great- 
er than  in  England.     Some  gentlemen  who  had  travelled  into 

*  8  En^.  Deb.  p.  206.     This  committee  sat  on  the  7th  of  April,  1778. 

t  8  Eng-.  Deb.  p.  208.  Lord  Nug-entthen  made  another  motion,  That  tlie 
Irish  mitvht  be  permitted  to  import  all  sorts  of  ware  and  merchandise  from  the 
coast  of  Africa,  and  plantations  abroad,  indig'o,  tobacco,  and  sugar  only  except- 
ed. The  wordsug-ar  was  inserted  by  his  lordship,  merely  to  prevent  an  oppo- 
sition from  the  West-India  merchants  ;  but  on  the  motion  of  Lord  Newhaven, 
it  was  left  out,  and  the  motion  passed  Nein.  Con.  Lord  Nug-ent  again  moved, 
that  glass  manafact\ired  in  Ireland  might  be  exported  by  the  Irish,  except  in- 
to Greal  Britain  ;  and  that  Irish  cotton  might  be  imported  duty  free  into 
Great  Britain.  These  motions  ])assed  unanimously.  Mr.  Burke  then  moved, 
that  Irish  sail  cloth  migiit  be  imported  into  this  kingdom  duty  free.  Thia 
jjiolion  likewise  passed  iVcw.  Con. 


180  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Ireland,  had,  from  the  opulence  of  its  metropolis,  and  the  un- 
bounded hospitality  of  the  people  of  fashion,  formed  very  un- 
just ideas  of  the  real  state  of  the  kingdom  :  it  was  reduced  by 
oppressive  laws  to  a  wretched  situation  ;  their  loyalty  was,  how- 
ever, superior  to  every  other  selfish  consideration  ;  they  saw 
nothing  but  our  danger ;  and  though  our  acts  had  banished  into 
foreign  countries  numbers  of  their  brethren,  and  left  them  in  a 
miserable  state,  still  they  v/ere  willing  to  strain  every  nerve  to 
serve  us  in  the  moment  of  distress  :  a  braver,  more  generous, 
and  more  loyal  people  was  not  to  be  found  ;  he  flattered  him- 
self, therefore,  that  they  would  be  treated  by  the  house  according 
to  their  high  deserts. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  expressed  his  warm  approbation  of  the 
motion  j  was  happy  to  see  the  mist  of  prejudice  begin  to  dis- 
perse;  would  be  happy  to  give  the  measure  a  broader  bottom  ; 
though  as  steadfast  a  Protestant  as  any  gentleman  in  the  house, 
he  declared  he  should  be  glad  to  see  some  means  adopted  to 
grant  such  indulgences  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland,  as 
might  attach  that  great  body  of  men  to  the  present  government: 
their  affections  had  been  alienated  ;  he  wished  to  recal  them  by 
indulgent  behaviour. 

Lord  Norths  adverting  to  what  Mr.  Townshend  had  said,  de- 
clared he  would  with  all  his  heartconcur  in  any  measure, thatcould 
tend  to  answer  so  desirable  an  end ;  but  it  was  not  their  pro- 
vince ;  it  was  the  province  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland  ;  the 
laws  which  were  so  severe  against  the  Roman  Catholics  had 
originated  there,  and  redress  of  domestic  grievances  should  of 
right  originate  likewise  from  them  ;  and  he  was  of  opinion,  that 
the  Irish  parliament  would  see  where  the  grievance  lay,  and  re- 
dress it,  for  there  was  not  any  where  a  people  of  more  liberal 
sentiments  than  the  Irish.  The  penal  laws  of  Ireland  were  the 
consequences  of  apprehension,  which,  however  groundless,  al- 
ways adopts  the  most  cruel  and  severe  policy.  The  Irish  com- 
plained, and  complained  with  justice  ;  but  it  must  be  left  to  the 
candoUr  of  their  own  parliament  to  grant  such  indulgence  to  the 
Roman  Catholics  as  their  loyalty  deserved  :  he  requested  the 
house  would  agree  to  that,  which  was  in  their  power,  and  their 
province  :  to  relax  the  trade  laws  would  benefit  the  Irish,  and 
ultimately  enrich  ourselves  ;  embarked  in  the  same  cause  with 
us,  they  cannot  be  called  our  rivals  in  trade,  but  their  rivals 
were  our  rivals.  The  exceptions  of  woollen  cloth  he  would  say 
nothing  to  ;  it  might  not,  perhaps,  be  just ;  but  it  was  a  point 
given  up  by  the  Irish,  and  confirmed  by  an  ancient  compact  :  if 
it  should  be  found  in  the  course  of  the  proceedings  on  this  bu- 
siness that  any  other  exceptions  were  necessary,  the  house  no 
doubt  would  make  them.  Upon  the  whole,  the  motion  should 
meet  his  hearty  concurrence. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  181 

Thus  did  the  British  minister  in  the  most  public  manner  de- 
clare his  cordial  and  unequivocal  wishes,  that  his  majesty's  Ca- 
tholic subjects  of  Ireland  should  be  relieved  from  what  he 
admitted  they  complained  of  with  justice :  but  it  was  to  be 
effected  by  the  Irish  parliament,  in  v/hich  it  is  lamentable  to  say, 
bigotry  and  prejudice  still  held  a  sway,  long  since  banished 
from  the  walls  of  St.  Stephen's.  The  principle  of  toleration 
applied  both  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland ;  but  the  political 
necessity  of  reducing  that  principle  into  action  operated  upon 
the  tvf  o  kingdoms  in  the  inverse  ratio  of  the  respective  disposi- 
tions of  the  two  parliaments  .to  effect  it.  In  Great  Britain 
scarcely  one  hundredth  part  of  the  population  'professed  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion :  and  that  body  had  long  enjoyed  a 
sort  of  tacit  protection  from  the  rigour  of  the  penal  laws.  ^Yet 
as  Lord  Ashburton  observed  on  seconding  the  motion  of  Sir 
George  Savile,  "  the  mildness  of  government  had  hitherto 
"  softened  the  rigour  of  the  law  in  the  practice,  but  it  was  to  be 
"  considered,  that  the  Roman  Catholic  priests  were  still  left 
"  at  the  mercy  of  the  lowest  and  basest  of  mankind  ;  for  on  the 
"  complaint  of  any  informing  constable,  the  magisterial  and 
"judicial  powers  wel-e  bound  to  enforce  all  the  shameful  penal- 
"  ties  of  the  act."  On  the  14th  of  May,  1778,  Sir  George 
Savile  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  the  repeal  of  certain 
penalties  and  disabilities  provided  in  an  act  of  the  10th  and  11th 
of  William  III.  intituled,  "  An  Act  to  prevent  the  furdier  growth 
*'  of  popery."  In  proposing  this  repeal,  the  honourable  baronet 
observed,  that  he  meant  to  vindicate  the  honour  and  assert  the 
principles  of  the  Protestant  religion,  to  which  all  persecution 
was  foreign  and  adverse :  that  the  penalties  in  question  were 
disgraceful  not  only  to  religion,  but  to  humanity :  thev  were 
calculated  to  loosen  all  the  bands  of  society,  to  dissolve  all  social, 
moral,  and  religious  obligations  and  duties :  to  poison  the 
sources  of  domestic  felicity,  and  to  annihilate  every  principle 
of  honour.  Such  was  the  liberality  of  the  house,  that  the 
motion  was  carried  without  a  dissentient  voice.  Lord  Ashbur- 
ton, then  Mr,  Dunning^  seconded  the  motion  with  his  usual 
ability,  and  Mr.  Thiirloiv^  the  attorney  general,  explained  and 
strongly  supported  the  bill.  Lord  Beauchamp^  in  expressing 
his  extreme  satisfaction  at  the  motion,  observed  that  it  gave  him 
the  more  pleasure  at  that  time,  as  he  thought  the  commercial 
advantages,  which  parliament  then  meant  to  bestov/  on  Ireland 

*  8  Eng-.  Deb.  p.  223.  Speech  of  Mr,  Dunning-.  Some  time  before  thi» 
period  the  penal  laws  had  been  enforced  against  two  priests,  a  Mr.  Malony,  and 
Mr.  Talbot,  the  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury.  But  to  the  liumanity  of 
the  British  nation  it  must  be  recorded,  that  these  proceedings  had  been 
resorted  to  by  a  solitary  individual,  one  Fain,  a  carpenter,  who  having  two 
daugliters,  little  business,  much  bigotry,  and  more  covetousness,  had  formed 
the  singular  speculation  of  acquiring  20,000/.  apiece  for  his  daughters  fortunes 
by  informations  under  the  penal  statutes  against  the  Catholics. 


t82  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

would  be  of  very  little  use  to  that  coui^try,  unless  they  were 
accompanied  by  a  repeal  of  the  penal  laws,  v/hlch  had  long 
depressed  three  fourths  of  the  people  there ;  and  that  bill  he 
hoped  would,  when  passed,  be  an  example  to  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment, in  whose  power  it  was  to  give  that  relief  to  their  bre- 
thren;  and  he  was  sorry  to'say  he  thought,  though  their  faith 
were  in  some  degree  pledged  for  the  effect  of  some  such  mea- 
sure, nothing  had  yet  been  done  for  that  people.  They  had  beg- 
ged to  have  a  test  of  loyalty  and  obedience  to  the  government 
given  them  :  that  test  was  made,  and  taken  by  a  large  and  re- 
spectable number  of  Roman  Catholics ;  yet  nothing  had  been 
granted  them  in  return.  Nay  more ;  v/hen  a  bill  had  been 
brought  into  the  Irish  parliament  to  allow  Papists  to  take  build- 
ing leases  in  corporate  towns,  that  most  reasonable  indulgence 
was  ungenerously  refused  them.  Something,  he  said,  might  be 
suggested  in  excuse  with  relation  to  the  late  disturbances  in  the 
south  west  part  of  Ireland ;  but  he  assured  the  house,  that  he 
never  knew  a  Roman  Catholic  of  property  in  that  country  who 
did  not  express  the  greatest  abhorrence  of  those  violences  ;  and 
he  was  convinced,  that  it  was  want  of  employment,  want  of 
industry,  and  want  of  reward  for  labour,  that  caused  them  ;  and 
he  concluded  with  a  declaration,  that  he  did  not  think  the  little 
indulgence,  which  was  then  proposed  to  be  given  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  of  this  kingdom,  should  be  accompanied  by  any  test, 
as  he  was  sure,  that  any  member,  who  read  over  the  act  of 
King  William  (which  he  then  held  in  his  hand)  would  think 
that  in  repealing  it  he  was  not  so  much  employed  in  confer- 
ring favours  on  the  Catholics  as  in  rescuing  the  statutes  from 
disgrace. 

The  real  policy  of  relaxing  the  penal  code  of  the  Irish  had 
universally  pervaded  not  only  the  British  cabinet,  but  the 
British  senate  ;  not  one  morose,  bigotted,  or  fanatical  voice  was 
heard  in  discord,  to  this  truism  advanced  by  Mr.  Burke  on 
Lord  Nugent's  first  motion  for  a  committee  to  consider  the 
trade  of  Ireland,  That  Irelaiid  was  nozv  the  chief  dependance  of 
the  British  crown^  and  that  it  particularly  behoved  this  country 
to  admit  the  Irish  nation  to  the  privileges  of  British  citizens*^. 
For  although  a  considerable  opposition  were  afterwards  made 
to  the  bill  for  opening  the  trade,  .the  strongest  opposers  of  that 
measure  admitted  the  necessity  of  passing  a  bill  for  the  relief  of 
the  Roman  Catholics  in  Ireland.f  On  the  eleventh  day  after 
the  British  House  of  Commons  had  given  the  liberal  example 

*  8  Eng.  Deb.  p.  185.  viz.  1  April,  1778. 

t  Thus  Sir  Cecil  Wray,  one,  of  the  most  violent  opposers  of  the  extension 
of  Ivisii  trade  ?nid,  lie  well  knew  the  grievances  of  Ireland,  and  lamented 
them;  among-st  which  were  the  Irish  Pension  Bill. ...the  sinecure  offices,  the 
Roman  Catholic  Bills,  tlic  Absentees,  and  various  others ;  and  assured  the 
house  lie  would  gladly  join  the  iior.De  in  redressing-  them. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  183 

of  universal  assent  to  Sir  George  Savile's  motion  in  favour  of 
the  Roman  Catholics  of  England,  Mr.  Gardiner  on  the  25th  of 
May,  1778,  made  a  motion  in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons, 
and  the  question  being  put,  that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in 
heads  of  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  his  majesty's  Roman  Catholic 
subjects  of  Ireland,  and  that  iVIr.  Gardiner,  the  Hon.  Barry 
Barry,  and  Mr.  Yelverton,  do  prepare  and  bring  in  the  same, 
and  it  was  carried  in  the  affirmative. f  At  the  same  time  the 
Presbyterians  of  Ireland  bearing  in  mind,  that  the  sacramental 
test  had  been  imposed  upon  their  ansestors  by  their  lying  by, 
when  new  severities  were  imposed  u}x>n  their  Roman  Catholic 
brethren^  came  forward  on  this  occasion  to  partake  of  the  first 
symptoms  of  tolerancy  in  an  Irish  parliament.  In  order  not  to 
be  excluded  from  the  indulgences  about  to  be  dispensed  to  the 
Catholics,  Sir  Edward  Nevv^nham  on  the  same  day  moved,  that 
leave  might  be  given  to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill  for  the  relief 
of  his  majesty's  subjects  the  Protestant  Dissenters  of  that  king- 
dom :  and  Sir  Edward  Newnham  and  Sir  Boyle  Roche  were 
ordered  to  prepare  and  bring  in  the  same.  But  whether  from 
a  conviction,  that  the  relief  to  the  Dissenters  was  not  of  equal 
urgency  with  that  proposed  to  be  granted  to  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics, or  that  the  British  cabinet  had  hitherto  expressed  no  opi- 
nion or  inclination  in  their  favour,  the  measure  was  remitted  ta 
another  session. 

The  great  object  and  important  consequence,  v/hich  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland  obtained  by  tliis  bill  was  the  legislative 
avowal  contained  in  the  preamble  of  it,  of  those  facts  and  asser- 
tions, which  some  few  years  back,  it  would  have  been  considered 
little  short  of  treason  to  have  advanced  :  namely,  that  the  severi- 
ties of  the  act  of  Anne  ought  to  be  relaxed,  that  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics of  Ireland  were  excluded  from  and  ought  to  be  admitted  to 
the  blessings  of  our  free  constitution,  and  that  it  v/ould  promote 
the  prosperity  and  strength  of  all  his  majesty's  dominions,  that 
the  Catholics  should  be  bounden  to  the  Protestants  by  mutual 
interest  and  affection. J  The  establishment  of  this  principle 
gave  them  a  footing  to  stand  upon  in  every  future  application  to 

t  Journ.  Com.  p.  475.     The  division  is  not  g-iven  in  tlie  Journals. 

I  17  and  18  Geo.  III.  c.  49.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  his  majestj^s  subjects 
of  this  king-dom  professing-  the  Popish  relig-ion.  "  Wliereas  by  an  act  made 
*'  I:i  this  kingdom  in  the  second  year  of  her  late  Majesty  Qjieen  Anne,  in- 
"  tituled,  An  Act  to  prevent  the  further  Growth  of  Popery,  and  also  by  another 
*'  act  made  in  the  elg-hth  year  of  her  said  reigii  for  explaining-  and  amending- 
**  the  said  act,  llic  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  are  made  subject  to  several 
"disabilities  ar,d  incapacities  therein  particularly  mentioned  :  and  uhereas 
**  from  their  uniform  peaceable  behaviour  for  a  long-  series  of  years,  it  appears 
"reasonable  and  expedient  to  relax  the  same,  aiid  it  must  lend  not  only  to 
*'  the  cultivation  and  improvement  of  this  king-dom,  but  to  the  prosperity  and 
"  streng-th  of  all  his  majt-sty's  dominions,  that  his  subjects  of  all  denomina- 
*'  tions  shoidd  enjoy  the  Messing-s  of  cur  free  constitution,  and  should  be  bound 
"  to  each  other  bv  mutual  interest  and  mutual  afi'ection  :"&.c. 


184  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  crown  or  parliament  for  a  full  participation  of  every  blessing 
of  our  free  constitution.  The  advantages  granted  by  this  act 
were,  that  any  Roman  Catholic  taking  and  subscribing  the  oath 
of  allegiance  and  declaration  prescribed  by  the  13th  and  14th 
of  Geo.  Ill*  c.  'Z5,  might  take,  enjoy,  and  dispose  of  a  lease  for 
999  years  certain,  or  determinable  on  the  dropping  of  five  lives, 
and  that  the  lands  then  seized  by  Catholics  should  in  future  be 
descendible,  deviseable,  or  alienable  as  fully,  as  if  they  were  in 
the  seizin  of  any  other  subject  of  his  majesty  :  and  that  it  should 
no  longer  be  in  the  power  of  a  child  to  fly  in  the  face  of  his 
parent  by  demanding  a  present  maintenance  out  of  the  father's 
personal  estate,  or  by  depriving  him  totally  of  the  inheritance 
of  his  real  estate,  as  he  before  had  been  enabled  to  do  by  the  2d 
Anne,  c.  6.  This  was  a  qualified  admission  over  the  threshold 
of  property,  and  the  more  welcome  to  the  Catholics,  from  their 
conviction,  that  a  breach  onc€  made  in  that  penal  fortress,  it  was 
impossible  it  should  hold  out  much  longer.* 

Although  less  were  in  fact  granted  by  Mr.  Gardener's  bill  to 
the  Irish,  than  by  Sir  George  Savile's  bill  to  the  English  Ro- 
man Catholics,  yet  widely  different  was  the  progress  of  each 
through  the  houses.  The  former  was  contested  in  every  stage 
through  the  Irish  House  of  Commons :  on  the  5th  of  June, 
irrs,  five  divisions  took  place  upon  it,  though  each  were 
carried  in  the  affirmative:  and  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month 
three  divisions  in  like  manner  were  had.f  On  the  16th  Mr. 
Dillon,  who  took  a  very  active  part  in  the  bill,  reported  progress 
from  the  committee,  vv^here  it  was  warmly  debated,  and  upon 
the  motion  for  the  house's  resolving  itself  into  a  committee  of  the 
whole  house  to  take  the  said  heads  of  the  bill  into  further  con- 
sideration, on  the  18th  of  June  the  house  divided,  56  against  47. 
Mr.  Tottenham  and  Mr.  William  Handcock  were  prominent  in 
their  opposition  to  the  bill.  On  the  ISth  the  house  in  commit- 
tee sat  in  debate  till  three  o'clo':k  in  the  morning,  and  on  the 

*  Amon?^  other  warm  sTipporters  of  tliis  bill  was  Sir  Hercules  Langrislie,  to 
whom  Mr.  Burke  thus  wrote  with  reference  to  it  (p.  87)  "  It  is  a  thing  humi- 
*•  liatinr;'  enoug-h,  that  we  are  doubtful  of  the  effect  of  the  medicines  we  com- 
'•  pound.  We  are  sure  of  our  poisons.  My  opinion  ever  was  (in  which  I 
**  heartily  agreed  with  those,  that  admired  the  old  code)  that  it  was  so  con- 
*'  structed,  that  if  there  was  once  a  breach  in  any  essential  part  of  it,  the  ruin 
**  of  the  whole,  or  nearly  of  the  whole,  was,  at  sometime  or  other,  a  certainty. 
•*  For  that  reason  I  honour,  and  shall  for  ever  honour  and  love  you,  wlio  first 
*'  caused  it  to  stag-g-er,  crack,  and  g"ape.  Others  may  finish,  the  b'eg-inners 
*•  have  the  glory;  and,  take  what  part  yon  please  at  this  houi-,  (I  think  you 
♦*  will  take  the  best)  your  first  service  will  ne\'er  be  forgotten  by  a  grateful 
♦♦  country." 

f  9  Com.  Journ.  ]).  493.  One  of  these  was  upon  admitting  a  clause  for 
repealing  that  part  of  the  statute  of  Q^ieen  Anne,  which  requires  the  sacra- 
mental test  as  a  necessary  qualification  for  holding  offices  and  places  of  trust 
and  profit  imder  the  crown.  On  this  day  also  a'  petition  from  the  mayor, 
sheriffs,  common  council,  freemen,  freeholders,  and  other  Protestant  inhabi- 
-tants  of  the  city  of  Cork,  ^^'^s  presented  against  the  bill. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  1S5 

i9th  till  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  upon  these  heads  of  a  bill ; 
and  on  the  20th  Mr.  Gardner  was  ordered  to  attend  his  excel- 
lency the  lord  lieutenant  with  the  said  heads  of  a  bill,  and  desire 
the  same  might  be  transmitted  into  Great  Britain  in  due  form. 
Thus  after  the  severest  contest,  with  the  full  and  unequivocal 
approbation  of  government,  the  general  support  of  the  patriots, 
and  the  unanimous  accord  of  the  British  legislature  in  a  similar 
indulgence  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  England,  -were  these 
heads  of  a  bill  carried  through  the  Irish  House  of  Commons 
by  the  small  majority  of  nine.  Upon  the  third  reading  of  this 
bill  in  the  House  of  Lords,  the  contents  with  their  proxies  v/ere 
36,  and  the  not  contents  were  12.  On  the  14th  of  August  the 
lord  lieutenant  put  an  end  to  the  session.  After  having  compli- 
mented both  houses  upon  their  long  and  faithful  attendance,  he 
assured  the  commons,  that  their  grants  should  be  faithfully 
applied,  and  that  it  should  be  his  endeavour,  that  the  welfare 
and  security  of  the  people  might  amph'  compensate  for  those 
charges,  which  the  exigency  of  public  affairs  had  unavoidably 
occasioned.*  He  then  addressed  himself  to  both  houses,  and 
said,  he  flattered  himself  that  the  regulations,  which  had  taken 
place  that  session,  would  prove  essentially  serviceable  to  that 
valuable  branch  of  commerce,  the  fisheries  of  Ireland.  It  was 
with  pleasure,  that  he  saw  an  act  passed  for  establishing  a 
militia,  which  by  enabling  his  majesty,  when  he  should  think 
proper,  to  call  forth  that  part  of  the  national  strength,  might 
materially  contribute  to  the  protection  and  defence  of  the  king- 
glom.  The  law  for  relieving  the  Roman  Catholics  from  some 
of  those  disabilities,  under  which  they  had  hitherto  laboured, 
would,  he  hoped,  attain  the  desirable  end  of  promoting  and 
establishing  good  v/ill  and  mutual  confidence  among  his  majes- 
ty's subjects,  and  by  rendering  them  more  united  at  liome,  make 
them  more  formidable  to  their  enemies  abroad.  He  congratu- 
lated widi  them  on  the  late  extension  of  the  trade  and  com- 
merce of  that  kingdom  ;  it  was  a  circumstance  peculiarly  for- 
tunate to  them,  that  an  event  which  promised  such  advantages 
to  Ireland  should  have  taken  place  during  his  administration. 
While  they  jusdy  enjoyed  the  approbation  and  gratitude  of  their 
country,  for  having  promoted  so  many  useful  laws,  he  was 
persuaded,  they  would  not  forget  what  was  due  to  the  paternal 
care  of  an  affectionate  sovereign,  and  the  kind  disposition  of 
Great  Britain  towards  that  country  ;  they  would  cultivate  jointly, 
as  in  sound  policy  they  were  inseparable,  the  true  interests  of 
both  kingdoms. 

We  have  seen,  that  the  alarming  distresses  of  Ireland  had 
roused  the  British  House  of  Commons  to  afford  them  some 
commercial  relief.  When  the  bills  to  this  effect  were  to  be  read 
a  second  time,  several  members  for  trading  towns  violently 
opposed  them,  and  the  table  of  the  house  of  commons  was 
covered  with  petitions  against  any  extension  of  gonxmercial 
*  9  Journ.  Cora.  p.  520. 
VOL.    II.  ^   ^ 


186  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

advantages  to  Ireland,  by  which  the  trade  of  Great  Britain 
should  be  in  any  manner  affected.  So  violent  indeed  were 
the  towns  of  Liverpool,  Manchester,  and  Glasgow,  that  they 
menaced  to  be  no  longer  loyal,  if  these  bills  should  pass :  and 
Lord  Middletou  observed  in  the  debate,  "  that  these  towns 
*'  vv^ere  experienced  in  rebellion  so  abundantly,  that  the  transition 
"  v/CLild  be  an  object  of  easy  accomplishment,  and  the  world 
*^  woLilci  entertain  little  surprise,  if  they  threw  aside  their  new- 
"  fangled  opinion."  Lord  North  was  of  opinion,  that  as  the 
expectations  of  the  Irish  were  raised  from  what  the  hcM.ise 
had  already  done,  it  would  be  unwise  to  protract  the  business 
to  another  session.  The  gentlemen,  Avho  opposed  the  bill, 
iieemed  all  to  agree  in  one  point,  that  somev/hat  ought  to  be 
done  for  their  relief,  though  they  differed  about  the  nature  and 
extent  of  what  ought  to  be  done.  He  saw  no  reason,  however, 
why  the  present  bill  should  not  pass,  since  the  house  mighty 
notwithstanding,  appoint  a  committee  to  enquire  into  the  state 
of  the  trade,  that  from  their  report  a  plan  might  be  formed  and 
adopted.  He  did  not  see  the  mighty  difficulty,  that  was  said' 
to  exist,  in  calculating  the  difference  necessarily  to  arise  in  the 
annual  imports,  by  the  effect  of  the  bill  before  the  house.  It 
would  create  small  difference,  comparatively  speaking,  in  the 
revenue,  since  the  diminution  in  the  imports  of  one  place  would 
give  an  additional  increase  to  those  of  another,  as  the  difference 
of  duty  on  the  enumerated  articles  v/as  very  trifling.  He  held 
it  as  the  duty  of  Britain  to  give  Ireland  a  degree,  at  least,  of 
recompence  for  the  exertions  she  had  made,  were  we  not  in?- 
dined  by  policy,  to  give  her  relief  from  the  restrictions  she 
laboured  under ;  and  he  hoped  the  house  would  agree  on  the 
present  bill,  as  a  test  of  their  intention  and  inclination  to  be- 
friend her  in  future  miore  substantially.'*  Mr.  Burke  answered 
the  arguments  of  the  honourable  gentleman  who  opposed  the 
bill.  The  bills  before  the  house,  he  said,  v/ere  no  n-iore  than 
restorations  of  what  the  wisdom  of  a  British  parliament  had, 
on  a  former  occasion,  thought  proper  to  invest  Ireland  with. 
In  the  12th  of  Charles  II.  the  navigation  bills  passed,  extending 
to  Ireland  as  well  as  England.  A  kind  of  left-handed  policy 
had,  however,  deprived  her  of  the  freedom  she  enjoyed  under 
that  act,  and  she  had  ever  since  remained  under  the  most  cruel, 
oppressive,  and  unnatural  restriction.  Deprived  of  eveiy  in- 
centive to  industry,  and  shut  out  from  every  passage  to  wealth, 
she  had  inwardly  lamented,  but  she  had  never  complained  of  her 
condition.  She  had  gone  the  most  forward  lengths  in  serving 
the  interest  and  defending  the  rights  of  Great  Britain.  She  had 
assisted  in  conquests,  from  which  she  v/as  to  gain  no  advantage, 
and  emptied  her  treasury,  and  desolated  her  land,  to  prove  her 

*  In  all  the  affairs  of  Ireland  Mr.  Burke  has  ever  evinced  the  most  accurate 
liistoi'icalknowledg'c,  the  most  unbiassed  judgment,  and  the  most  constitutional 
spirit  of  any  member  in  either  parliament.'  The  historian  cannot  therefore 
dispense  with  favouring' thq  reader  with  tlis  historical  views  fi'cni  that  masterly 
liaud  as  they  occur. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  tsr 

attachment  and  loyalty  to  the  government  of  this  comitry*  Such 
had  been  her  conduct,  and  her  reward  had  been  restriction  and 
bondage  of  the  most  cruel  nature.  He  did  not  mean,  by  describ- 
ing her  situation,  to  engage  the  humanity  of  the  house  in  her  fa- 
vour. The  people  of  Ireland  v/ould  not  accept  favours  flowing 
from  the  humanity  of  the  house.  They  called  for  justice,  not 
for  pity.  They  requested  Britain  to  be  wise,  not  to  be  generous  ; 
to  provide  for  her  own  good,  and  secure  her  own  interest ;  sen- 
sible that  wisdom  and  prudence  vrould  dictate,  that  to  accomplish 
these,  a  contrary  conduct  towards  them  was  necessary.  The 
honourable  gentlemen,  who  opposed  the  bill,  had  drav/n  into  col- 
lection the  arguments  and  reasons  they  maintained  to  exist 
against  all  the  bills,  meaning,  no  doubt,  thereby  to  prejudice 
the  house  the  more  by  their  aggregate  effect.  Though  he  de- 
tested this  inequitable  mode  of  proceeding,  he  would  not  evade 
the  combat  even  on  that  ground  ;  nor  wish  to  engage  the  house 
in  favour  of  the  bills,  if  he  could  not,  in  the  fullest  manner,  an- 
swer every  objection  they  liad  brought  to  every  part.  The  ho- 
nourable gentleman,  who  had  moved  the  amendment,  wished  to 
reconcile  the  people  of  Ireland  to  delay,  by  pledging  the  honour 
of^  parliament,  that  something  effectual  should  be  clone  in  their 
favour  next  session.  He  knew  the  temper  of  the  Irish  too  well,  to 
believe,  that  they  would  sit  down  satisfied  with  such  an  assertion. 
They  would  conclude  within  themselves,  depending  on  expe- 
rience for  their  guide,  that  the  promise  of  something  to  be  done 
next  session,  would  alone  produce  the  repetition  of  a  promise 
for  the  session  following ;  and  promise,  repetition,  and  promise, 
from  session  to  session,  would  be  the  only  benefit  they  vrould  re- 
ceive. He  did  not  conclude,  that  the  denial  of  what  even  jus- 
tice demanded  of  us  in  their  favour,  would  produce  rebellion 
and  disturbance  in  that  country  ;  their  loyalty  and  zeal  were  su- 
perior to  complaints  ;  they  might  despair,  but  they  would  not 
resist.  Other  places  experienced  in  rebellion,  had  determined, 
it  seems,  to  enter  or  not  to  enter  into  it,  according  as  these  bills 
were  determined  ;  but  Ireland  regarded  more  the  welfare  of  the 
empire  at  large,  than  the  interest  of  itself  in  particular.  They 
were  patient  and  loyal,  and  therefore,  he  supposed,  they  were 
crushed  ,•  for  it  was  the  policy  of  the  present  day  to  forego  the 
excellent  and  noble  maxims  of  the  Romans,  parccrc  .subjectls  et 
dchellare  superhos.,  for  the  infamous  proverb  of  British  growth, 
*^  proud  to  the  humble,  and  humble  to  the  proud."  He  then  went 
into  a  particular  detail  of  the  arguments  of  the  honourable  gen- 
men  relating  to  commercial  advantage.  The  annual  revenue  of 
the  tvv'o  kingdoms  had  been  exultingly,  but  most  inequitably 
drawn  into  comparison,  to  prove  that  Ireland  paid  no  propor- 
tion of  tax.  It  v/as  not  the  number  of  inhabitants,  that  consti- 
tuted the  different  specific  in  the  article  of  taxation  betv.'-een  two 
countries  ;  but  the  distinction  of  internal  opulence  and  external 
advantage.  Compare  the  two  countries  by  that  line,  and  it  will 
be  found  that  Ireland  is  taxed  iii  a  quadruple  proportion  mor^ 


18^  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

than  England.     The  internal  wealth,  and  external  advantage  of 
trade  and  commerce,  is  forty  times  greater  in  England  than  in 
Ireland.     There  is,  therefore,  no  ratio  of  proportion  preserved 
in  the  mode  of  taxing  the  latter.     She  is  taxed,   without  enjoy- 
ing the  means  of  payment.     She  is  debarred  the  use  of  shoes 
and  stockings,  and  yet  she  is  made  to  pay  for  them.     Restricted 
from  trading,  she  enjoys  no  opportunity  of  acquiring  wealth  to 
discharge  the  taxes  imposed  upon  her.     Enlarge  her  means  of 
payment,  and  in  proportion  to  her  ability  enlarge  her  taxes.   An 
equality  of  commercial  advantage  could  not  be  established  be- 
tween the  two  countries.     The  opulence  of  the  one  is  a  barrier 
insuperable  by  the  other.     The  great  disproportion  of  capital 
eifectually  destroys  the  possibility  of  an  equality.     The  one  can 
extend  her  mart  of  trade   through   every   different  channel  of 
the  universe;  the  other,  restrained  in  her  ability, cannot  prose- 
cute the  same  track ;    and  as  the  ability  of  the  proceeding  in- 
creases in  the  same  proportion,  in  the  progress  of  one  as  well  as 
the  other,  the  same  proportion  of  advantage  will  still  remain. 
The  Irish  will  be  able  to  follow  the  English  at  equal  distance, 
in  every  stage,  both  in  the  outset  and  in  the  continuance  ;  but 
the};'  never  will  be  able  to  accelerate  their  motion  in  order  to 
overtake  them.    The  lowness  of  labour  is  a  nugatory  argument; 
for  until  the  instant  that  the  price  of  labour  is  equal,  the  supe- 
riority of  manufacture  will  remain  with  the  English.     The  price 
of  labour  rises  with  the  growth  of  manufacture,  and  is  highest 
when  the  manufacture  is  best.     The  experience  of  every  day 
tells  us,  that  vfhere  the  price  of  labour  is  highest,  the  manufac- 
turer is  able  to  sell  his  commodity  at  the  lowest  price.     The 
difference  of  duty  of  the  imported   enumerated   articles,  is  so 
abundantly  overbalanced  by  the  other  advantages  enjoyed  by 
this  country,  that  v/ithout  it  there  could  not  be  the  smallest  de- 
gree of  competition  in  manufacture.     Not  one,  however,  of  the 
enumerated  articles  is  less  taxed  in  Ireland  than  in  England,  ex- 
cept those  already  permitted  to  her.   For  though  the  petitions  on 
the  table  are  most,  if  not  all,  tending  to  express  their  fears  of  the 
consequences  of  granting  a  free  exportation  of  sail  cloth  and 
iron  to  the  Irish ;  it  is  a  fact,  that  they  already  enjoy  a  free  ex- 
portation of  these  articles  :  and  particularly  he  would  remark  of 
manufactured  iron  and  steel,  as  he  did  on  a  similar  occasion  of 
sail  cloth,   that  the   petition  served  to  shew  the  foundation  on 
which  they  all  were  laid,  namely,  merely  conjecture.   They  had 
not  felt  from  the  reality  what  they  dreaded  from  the  idea  ;  for 
an  act  existed  at  this  time  permitting  the  free   exportation  of 
manufactured  iron  ;  which,  however,  had  not  been  prosecuted, 
because  of  the  advantages  enjoyed  by  the   English.     The  only 
article  imported  under  that  act  into  England,   was  a  quantity 
of  cork  screws,  which,  though  it  might  be  an  evidence  of  their 
luxury  in  living,   was  but  a  feeble  proof  of  their  excellence  of 
manufacture.     But,  indeed,  eveiy  other  instance,  as  well  as  this, 
served  to  prove  how  erronegusly  they  had  formed  their  opi- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  189 

nions  on  the  subject.  Some  years  ago,  when  a  bill  was  brought 
in  for  the  free  importation  of  woollen  yarn  into  England,  peti- 
tions were  received  from  every  different  part  of  the  country, 
complaining  of  the  injury  it  would  create  ;  but  now  that  they 
had  experienced  its  effects,  they  felt  and  acknov/ledged  i:s  be- 
neficial tendency.  It  w^as  absurd  to  think  that  a  participation 
of  manufacture'  would  be  detrimental  to  this  country.  Kad  we 
not  seen  the  woollen  manufacture  planted  in  diiferent  parts  of 
this  country ;  and  had  we  not  also  seen  that  the  competitions 
had  served  to  advance  both  ?  He  concluded  with  lamenting, 
that  in  one  instance  he  should  be  directed  by  his  conscience  to 
take  a  part  against  his  constituents.  It  had  been  his  invariable 
aim  to  protect  their  rights  and  interests,  and  to  act  at  all  times 
as  became  the  senator  and  representative  of  the  people.  In  this 
instance  he  had  dared  to  act  contrary  to  the  wishes,  but  not,  he 
was  sensible,  to  the  interests  of  his  constituents.^  He  differed 
in  opinion  from  them  on  the  noblest  principle,  namely,  from  his 
being  in  the  right ;  and  if,  from  his  conduct  in  this  business,  he 
should  be  deprived  of  his  seat  in  that  honourable  house,  it 
would  stand  on  record  an  example  to  future  representatives  of 
the  commons  of  England,  .that  one  man,  at  least,  had  dared  to 
oppose  his  constituents,  when  his  judgment  assured  him  they 
were  in  the  wrong. 

The  national  distresses  of  Ireland  were  too  alarming  to  the 
British  empire  to  permit  the  legislature  of  either  country  to  sleep 
over  them.  During  the  recess  of  the  Irish  parliament,  we  find 
that  of  Great  Britain  as  frequently  and  as  earnestly  employed 
upon  its  interests,  as  if  that  kingdom  had  been  within  the  juris- 
diction of  its  legislative  pov/ers.  On  the  16th  of  December, 
1778,*  Lord  Nugent  described  the  inhabitants  of  his  native 
country  as  suffering  every  species  of  misery  and  distress  human 
nature  was  capable  of  bearing ;  a  people,  nine-tenths  of  whom 
laboured  for  four-pence  a  day,  whose  food  in  summer  w^as  pota- 
toes and  butter-milk,  and  in  winter  potatoes  and  water ;  he  gave 
notice,  that  in  consequence  of  what  passed  the  last  session,  it 
was  intended  to  propose  to  take  off  some  of  the  restrictions  of 
the  trade  of  Ireland.  He  said,  the  people  of  Ireland  expected 
some  relief:  that  kingdom  was  oppressed  and  ruined;  they 
would  emigrate  to  America;  they  would  carry  the  woollen  and 
linen  manufacture  thither  ;  they  would  soon  rival  those  of  this 
country:  in  short  our  restrictions -would  transfer  the  trade  and 
manufactures  of  Ireland  to  America. 

Among  the  other  hardships  suffered  by  the  people  in  general, 
the  landed  part  of  them  had  their  share.  Thtre  vras  now  an 
uninterrupted  embargo,  Vrhich  still  existed,  on  the  exportation 
of  the  only  staple  commodities  they  had,  beef  and  butter;  the 
lands  were  i^illen  one  third  in  value  ;  the  graziers  were  become 
bankrupts,  the  full  proof  of  which  he  experienced  himself;  for 
though  he  possessed  a  very  considerable  property,  situated  in 
*  The  Electors  of  Bristol.  f  10  Eng.  Debates,  p.  176. 


190  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

different  parts  of  that  kingdom,  he  could  pledge  his  honour,  thafe 
he  had  not  receiv'ed  a  shilling  rent  for  the  last  two  j-ears  ;  and 
the  case  was  the  same  v/ith  several  noble  lords  and  gentlemen 
of  his  acquaintance. 

It  might  become  a  question  of  a  serious  and  difficult  nature, 
what  indulgence  ought  to  be  given,  supposing  this  country  were 
inclined  to  recede.  He  believed  the  general  ideas,  that  pre- 
vailed last  year,  would  be  proper  to  be  again  taken  up.  The 
woollen  manufacture,  to  be  sure,  was  in  some  measure  sacred; 
but,  in  his  present  indigested  ideas,  all  he  could  venture  to  spe- 
cify was,  a  full  exportation  of  all  cotton  goods,  mixed  and  un- 
mixed. His  lordship  threw  out  several  other  hints  ;  said  that 
the  question  would  be,  whether  Ireland  should  have  a  little  in- 
dulgence, or  the  Irish  and  the  manufactures  of  linen,  woollen, 
&c.  be  transferred  to  America.  It  is  true,  Manchester  might 
suffer  J  but  a  nation  composed  of  a  loyal,  brave,  though  an  op- 
pressed people,  was  not  to  be  sacrificed  to  one  single  town  or 
the  monopoW  of  a  particular  district.  He  hoped,  however, 
there  would  be  no  cause  for  rivalship.  One  thing  on  the  whole 
was  certain,  that  whatever  benefited  or  enriched  Ireland,  or  tend- 
ed to  give  employment  to  her  wretched  inhabitants,  would  be 
beneficially  felt  in  this  kingdom,  to  whom,  as  the  centre,  every 
advantage  Ireland  experienced  Great  Britain  must  profit  by. 

Lord  Beauchamp  confirmed  the  greater  part  of  the  noble 
lord's  arguments,  painted  the  distresses  of  the  Irish  in  lively 
colours,  and  gave  the  house  to  understand,  that  a  general  expor- 
tation, except  in  the  articles  of  w^ooUens,  w^as  expected,  or  meant 
to  be  procured. 

Lord  Newhaven  said,  that  he  would  move  for  a  general  ex- 
portation, woollens  excepted  ;  and  an  importation  of  several 
commodities  enumerated  in  the  course  of  the  last  session. 

*  As  soon  as  the  British  parliament  had  met  after  the  holi- 
davs,  the  sam-e  noble  earl,  v/ho  vv^as  ever  steadfast  to  the  real  wel- 
fare of  his  country,  on  the  19th  of  January,  1779,  moved  in  the 
British  House  of  Commons,  that  an  account  be  laid  before  the 
house  of  all  exports,  and  their  amount ;  of  merchandise  exported 
from  this  country  to  Ireland  ;  and  of  all  imports  from  Ireland 
into  this  kingdom,  from  the  first  of  January,  1778,  to  the  1st  of 
January,  1779  ;  which  motion  was  agreed  to.  His  lordship  ex- 
plained his  meaning  for  making  this  m.otion,  by  saying,  that  it 
was  preparatory  to  the  motion  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  for 
granting  further  relief  to  the  trade  of  Ireland,  notice  of  which 
he  had  given  before  the  holidays.  He  represented  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Ireland  as  being  in  a  famishing  condition,  and  appealed 
to  two  noble  lords  in  administration  for  the  truth  of  his  asser- 
tion ;  and  he  said,  that  a  secretary  of  the  viceroy  was  just  come 
over,  expressly  to  lay  before  government  the  deplorable  state  of 
Ireland  :  he  referred  to  a  letter  he  had  received  from  Dr.  Wood- 
ward, Dean  of  Clogher,  mentioning,  that  all  had  been  done,  that 

•  10  Deb.  Pari.  p.  218. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  191 

could  be  effected  by  contribution,  to  relieve  the  starving  poor, 
but  in  vain  j  employment  alone  could  remedy  the  evil.  He  an- 
pealed  to  the  noijie  lord  at  the  head  of  the  treasury  for  the  truth 
of  another  observation  ;  that  the  revenue  of  Ireland  is  so  dimi- 
nished, that  it  now  yields  little  more  than  the  expences  of  its 
civil  establishment.  These  facts  pointed  out  the  necessity,  as 
we  had  lost  our  trade  with  our  American  colonies,  of  taking  care 
we  did  not  lose  Ireland  next,  by  a  separation  or  invasion.  If 
our  impolitic  restraints  were  not  removed  from  the  trade  of  that 
country,  we  should  lose  our  best  cus^^^on^.ers  for  many  articles  of 
merchandise.  Pie  said,  good  estates  in  Ireland  were  offered  to 
sale  at  sixteen  and  fourteen  years  purchase,  yet  no  buyers  ap- 
peared even  at  that  low  price. 

He  expected  to  be  opposed  by  those,  who  had  particular  in- 
terests to  support  against  the  national  v/elfare  intended  by  his 
bill ;  but  he  remembered  many  similar  oppositions  to  bills,  which 
had,  after  they  had  passed,  and  the  good  effects  had  been  expe- 
rienced, been  highly  applauded ;  for  instance,  the  bill  for  im- 
porting bar  iron  from  America,  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  par- 
ties concerned  in  mines  and  iron-works  at  home ;  yet  it  was 
found  that  Great  Britain  did  not  produce  a  tenth  part  of  the  iron 
wanted  for  consumption.  He  declared  himself  as  warm  a  friend 
to  England  as  any  man  in  the  house  ;  and  if  he  did  not  think  it 
was  promoting  the  interest  of  this  country  to  grant  Ireland  relief 
to  her  trade,  he  would  not  move  it ;  neither  did  he  ever  choose  to 
move  any  thing  in  that  house  which  he  was  not  sure  of  carrying. 
He  concluded  with  a  kind  of  prophecy,  that' if  Ireland  were  not 
assisted  in  her  commerce,  it  might  become  a  question  there  to 
vote  a  sum  for  the  support  of  that  country,  from  the  insufficiency 
of  its  own  revenue. 

The  establishment  of  a  cotton  manufactory,  and  leave  to  ex- 
port the  manufacture  to  Great  Britain  ;  with  leave  to  export  and 
import  to  and  from  America,  the  West-Indies,  and  Africa,  were 
the  points  he  had  in  contemplation  ;  and  he  concluded  with  sa)-- 
ing,  if  all  he  wished  could  not  be  obtained,  he  must  be  satisfied 
with  a  part. 

Colonel  Stanley  desired  Lord  Nugent  would  give  as  long  no- 
tice as  possible  of  the  day  he  should  bring  in  his  bill,  that  his 
constituents  might  be  early  apprized  of  it;  as  not  only  the  town 
of  Manchester,  but  all  the  manufacturing  towns  in  the  countrv, 
concerned  in  the  cotton  branches,  were  alarmed. 

Sir  George  Yonge  intreated  the  noble  earl  not  to  hurry  on  a 
bill  of  such  consequence,  but  wait  for  better  information.  He 
could  not  consider  the  state  of  Ireland  in  the  melancholy  light 
it  had  been  described  ;  but  if  the  people  really  were  famishing, 
it  was  not  owing  to  the  trade  laws  of  this  country,  but  to  mis- 
management in  their  own  internal  police,  and  desired  that  might 
be  enquired  into. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  reminded  the  house,  that  by  a  narrow 
policy  America  had  been  lost,  and  bid  them  beware  of  losing 
Ireland.     He  declared  himself  impartial,  uot  having  any  proper- 


102  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ty  in  Ireland  ;  yet  he  considered  his  property  in  England  as  de- 
pendant in  a  great  measure  on  the  prosperity  of  Ireland  ;  and,  as 
a  member  of  the  community,  he  wished  to  remove  those  partial 
restraints  on  her  trade,  which  certainly  were  the  cause  of  her 
distresses. 

*  Again  on  the  lOth  of  March,  1779,  did  the  distressed  situ- 
ation of  Ireland  come  before  the  British  House  of  Commons, 
when  Lord  Newhaven  hoped,  as  a  spirit  of  toleration  and  libe- 
rality had  gone  forth  in  the  house,  that  the  relief  he  had  proposed 
for  Ireland,  v/ould  not  want  for  success.  His  lordship  stated, 
that  on  an  average  of  the  last  ten  years,  the  exports  from  England 
to  Ireland  were  decreased  about  six  hundred  thousand  pounds ; 
and  in  the  two  last  years  they  had  decreased  seven  hundred  and 
sixteen  thousand  pounds :  that  the  exports  from  Ireland  in  the 
tv/o  last  years  had  decreased  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  thousand 
pounds  ;  on  which  decrease  seventy-five  thousand  pounds  were 
on  the  staple  of  linen;  that  the  exports  from  England  into  Ire- 
land on  an  average  of  ten  years,  were  tvro  millions  fifty-seven 
thousand  pounds  ;  that  the  imports  from  Ireland  into  England 
were  but  thirteen  hundred  and  fifty-three  thousand  pounds  ;  so 
that  the  balance  in  favour  of  England,  on  an  average  of  ten 
years,  was  seven  hundred  and  four  thousand  pounds  sterling  per 
annum,  which,  multiplied  by  the  ten  years,  plainly  shewed  that 
England  gained  by  the  trade  of  Ireland  alone  seven  millions  and 
forty  thousand  pounds  in  that  time. 

He  moved  that  the  hoase  should,  on  the  19th,  resolve  itself 
into  a  committee^  to  take  into  consideration  the  acts  of  parlia- 
ment relating  to  the  allowing  the  importation  of  sugars  from  the 
West- Indies  into  Ireland.  .  ^ 

Governor  Pownall  said,  he  was  not  against  the  motion  for 
relieving  Ireland;  he  did  not  object  to  it  on  that  ground;  but 
said  the  motion  would  raise  alarms  here,  and  do  no  good  to 
Ireland ;  therefore  he  wished  to  see  tlie  motion  extended  to 
something  that  v/ould  give  a  real  and  substantial  relief  to  Ireland, 
and  that  too  upon  the  ground  and  principle  of  system. 

Sir  George  Yonge,  Sir  Philip  Jennings  Clerke,  Mr.  Cruger, 
Eic.  were  against  the  proposition,  on  the  ground,  that  though 
Ireland  may  have  suffered  in  her  trade  since?  the  American  war, 
yet  this  nation  had  suffered  Infinitely  more  ;  if  she  had  lost  five 
thousand  pounds  a  year,  England  had  lost  almost  as  many  mil- 
lions ;  and,  that  upon  the  whole,  to  give  Ireland  any  further  in- 
dulgences, than  those  she  at  present  enjoyed,  might  very  possi- 
bly endanger  this  kingdom  or  the  sovereignty  she  held  over  her. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,  Lord  Nugent,  Lord  Beauchamp,  Gene- 
ral Conway,  Mr.  Welbore  Ellis,  &:c.  contended  for  the  propriety, 
the  expediency,  and  the  policy  of  the  motion,  maintaining  that  it 
was  a  specific  simple  proposition,  and  could  not  be  of  any  one 
disadvantage  to  Great  Britain;  besides,  that  the  prosperity  of, 
Ireland  was  too  essential  to  this  country,  not  to  give  her  ever;^ 
encouragement  that  could  possibly  be  given. 
*  11  Pari.  Debates,  p.  108. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  193 

The  question  was  then  put :  for  it,  47....against  it,  42. 
In  mehmcholy  confirmation  of  the  representations  of  Ireland, 
so  frequently  and  so  warmly  made  by  the  Earl  of  Nugent,  and 
others,  on  the  18th  of  March,  1779,  Lord  North  conimuni- 
cated  to  the  commons  the  following  message  from  his  majesty.'^" 
("  GEORGE  R.) 

"  HIS  majesty  having  received  information  from 
"  the  Earl  of  Buckinghamshire,  his  lieutenant-general,  and 
"  general  governor  of  his  kingdom  of  Ireland,  that  the  revenues 
"  of  that  kingdom  have  of  lat&  proved  greatly  deficient  and  inade- 
"  quate  to  the  purposes  for  which  they  were  granted ;  and  his 
"  majesty,  moved  with  concern  and  compassion  for  the  distresses 
"  of  his  loyal  and  faithful  subjects  of  that  kingdom  ;  and  being 
"  anxious,  that  some  immediate  and  effectual  relief  should  be 
"  afforded  to  them,  thinks  it  necessary  to  recommend  to  the 
"  consideration  of  this  house,  vvhether  it  may  not  be  proper,  in 
"  the  present  circumstances  of  Ireland,  that  the  whole  charge  of 
"  the  regiments  on  the  Irish  establishment,  now  serving  out 
"  of  that  kingdom,  should  be  paid  by  Great  Britain.     G.  i?." 

Lord  North  moved,  that  his  majesty's  message  be  referred 
to  the  consideration  of  the  committee  of  supply,  which  was 
agreed  to  :  then,  upon  the  order  of  the  day  for  going  into  a  com- 
mittee on  the  importation  of  sugars  into  Ireland. 

Sir  George  Yongc  objected  to  the  speaker's  leaving  the  chair, 
because  the  bill  would  produce  consequences  no  less  fatal  to  this 
country,  than  the  total  loss  of  the  colony  trade.  There  were 
annually,  he  said,  imported  into  Great  Britain,  150,000  hogs- 
heads of  sugar,  valued  at  3,759,000/.  annually.  The  whole 
imports  from  the  West-Indies,  were  4,500,000/.  annually ;  and 
that  the  trade  employed  500  ships,  of  100,000  tons  burthen,  and 
10,000  seamen.  The  duties  arising  from  the  trade  were  up- 
wards of  400,000/.  a  year ;  and  that  this  great  sum,  he  said, 
we  were  dashing  away  by  the  present  bill :  he  objected  to  it,  and 
therefore  would  vote  against  the  speaker's  leaving  the  chair. 

Mr.  Sawbridge  was  against  all  the  monopolies  of  trade,  and 
commercial  interdictions ;  he  declared  there  was  trade  enough 
for  every  nation  on  earth,  if  all  impolitic  restrictions  were 
repealed  ;  and  asserted,  that  no  nation,  nor  corporate  body,  nor 
individual,  had  a  right  to  deprive  another  of  the  benefit  of  manu- 
factures, trade,  and  commerce. 

Mr.  Burke  declared,  that  if  the  mover  of  the  bill  meant  to 
modify  it. any  degree,  he  would  give  his  vote  against  going  into 
a  committee,  for  he  would  not  enter  into  any  composition  ;  it 
was  for  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  to  throw  open  even  the 
woollen  trade  to  Ireland ;  and  if  it  were  not  done  now  voluntarily, 
the  French  would  soon  oblige  us  to  do  it. 

General  Conway  and  Sir  Cecil  Wray  v/ished  for  a  full  enquiry 
into  the  distresses  of  Ireland,  and  a  mature  deliberation  on  the 
means  of  applying  general  relief. 
On  the  26th  of  May  Lord  Beauchamp  moved,  that  an  humble 
*  11  Pari.  Debates,  p.  177. 
VOL.    II,  B  b 


194  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  praying  that  he  would  be 
giaciously  pleased  to  order  accounts  to  be  laid  before  parliament 
oi  the  state  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  Ireland. 

His  lordship  prefaced  his  motion  with  a  very  sensible  speech 
on  the  wretched  state  of  Ireland,  and  the  necessity  of  holding 
out  a  promise  to  the  Irish,  that  the  commercial  laws,  of  which 
they  complained,  should  be  revised  by  parliament,  and  such 
redress  granted  to  them  as  Great  Britain  was  able  to  bestow. 

Lord  North  declared  he  would  promote  every  possible 
enquiry,  and  obtain  all  the  information  in  his  power ;  but  as  to 
producing  a  plan  for  settling  matters  in  a  commercial  line  to  the 
satisfaction  of  both  countries,  it  v/as  too  bold  an  undertaking  for 
him,  since  it  was  hard  to  say  what  would  satisfy  Ireland,  and 
that  England  could  grant,  consistent  with  her  own  interest. 
He  thought  the  complaints  of  Ireland  rather  ill  timed,  as  more 
had  been  done  for  that  kingdom  within  these  three  or  four  years 
than  for  thirty  years  before. 

Mr.  ConoUy  was  of  a  different  opinion ;  he  attributed  the 
present  distresses  of  Ireland  to  the  wretched  system  of  govern* 
ment  carried  on  by  the  present  ministry,  by  whose  means  the 
debts  of  that  kingdom  had  been  increased  from  about  600,000/. 
to  near  a  million  and  a  half. 

Mr.  James  Luttrell  did  not  disapprove  of  the  motion,  as  it 
had  first  been  made  in  the  other  house  by  his  noble  friend  the 
Marquis  of  Rockingham  ;*  but  in  that  house  he  could  not  but 
consider  it  as  a  kind  of  ministerial  compromise,  a  lame  apology 
for  doing  nothing  for  the  relief  of  Ireland  that  session.  He 
asked  v/hy  the  parliament  of  Ireland  had  not  been  called  together 
in  time,  to  deliberate,  and  send  over  their  state  of  the  nation 
to  the  British  parliament  earlier  in  the  session  ?  Why  had  not 
the  noble  lord  moved  that  address  months  ago  ?  It  was  then 
too  late,  and  the  loss  of  Ireland  might  probably  follow  that  of 
America. 

Sir  George  Yonge  desired  not  to  be  thought  inconsistent  in 
voting  for  the  address,  as  the  most  likely  method  of  getting  at 
the  true  state  of  the  matter ;  but  he  thought  the  state  of  the 
Irish  revenue  should  have  been  added :  that  was  incumbent  on 
the  noble  lord  at  the  head  of  the  treasury ;  but  he  doubted  if  the 
Irish  would  have  much  hopes  of  a  ministry,  who  had  reduced 
landed  estates  in  England  from  33  to  25  years  purchase,  and 
funded  property  from  89  to  60.     The  address  was  agreed  to. 

The  warm  part  and  interest,  which  the  British  senate  took 
in  the  concerns  of  Ireland  did  credit  to  her  liberal  sympathy  for 
her  sister  kingdom,  and  justified  the  claims,  which  Ireland  urged. 
The  opinions  of  the  illustrious  ciiaracters,  which  then  stood 
most  prominently  forward  in  favour  of  that  kingdom  will  be 
handed  down  to  the  latest  posterity  as  testimonies  of  the  exem- 

*  The  motion  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  to  wliich  Mr.  James  Luttrell 
alluded,  was  made  in  the  Britisli  House  of  Peers  on  the  11th  of  May,  1779, 
and  occasioned  the  most  interesting-  debates  upon  the  affairs  of  Ireland  till 
then  ever  known  in  that  houne.  It  cxh/6jts  a  most  melancholy  view  of  the 
situation  of  tliat  country,  and  is  given  in  tliQ  Appendix,  No.  LXV. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  195 

plary  loyalty  of  the  Irish  nation  under  the  severest  trials  and 
provocations.  On  the  2d  of  June,  1779,  Lord  Shelbarne  (now 
Marquis  of  Lansdowne)  stated  to  the  British  House  of  Peers 
the  following  proposition  relative  to  the  state  of  Ireland:*  That 
an  humble  address  should  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  request- 
ing that  his  majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  order  to  be 
laid  before  that  house,  an  account  of  such  steps  as  had  been 
taken  in  consequence  of  the  address  of  that  house  of  the  11th 
of  May,  and  of  his  majesty's  most  gracious  ansv/er  thereto ; 
and  humbly  to  recommend  to  his  majesty,  if  his  royal  preroga- 
tive, as  vested  in  his  majesty  by  the  constitution,  be  not  adequate 
to  the  relief  of  the  acknowledged  distressed  and  impoverished 
state  of  his  majesty's  loyal  and  well-deserving  subjects  of  Ire- 
land, that  he  would  be  pleased  to  continue  the  parliament  of  that 
kingdom,  as  then  assembled,  and  give  immediate  orders  for 
calling  forthvN^ith  his  parliament  of  Ireland,  that  their  just  com- 
plaints might  be  fully  considered  and  remedied  without  delay, 
that  the  v/anted  union  of  affection  might  be  preserved  between 
both  kingdoms,  alv/avs  desirable,  but  in  the  present  situation 
of  public  affairs,  absolutely  essential  and  indispensable  to  the 
preservation  and  welfare  of  both,  and  that  the  united  strength  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  might  in  due  time,  and  with  due 
effect,  be  exercised  under  the  blessing  of  God  against  the  com- 
mon enemy. 

This  proposition  the  noble  earl  prefiiced  with  a  speech  of 
great  political  information  and  unusual  energy  and  brilliancy. 
He  was  severe  upon  the  ministers,  to  whose  account  he  laid  the 
distressed  situation  of  his  country,  and  on  that  ground  avowee dly 
was  the  first  part  of  the  proposition  opposed;  Lord  Weymouthf 
"  disapproving  of  the  proposition,  because  it  contained  an 
"  implied  censure  on  government,  which  they  by  no  means 
"  deserved."  Amongst  a  great  variety  of  political  topics,  which 
the  noble  earl's  speech  embraced,  not  immediately  relevant  to 
the  state  of  Ireland,  we  gather  from  the  mouth  of  that  great 
statesman  several  most  valuable  documents  illustrative  of  the 
history  of  that  critical  period.  His  financial  view  of  that  king- 
dom was,  that  in  the  vear  1750  the  public  debt  of  Ireland  was 
under  half  a  million,  that  since  that  she  had  contracted  1,000,000/. 
funded,  and  600,000/.  unfunded,  besides  the  300,000/.  borrowed 
upon  public  faith,  for  which  no  taxes  had  been  yet  appropriated; 
so  that  the  whole  debt  amounted  to  full  three  millions  in  tv/enty 
years  ;  fifteen  of  which  contained  a  period  of  a  peace  establish- 
ment, and,  of  course,  a  peace  expenditure  :  but  contrary  to  every 
idea  of  good  government,  and  national  (economy,  by  much  the 
greater  part  of  the  debt  was  contracted  during  the  latter  period, 
till  at  length  the  new  taxes  were  unequal  to  the  annual  out- 
goings, and  at  that  time  the  receipts  at  the  Irish  treasury  were 
short  to  the  amount  of  300,000/.  per  annum. 

The  internal  critical  state  of  the  country  at  that  moment  next 
drew  his  attention,  which  he  urged,  had  been  grossly  overlooked 
by  the  king's  ministers,  and  he  expressed  his  astonishment  at 
""  13  Pari.  Dob.  p.  337.  1 1^  Pari.  Deb.  p.  390. 


196  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

hearing  from  the  noble  lord  at  the  head  of  the  council  (Gower, 
now  Marquis  of  Stafford)  that  nothing  could  be  done  for  Ireland 
till  the  next  session.  Situated,  said  his  lordship,  as  affairs  were, 
it  would  be  dangerous  to  delay  the  business  ;  that  the  necessities 
of  Ireland  called  for  immediate  relief,  and  that  it  would  be  ab- 
surdity in  the  extreme  to  let  the  Irish  remain  unsatisfied  for 
seven  or  eight  months  longer.  He  considered  the  matter  in  ^ 
variety  of  different  points  of  view,  and  said,  that  leaving  the 
Vv^iole  to  rest  upon  a  resolution  so  vague  and  indeterminate  as 
that,  which  had  been  carried  in  both  houses,  and  which,  in  fact, 
prescribed  no  specific  line  of  procedure,  might  be  construed  into 
an  intention  to  do  nothing,  but  a  mere  design  to  get  over  the 
summer,  to  set  the  war  upon  its  legs,  and  then  to  suffer  the 
distresses  of  Ireland  to  remain  unattended  to,  and  unredressed. 
When  the  amendment  to  the  noble  m.arquis's  motion  was  first 
proposed,  he  declared  he  was  very  far  from  having  this  opinion 
of  it  himself;  on  the  contrary,  he  thought  that  ministry  shewed 
rather  more  readiness  than  became  them,  and  seemed  willing 
to  do  too  much  ;  he  appealed  to  their  lordships  in  whose  memory 
he  stood,  whether  he  had  not  on  that  day  been  the  single  peer 
to  cry  out,  doucement^  whether  he  had  not  stood  up  alone  and 
said,  "  Gently,  take  care  what  you  do,  don't  promise  too  much, 
"  for  fear  you  should  not  be  able  to  perform  all  that  you  say 
"  you'll  do  ;  if  your  performance  fall  short  of  your  promise,  de- 
"  pend  upon  it  you  will  do  more  mischief  than  good,  and  exas» 
''  perate  Ireland  more  than  ever."  The  resolution  carried  on  that 
day  had  already  got  over  to  Ireland,  and  there  would  certainly 
be  two  opinions  upon  it,  the  severe  and  cautious  men,  naturally  ■ 
prone  to  doubt,  would  say  immediately,  "  This  is  nothing,  this 
"  is  mere  fallacy,  government  being  afraid  of  us  just  now,  have 
"  done  this  with  a  view  to  quiet  us  for  the  present,  and  v/hen 
"  they  have  at  all  surmounted  the  difficulties  in  which  their 
"  affairs  are  involved,  they  will,  as  usual  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  our 
"  complaints,  it  being  evidently  their  intention  to  give  us  no  re^ 
"  lief,  if  they  can  possibly  avoid  it."  Another  very  different 
opinion  would  doubtless  prevail  with  those  who  were  inclined  to 
think  better  of  government  and  this  country :  they  would  say, 
"  Stop,  don't  go  so  fast,  read  the  resolution  again ;  good  God ! 
"  was  it  not  carried  unanimously  in  both  houses  of  parliament? 
''  Did  England  ever  do  so  much  for  us  before  ?  Only  see  the 
"  drift  of  it,  see  the  wording  of  it,  and  consider,  that  the  whole 
"  has  been  done  intlie  most  kind  and  flattering  manner  possible." 
His  lordship  placed  these  two  opinions  in  contrast,  and  appealed 
to  the  house,  w^hether  in  common  policy  and  prudence  it  would 
not  be  right  to  encourage  and  support  the  latter,  and  give  as 
little  room  as  possible  to  warrant  and  countenance  the  former  ? 
What  would  prove  most  faithful  to  this,  he  declared,  was  the 
language  of  a  noble  lord  in  another  place.  The  premier  had 
said,  that  no  individual  could  form  a  plan  for  the  relief  of  Ire- 
land ;  that  it  was  out  of  his  power ;  that  next  session  the  proper 
accounts  should  be  laid  before  both  the  English  and  Irish  par- 
liaments, and  the  business  must  be  done  by  themj  but  that  the 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  197 

did  not  think  the  complaints  of  Ireland  well  timed,  for  that  this 
country  had  done  miore  for  her  within  the  last  three  years  than 
had  been  done  for  her  nine  years  before.     His  lordship  said  he 
had  turned  this  language  again  and  again  in  his  mind,  and  he  was 
yet  at  a  loss  to  divine  the  meaning  of  the  noble  lord.     He  was 
sure,  however,  it  would  give  most  serious  alarm  to  the  other 
kingdom,  that  they  would  construe  it  as  an  indication,  that  no- 
thing would  be  done  for  them  ;  that  the  two  parliaments  would 
be  suffered  to  tub  against  each  other,  prejudice  and  jealousy  to 
meet  prejudice  and  jealousy,  and  that  the  minister,  whose  essen- 
tial duty  it  was  to  reconcile  all  differences  of  opinion  between 
the  two  countries,  to  smooth  the  minds  of  those  who  were  in- 
clined to  be  ruffled,  and  to  pacify  and  quiet  the  uneasy,  only 
took  upon  himself  the  office   of  clearing  the  stage,  and  letting 
them  dispute  it  out  among  themselves.  He  called  upon  the  house 
to  recollect,  that  the  American  war  had  commenced  upon  less 
provocation  than  this  country  had  given  Ireland.     The  simple 
idea  of  the  right  of  taxation  had  caused  it.     Let  their  lordships 
reflect,  that  from  the  time  of  the  remonstrances  of  America,  to 
her  declaration  of  independency,  was  only  eleven  months:  let 
them  look  at  the  language  of  Ireland  at  present,  they  would  find 
it  much  higher,  than  that  of  America  had  been  at  the  time  he 
mentioned;  let  them  consider,  that  in  every  point  of  vievr,  Ireland 
stood  more  forward  now  than  America  had  done  immediately 
previous  to  the  origin  of  the  war,  and  let  them  ask  themselves, 
if  it  were  v/ise  to  suffer  Ireland  to  remain  in  discontent  for 
seven  months  longer  ? 

True  it  is,  that  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  as  well  as  the  late 
Earl  Nugent,  the  Marquis  of  Hertford,  and  several  other  great 
personages,  who  took  a  lead  in  the  debates  upon  the  Irish  con- 
cerns, had  considerable  interest  in  that  kingdom  ;  a  circumstance, 
which  must  have  drawn  their  observation  the  more  closely  to 
the  real  interests  of  that  country,  without  abandoning  those  of 
Great  Britain,  in  which  they  had  as  great  or  larger  stakes :  but 
their  opinions,  however  interested  they  may  have  been,  were  in 
perfect  unison  with  those  of  the  greatest  statesmen  and  most 
constitutional  characters  of  that  day  in  both  our  houses  of  par- 
liament, who  had  no  personal  interest  in  or  concerns  with  Ire- 
land. Thus  the  late  Lord  Camden  doubted  much,  whether  the 
learned  lord  on  the  woolsack  understood  the  motion  he  had  so 
fuU}^  commented  on.  Circumstances  had  altered  since  the  last 
day  ;  the  people  of  Ireland  were  in  a  ferment,  he  would  not  say 
ripe  for  insurrection.  Soiriething  had  been  promised,  nothing 
had  been  done.  The  language  of  ministers,  particularly  of  the 
noble  lord  in  the  other  house,  at  the  head  of  the  finances,  is, 
"  nothing  can  be  done  in  time."  The  learned  lord  confesses  it, 
though  he  has  not  used  the  very  words.  What  then  will  be  the 
probable  result  of  such  a  conduct  ?  The  patient  dies,  while  the 
physicians  are  consulting  what  to  prescribe  :  the  people,  in  the 
last  stage  of  anguish  and  despair,  call  for  immediate  redress. 
What,  on  the  other  hand,  does  the  present  motion  ultimately'- 
end  to?  That  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  instead  of  empty, 


108  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

general  promises,  a  hundred  times  violated,  and  on  which,  of 
course,  Ireland  cannot  depend,  call  for  some  substantial  proof 
of  British  or  ministerial  sincerity.  "  Give  us  some  one  instance, 
"  to  shew  that  you  are  sincere  and  in  earnest,"  say  the  people  of 
Ireland.  "  Call  the  parliament  of  both  kingdoms,  to  consult 
"  and  deliberate  in  their  respective  assemblies,''  echoes  the  ad- 
dress, ''^  in  order  to  come  to  some  specific  proposition,  before  it 
"  be  too  late  ;  or  if  that  be  thought  too  much,"  says  the  address, 
"  let  us  make  some  progress ;  let  the  necessary  documents  on 
*'  both  sides  the  water  be  procured  ;  and  let  us,  at  a  season  of 
**  more  leisure,  proceed  upon  some  certain  specific  propositions, 
"  intended  as  the  basis  of  all  future  proceedings,  by  which  means 
"  Great  Britain  may  determine  on  the  great  line,  though  not  the 
"  detail,  of  her  intended  concessions  ;  and  Ireland  may  know 
"  what  she  will  have  good  reasonable  grounds  to  expect." 

The  late  Duke  of  Manchester,  on  this  occasion,  evinced  a 
most  remarkable  penetration  into  the  continental  politics  of  that 
day ;  and  were  his  speech  now  read  without  a  date,  it  would  be 
supposed  to  have  been  spoken  rather  at  the  close  of,  than  ten 
years  previous  to  the  French  revolution.  His  Grace  said,  he 
had  the  highest  opinion  of  the  loyalty  of  the  people  of  Ireland, 
in  case  the  French  landed  as  an  enemy  come  to  conquer.  He 
had  no  fears,  that  the  12,000  men  now  illegally  armed  in  that 
country,  would  join  with  a  foreign  invader :  by  every  thing  he 
could  learn,  they  were  too  brave,  too  loyal,  and  too  much  at- 
tached to  sentiments  of  humanity^  ever  to  tamely  submit  to  a 
foreign  yoke,  much  less  assist  in  forging  and  riveting  their  own 
chains.  The  alarm  created  in  his  mind  was  of  a  Ytry  different 
aature.  It  was  the  new  adopted  policy  of  France,  not  to  appear 
as  an  invader  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  others,  but  the 
protector  of  them,  the  friend  of  human  kind  and  of  the  public, 
at  least,  of  municipal  liberty.  The  French  creed,  respecting  the 
dependances  of  the  British  empire,  was  independency,  freedom, 
Ro  restrictive  laws  upon  trade,  an  exercise  of  natural  rights,  re- 
strained only  by  law  and  liberal  policy.  On  this  system,  the 
great  outline  of  P'rench  politics  had  been  newly  modelled :  and 
he  had  certain  information,  that  French  emissaries  had  been  in 
Ireland  for  some  time  past,  endeavouring  to  alienate  the  minds 
of  the  people  there,  as  they  had  so  effectually  done  in  America. 

Whatever  the  real  intentions  of  France  might  be,  if  she  should 
effect  the  landing  of  a  considerable  force  in  that  kingdom,  he 
had  every  reason  to  be  persuaded  that  it  would  not  act  as  an 
enemy,  however  it  might  be  received  ;  in  his  opinion,  therefore, 
it  was  indispensably  necessary  for  that  house  and  parliament  to 
adopt  such  speedy  measures  as  might  promise  to  defeat  impres- 
sions, which,  if  not  timely  counteracted,  might,  from  circum- 
stances of  actual  misery,  and  the  despair  arising  from  it,  be 
productive  of  the  most  fatal  consequences. 

Of  all  the  lords  v/ho  took  a  part  in  this  debate.  Lord  Towns- 
hend  was  certainly  the  best  qualified  to  speak  the  most  pointedly, 
fairl\\  and  instructively,  upon  the  state  of  Ireland  at  that  critical 
period.     His  lordship  spoke  in  favour  of  the  motion  ;  described 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND,  199 

the  disposition  of  the  people  of  Ireland  ;  the  sentiments  of  the 
established  church,  the  dissenters,  and  the  Roman  Catholics  ; 
the  state  of  the  army ;  the  number  of  people  illegally  armed 
there  ;  the  face  of  the  country;  its  rivers,  fortresses,  &c. :  from 
all  which  he  shewed  the  imminent  danger  of  the  alternative,  of 
the  French  landing  there  in  a  hostile  or  friendly  manner. 

He  then  drew  a  comparison  between  our  conduct  towards 
Ireland  and  America.  The  first,  loyal,  affectionate,  patient 
under  the  greatest  miseries  and  oppressions  ;  the  latter,  factious, 
rebellious,  ungrateful,  and  perfidious,  in  the  midst  of  plenty,  and 
after  receiving  a  series  of  accumulated  favours. 

What  was  our  conduct  toward  them  ?  They  only  sue  in  the 
most  humble  and  dutiful  manner,  to  loosen  the  fetters  that  gall 
them,  and  rankle  by  their  intolerable  v/eight,  and  eat  to  the  very 
bone.  What  is  our  answer?  Break  your  chains  if  you  can,  or 
perish.  AVhat  is  the  answer  to  the  haughty  and  insolent  de- 
mands of  the  traitorous  Americans,  leagued  with  an  inveterate 
and  ambitious  enemy  for  our  total  destruction ;  who  have  alrea- 
dy drawn  so  much  of  our  best  blood,  and  have  been  the  cause  of 
our  spending  so  many  millions  of  our  treasure,  wrung  from  the 
very  vitals  of  the  people  ?  You  shall  be  free  ;  you  shall  pay  no 
taxes;  we  will  not  interfere  with  your  internal  government; 
you  shall  be  bound  by  no  restrictions  on  your  trade  and  com- 
merce. 

After  contrasting  those  circumstances  in  a  very  pointed  man- 
ner, he  shewed  the  impolicy  and  injustice  of  delaying  to  grant 
with  a  good  grace,  what,  if  refused,  must  be  the  consequence  of 
even  an  accommodation  with  America  ;  namely,  that  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  present  war,  the  people  of  Ireland  would  mi- 
grate to  America  in  pursuit  of  a  free  trade,  and  a  milder  and 
happier  constitution  of  government ;  that  they  would  carry  thi- 
ther their  manufactures  which  wanted  nothing,  but  the  circum- 
stances he  had  mentioned  to  bring  them  to  the  utmost  perfec- 
tion ;  that  of  course,  the  only  single  question  was,  whether  trade 
and  commerce,  a  fruitful  soil,  and  numerous  inhabitants,  bound 
to  this  country  by  every  motive  of  affection  and  interest,  were 
preferable  to  the  same  riches,  industry,  and  effective  strength, 
just  as  much  in  our  power  to  every  good  or  wise  purpose,  as  if 
they  resided  within  the  island  of  Great  Britain. 

His  lordship  then  entered  into  particulars,  and  deprecated  the 
consequences  Vvhich,  he  foresaw,  would  immediately  follow  a  re- 
fusal on  our  part.  Supposing  we  w^ere  able  to  spare  such  a  force 
as  might  promise  to  keep  the  people  there  in  awe,  twelve  or  fif- 
teen thousand  men  encamped  in  the  southern,  centre,  or  nor- 
thern part  of  that  kingdom  ;  if,  for  instance,  the  importation  of 
all  commodities  of  British  growth  or  manufacture,  should  be  pro- 
hibited ;  or  suppose,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  people  should 
resolve  not  to  permit  the  exportation  of  beef  or  butter,  what 
would  our  manufacturers  do  in  one  instance  ;  what  would  our 
fleets  and  distant  armies  do  in  the  other,  if  a  general  defection 
among  the  body  of  the  people,  even  among  the  very  magistrates, 
should  prevail  ?  Why,  while  your  army  in  the  north  may  be  em- 


200  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ployed  in  quelling  insurrections  there,  your  imports  and  exports 
would  be  suspended :  or  while  you  are  favouring,  by  a  military 
aid,  the  export  of  provisions  in  the  south,  your  import  in  the 
north  and  centre  would  be  stopped  j  and  so  vice  versa.^ 

Lord  Shelburne,  after  several  of  the  ministerial  party,  and  par- 
ticularly Lord  Chancellor  (Thurlovr,)  had  opposed  the  proposi- 
tion on  the  ground  of  informality,  took  it  oif  the  table,  and 
moved  it  regularly,  when  the  question  being  put,  it  v/as  nega- 
tived by  a  majority  of  61  against  32. 

No  further  debate  took  place  during  that  session  in  the  British 
parliament  concerning  the  affairs  of  Ireland.  The  ministers  of 
that  day  were  too  fatally  addicted  to  their  pernicious  system  of 
indolence  and  procrastination.  They  had  before  them  the  ex- 
ample of  America,  now  triumphant  in  their  own  successes,  and 
supported  by  the  v;hole  house  of  Bourbon.  These  alarming  cir- 
cumstances were  constantly  brought  before  their  eyes  in  the 
warmest  colouring,  by  an  opposition  of  the  greatest  weight, 
numbers,  and  talents,  ever  combined  in  the  British  senate.  Mi- 
nisters, however,  remitted  the  great  objects  of  Irish  grievances 
to  the  next  session,  upon  the  flimsy  pretexts  of  \yant  of  infor- 
mation upon  the  subject  matter  of  them,  and  a  fear  of  a  rebellion 
in  the  trading  tov/ns  of  Lancashire,  in  case  the  British  parlia- 
ment should  pass  a  lav»",  that  might  abridge  the  profits  of  their 
trade  with  Ireland,  or  the  colonies.  They  passed  several  unim- 
portant lawsf  during  the  session,  which  had  no  other  effect,  than 
to  create  contempt  or  disgust  for  the  government,  which  they 
conceived  was  attempting  to  play  them  off  with  delusive  pro- 
mise and  delay.  Whilst  the  British  parliament  was  sitting,  the 
feelings  of  the  Irish  nation  v/ere  suspended  by  the  hopes  of  re- 
lief; but  when  they  found,  that  the  British  ministry  had  aban- 
doned their  cause,  they  were  sorely  exasperated,  and  their  dis- 
contents became  formidably  alarming.  Associations  were  en- 
tered into  against  the  importation  of  British  commodities,  and 
for  the  encouragement  of  Irish  manufactures.  At  an  assembly 
holden  at  the  Thobrel  of  the  city  of  Dublin,  the  following  reso- 
lutions v/ere  agreed  to,  viz. 

*  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  libera!,  patriotic,  and  politic  speech  of  the 
noble  lord,  with  his  conduct  towards  Ireland,  when  the  office  of  chief  governor 
of  that  kingdom  afforded  the  means,  and  imposed  the  duty  upon  him  of  doings 
that  good  to  Ireland,  which  he  now  warmly  recominended  to  others, 

t  Such  was  the  18ih  of  Geo.  III.c.  45.  For  continuing  the  bounty  on  the  im- 
portation of  flax-seed Such  the  18th  of  Geo.  III.  c.  ^55.    For  permitting  the 

exportation  of  certain  goods  directly  from  Ireland  into  any  British  plantation  in 
America,  or  any  British  settlement  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  for  further 
encouraging  the  Hsheries  and  navigation  of  Ii-eland;  by  which  it  was  also  pro- 
vided, that  from  the  24th  of  June,  17/8,  all  ships  built  in  Ireland,  and  owned 
by  his  majesty's  European  subjects,  should  be  deemed  British  built.  Such  the 
18th  of  George  III.  c.  61.  For  repealing  so  much  of  two  acts  of  Qiieen  Anne, 
concerning  the  forfeited  estates  in  Ireland  being  soM  or  set  to  Protestants,  as 
far  as  they  prohibited,  disqualified,  or  disabled  Papists  from  taking  or  enjoying 
any  right  or  interest  tlierein,  or  which  inflicted  any  penalties  on  persons  mak- 
ing or  accepting  any  interest  therein.  Such  the  19th  of  George  III.  c.  83.  For 
repealing  several  acts,  that  prohibited  the  growth  and  produce  of  tobacco  in 
Ireland;  and  to  permit  the  importation  of  it  into  Great  Britain  upon  the  like 
duties  as  from  America.  Such  the  19th  of  George  III.  c.  37.  For  granting  a 
bounty  on  the  importation  of  hemp  into  Great  Britain  from  Ireland  for  a  limited 
time. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  201 

"  Resolved^  That  the  unjust,  iUiberal,  and  impolitic  opposition 
"  given  by  many  self-interested  people  of  Great  Britain,  to  the 
"  proposed  encouragement  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  this 
"  kingdom,  originated  in  avarice  and  ingratitude. 

"  Resolved^  That  we  will  not  directly,  or  indirectly,  import  or 
"  use  any  goods  or  wares,  the  produce  or  manufactures  of  Great 
"  Britain,  which  can  be  produced  or  manufactured  in  this  king- 
"  dom,  till  an  enlightened  policy,  founded  on  principles  of  jus- 
"  tice,  sliall  appear  to  actuate  the  inhabitants  of  certain  manufac- 
"  turing  towns  of  Great  Britain,  who  have  taken  so  active  a  part 
'^  in  opposing  the  regulations  proposed  in  favour  of  the  trade  of 
"  Ireland  ;  and  till  they  appear  to  entertain  sentiments  of  respect 
"  and  affection  for  their  fellow  subjects  of  this  kingdom."^ 

Shortly  after  the  assizes  at  Waterford,  the  high  sheriff,  grand 
jury,  and  a  number  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants,  assembled 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  into  consideration  the  ruinous  state  of 
the  trade  and  manufactures,  and  the  alarming  decline  in  the  value 
of  the  staple  commodities  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  looking  upon  it  as 
an  indispensable  duty  that  they  owed  their  country  and  them- 
selves, to  restrain,  by  every  means  in  their  power,  these  growing 
evils,  they  came  to,  and  signed  the  following  resolutions  : 

"  Resolved^  That  we,  our  families,  and  all,  whom  we  can  influ- 
"  ence,  shall  from  this  day,  wear  and  make  use  of  the  manufac- 
"  tures  of  this  countiy,  and  this  country  only,  until  such  time  as 
"  all  partial  restrictions  on  our  trade,  imposed  by  the  illiberal  and 

*  During-  this  century,  said  the  Right  Honourable  Hely  Hutchinson,  (Com. 
Rest.  p.  215)  Ireland  has  been,  witliout  exag-g-eration,  a  mine  of  Mealth  to 
England,  far  beyond  Avhat  any  calculation  has  yet  made  it.  When  poor  and 
thinly  inhabited,  she  was  an  expense  and  a  burden  to  England  ;  when  she  had 
acquired  some  proportion  of  riches,  and  grew  more  numerous,  she  was  one  of 
the  principal  sources  of  her  Avealth.  When  she  becomes  poor  again,  those  ad- 
vantages are  greatly  diminished.  The  exports  from  Great  Britain  to  Ireland, 
in  1778,  were  less  than  the  medium  value  of  the  four  preceding  years  in  a  sum 
of  634,444/.  os.\  and  in  the  year  1779,  Great  Britain  is  obliged,  partly  at  her 
o^vm  expense,  to  defend  this  country,  and  for  that  purpose  has  generously  be- 
stowed out  of  her  own  exchequer  a  large  sum  of  money.  Those  facts  demon- 
strate, that  the  poverty  of  Ireland  ever  has  been  a  drain,  and  her  riches  an  in- 
flux of  wealth  to  England,  to  which  the  greater  part  of  it  will  ever  flow,  and  it 
imports  not  to  that  country  through  what  channel :  but  the  source  must  be 
cleared  from  obstructions,  or  the  stream  cannot  continue  to  flow. 

Such  a  liberal  system  woidd  increase  the  wealth  of  this  kingdom,  by  means 
that  would  strengthen  the  hands  of  government,  and  promote  the  happiness  of 
the  people.  Ireland  would  then  be  able  to  contribute  largely  to  the  support 
of  the  British  empire,  not  only  from  the  increase  of  her  M'calth,  but  from  the 
^nor-e  equal  distribution  of  it  into  a  greater  number  of  hands  among  the  various 
orders  of  the  community.  The  present  inability  of  Ireland  arises  principally 
from  this  circumstance,  that  her  lower  and  middle  classes  have  little  or  no 
propei-ty,  and  are  not  able,  to  any  considerable  amount,  either  to  pay  taxes,  or 
to  consume  those  commodities  that  are  the  usual  subjects  of  them  ;  and  this 
has  been  the  consequence  of  the  iav.-s  which  prevent  trade,  and  discourag-e 
manufactures. 

VOL.  II.  r.  c 


^02  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  contracted  policy  of  our  sister  kingdom,  be  removed  ;  but  if  in 
"  consequence  of  this  our  resolution,  the  manufacturers  (whose 
"  interest  we  have  more  immediately  under  consideration)  should 
"  act  fraudulently,  or  combine  to  impose  upon  the  public,  we  shall 
"  hold  ourselves  no  longer  bound  to  countenance  and  support 
"  them. 

"  Resolved^  That  we  will  not  deal  with  any  merchant  or  shop- 
"  keeper,  who  shall,  at  any  time  hereafter,  be  detected  in  impos- 
"  ing  any  foreign  manufacture  as  the  manufacture  of  this  coun- 
"  try." 

Resolutions  of  this  kind  became  general,  in  consequence  of 
which  efforts,  the  manufactures  of  Ireland  began  to  revive,  and 
the  demand  for  British  goods  in  a  great  measure  decreased  ;  a 
circumstance  which  tended  to  produce  a  disposition  in  Great 
Britain  to  attend  to  the  complaints  of  that  country,  different  in- 
deed from  that  which  Ireland  had  hitherto  experienced. 

It  is  more  matter  of  calculation,  than  of  reasoning,  to  ascertain 
the  grounds  which  Ireland  had  at  this  period  to  press  Great  Bri- 
tain to  support  her  in  her  struggle  for  commercial  freedom.  The 
annual  balance  of  exports  and  imports  returned  from  the  entries 
m  the  different  custom-houses  in  favour  of  Ireland,  on  all  her 
trade  with  the  whole  w^orld,  in  every  year  from  1768  to  1778, 
when  compared  with  the  remittances  made  from  Ireland  to  Eng- 
land in  each  of  those  years,  was  as  follows  :  the  balance  in  favour 
of  Ireland  on  her  general  trade  by  those  returns  was  in  1776, 
606,190/.  Ws.  Od, ',  in  1777,  24,203/.  2>s,  lOd, ;  in  1778,  386,384/. 
5s.  7d. ;  and  taken  at  a  medium  of  eleven  years  from  1 768  to  1778 
both  inclusive,  amounted  to  the  sum  of  605,083/.  7s.  5d, ;  the 
sums  remitted  from  Ireland  to  Great  Britain  for  rents,  interest  of 
money,  pensions,  salaries,  and  profits  of  offices,  amounted  at  the 
lowest  computation  from  1768  to  1773,  to  100,000/.  yearly ;  and 
from  1773,  when  the  tontines  were  introduced,  from  which  pe- 
riod large  sums  were  borrowed  from  England,  those  remittances 
were  considerably  increased,  and  in  1777  they  amounted  to  no 
less  than  between  twelve  and  thirteen  thousand  pounds  yearly, 
Ireland,  therefore,  at  that  period,  paid  to  Great  Britain  double 
the  sum  that  she  collected  from  the  whole  world  in  all  the  trade 
which  Great  Britain  allowed  her. 

We  find  no  historical  document  to  account  for  the  policy  of 
not  convening  the  parliament  of  Ireland  in  the  pressure  of  their 
national  distress :  the  ministry  in  Great  Britain  was  frequently 
called  upon  by  the  opposition  to  account  for  this  extraordinaiy 
conduct,  but  no  answer  was  ever  given  to  the  summons.  It 
now  appears  unquestionable,  that  the  length  of  the  recess,  coup- 
led with  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  Ireland's  failing  in  their 
expected  redress  from  the  refusal  of  the  British  parliament,  and 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  203 

the  want  of  an  Irish  parliament  to  apply  to,  gave  rise  to  the 
exertions  of  those  native  energies,  to  which  an  oppressed  and 
injured  people  never  fails  in  extremity  to  resort.  During  this 
recess  the  system  of  associating  and  volunteering  took  its  rise, 
and  had  made  considerable  progress*^  ere  the  parliament  met  on 
the  12th  of  October,  1779.  On  this  occasion  the  lord  lieutenant 
in  his  speech  took  notice  of  the  general  state  of  affairs  in  the  fol- 
lovv'ing  words  :f  "  At  a  time  when  the  trade  and  commerce  of 
"  this  kingdom  are  in  a  more  particular  manner  the  objects  of 
"■  public  attention,  it  were  to  be  wished,  that  the  general  tran- 
"  quillity,  ever  desirable,  had  been  restored,  so  as  to  have  left 
"  you  entirely  at  leisure  to  deliberate  on  those  great  and  impor- 
*^  tant  subjects  ;  but  I  am  persuaded  you  will  not  permit  any  in- 
*'  terests,  hovrever  dear  to  you,  to  impede  your  efforts,  or  disturb 
*'  your  unanimity  at  this  most  important  period  ;  and  I  have   it 

*  The  pror^ress  of  the  volunteers  during  the  recess  of  the  Irish  parliament 
in  1779  is  tlius  described  by  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  that  corps  in  his 
History  of  Irish  A.Tairs  from  the  12th  of  October,  1779,  to  the  15th  of  No- 
vember,  1782,  by  Francis  Dobbs,  Esq.  p.  o6.  *'  An  expedient  free  trade  and 
**  the  fiJIacy  of  it  was  soon  understood.  The  plain  and  simple  doctrine,  that 
**  we  could  not  be  free,  if  any  power  on  earth  could  make  laws  to  bind  us, 
"  save  ovu"  king-,  lords,  and  commons,  quickly  prevailed.  This  became  the 
*'  sentiment  of  almost  every  man.  It  could  not  be  openly,  but  it  was  insidi- 
'*  ously  attacked.  These  attacks  raised  man}'  ]x)werful  advocates  for  Irish 
*'  liberty.  The  public  mind  became  enlig'htened  ;  and  it  was  in  vain,  that  the 
*'  supporters  of  administration  pressed  them  to  attend  to  their  free  trade,  and 
*'  relinquish  their  freedom.  With  their  information,  the  pov/er  of  the  people 
*'  was  also  increasing-.  A  variety  of  causes  all  tended  to  add  to  the  volun- 
**  teers.  The  gentlemen  who  had  hitherto  taken  the  most  active  part,  were 
"  mostly  of  what  is  called  tlie  country  party.  Government  not  able  to  suppress, 
"  wished  its  supporters  also  volunteeis.  On  this  principle  many  new  corp;j 
■"  were  raised,  differing  much  in  political  sentiment,  but  who  v.  ere  to  become 
"  equally  useful  to  their  country.  Another  cause  operated  strongly  :  it  became 
*'  highly  fashionable.  Volunteer  rank  was  an  object  of  ambition,  and  it  was 
"  considered  as  the  most  glorious  destination  of  a  gentleman,  to  be  at  the 
*'  head  of  a  well-appointed  corps.  Among  the  lower  orders  of  men,  th^ 
**  smartness  of  those,  wlio  had  enrolled  themselves  became  an  object  of  envy 
**  and  emulation.  The  idea  of  glory,  which  attended  it,  also  had  its  weiglit ; 
*'  and  every  able  young  man  felt  ashamed,  that  he  Mas  not  amongst  the 
"  guardians  of  his  country,  The  fair  also,  materially  sen-ed  the  volunteer 
**  cause.  Countrymen  from  being  slovenly  in  their  dress,  and  aukward 
"  in  their  manners,  became  neat  in  their  persons,  and  comparatively  polished 
*'  and  refined.  They  were  also  to  be  the  protectors  of  their  mistresses,  and 
**  obtained  from  the  softer  sex  in  return  an  envied  precedence.  In  short,  these 
*''  various  causes  operated  so  powerfully,  that  almost  every  man  Mho  could, 
*'  became  a  volunteer.  But  the  volunteers,  though  powerful,  had  no  fixed  ob- 
'*ject;  no  bond  of  union;  no  communication.  Detached  in  separate  com- 
**  panics,  they  as  yet  wanted  that  connexion,  which  alone  could  make  them 
**  truly  beneficial."  This  gentleman  (he  was  a  barrister)  about  this  time 
•wrote  a  letter  to  Lord  North,  on  the  crisis  of  affairs  in  Ireland,  which  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXVI.  it  was  written  in  the  spur  of  the  momerit, 
and  is  a  faithful  index  of  the  general  spirit,  which  had  then  seized  the  Irish 
nation.  1 

t  10  Journ.  Com.  p.  11. 


204  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  expressly  in  command  from  his  majesty  to  assm-e  you,  that 
"  the  cares  and  solicitudes  inseparable  from  a  state  of  hostility 
"  have  not  prevented  him  from  turning  his  royal  mind  to  the  in- 
"  terests  and  distresses  of  this  kingdom  with  the  most  afFection- 
*'  ate  concern,  of  which,  the  money  remitted  to  this  country  for 
"  its  defence,  when  England  had  every  reason  to  apprehend  a 
''  most  formidable  and  immediate  attack,  affords  a  convincing 
"  proof.  Anxious  for  the  happiness  of  his  people,  his  majesty 
"  will  most  cheerfully  co-operate  with  his  parliaments  ^in  such 
"  measures  as  may  promote  the  common  interests  of\  all  his 
"  people. 

"  It  is  with  great  concern  I  have  to  inform  you,  that  on  ac- 
"  count  of  the  extraordinary  decline  of  the  revenues,  the  very 
'*  liberal  supplies  of  the  last  session  have  proved  inadequate  to 
*'  the  exigencies  of  government,  so  that,  contrary  to  my  most 
"  sanguine  expectations  and  most  earnest  endeavours,  there  is  a 
"  considerable  arrear  now  to  be  provided  for. 

"  The  united  efforts  and  great  military  preparations  of  the 
"  house  of  Bourbon  seem  only  to  have  roused  the  courage,  and 
"  called  forth  the  exertions  of  his  majesty's  brave  and  loyal  sub- 
"  jects  of  this  kingdom  ;  and  I  have  only  to  lament,  that  the  ex- 
"  hausted  state  of  the  treasury  has  hitherto  put  it  out  of  my  povv^er 
"  to  give  those  exertions  the  most  extensive  and  constitutional 
"  operation,  by  carrying  the  militia  law  into  execution." 

As  soon  as  the  lord  lieutenant's  speech  had  been  read  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  Sir  Robert  Tilson  Dean  arose,  and  after  an 
exordium  in  a  high  strain  of  panegyric  on  the  lord  lieutenant's 
administration,  and  the  good  dispositions  of  his  majesty  and  the 
British  ministry  toward  that  kingdom,  moved  for  an  address  to 
the  throne,  expressing  in  the  warmest  terms  the  grateful  sense 
the  house  entertained  of  those  dispositions^  and,  in  the  usual 
language  of  these  addresses,  echoing  the  speech.  The  motion 
was  seconded  by  Mr.  R.  H.  Hutchinson,  who  said  this  v/as  a 
great,  critical,  and  important  period,  in  which  the  declarations  of 
the  king,  the  best  of  princes,  and  the  British  legislature,  left  no 
room  to  doubt  but  every  good  was  designed  for  Ireland  ;  that  his 
majesty's  speech  in  the  British  house,  at  the  close  of  the  last  ses- 
sion, was  the  harbinger  of  good  tidings  and  great  events,  which 
was  on  that  day  confirmed  by  the  lord  lieutenant's  speech,  who 
said  he  had  it  in  command  to  declare  his  wish  to  co-operate  in 
such  measures,  as  might  best  promote  their  interests,  which,  in 
the  hands  of  their  administration,  must  be  well  managed,  as  their 
designs  were  pure  ;  that  under  such  an  administration,  the  gene- 
ral benefit  of  the  empire  would  be  attended  to,  above  all  partial 
and  selfish  considerations  ;  and  the  veil  of  calumny,  which  had 
so  long  traduced  them,  would  disappear,  and  the  factious  calum- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  205 

niators,  touched  with  truth,  as  with  the  spear  of  Ithuriel,  w^ould 
start  into  shape.  What  thanks  were  due  to  the  chief  governor, 
who  so  respectfully  mentioned  the  societies  of  armed  patriots 
throughout  the  kingdom.  What  must  their  opinion  be  of  a  chief 
governor,  who  spoke  so  honourably  of  that  great  bulwark  of  con- 
stitutional liberty,  a  national  militia  ?  Though  their  distresses 
wxre  great,  from  them  prosperous  days  might  spring. 

Mr.  Grattan  said,  the  speech  contained  nothing  explicit,  nothing 
satisfactory  :  it  meant  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people,  without 
any  declaration  whatever.  After  his  majesty  had  been  addressed 
by  his  Irish  subjects  for  a  free  export  trade,  did  such  addresses 
require  no  answer  ?  Were  the  people  of  Ireland  undeserving  the 
notice  of  the  British  ministers  ?  \Vas  there  no  respect  for  the  in- 
terests of  these  kingdoms  among  the  servants  of  the  crown  on 
that  side  of  the  water?  Were  not  these  servants  of  the  crown  also 
representatives  of  the  people  ?  Why  not  then  speak  out  ?  Were 
their  distresses  of  so  private  a  nature,  that  they  must  not  be  men- 
tioned ?  Here  he  gave  an  eloquent  and  pathetic  picture  of  the 
miserable  condition  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  plain  they  had  no- 
thing to  expect,  since  applications  from  the  people,  backed  even 
by  the  officers  of  the  crown,  were  not  attended  to.  Ireland  then 
had  nothing  to  depend  upon  but  her  own  spirit ;  no  redress  of 
grievances,  no  extension  of  trade,  but  from  the  efforts  of  her  peo- 
ple !  and  v/ould  it  be  politic,  would  it  be  safe,  here  or  elsewhere, 
to  oppose  these  efforts  ?  Why  does  not  the  address  also  speak 
out  ?  Why  had  they  less  spirit  than  the  people  ?  Should  the  com- 
mons of  Ireland  shew  less  spirit  than  the  most  insignificant  cor- 
poration ?  The  distresses  of  Ireland  were  twofold,  the  beggary 
of  the  people,  and  the  bankruptcy  of  the  state.  The  kingdom 
was  ruined  by  a  balance  of  trade  against  her  for  so  many  years, 
and  the  drain  of  absentees  ;  the  prevailing  spirit  of  associations 
was  but  a  temporary  expedient,  and  something  more  effectual 
must  be  done. 

The  bankruptcy  of  the  state  was  the  consequence  of  a  system 
of  boundless  prodigality,  profligacy,  and  violence.  The  peace 
establishment  of  that  poor  country  amounted  to  one-sixth  of  that 
of  England  ;  and  what  proportion  was  there  in  their  means  ?  What 
was  that  establishment  ?  Infamous  pensions  to  infamous  men  ! 
(Here  he  launched  into  personalities.)  And  v/ould  those  men, 
whom  they  paid,  vote  against  an  extension  of  their  trade  ?  Vote 
against  the  means  of  supporting  them  ?  To  what  pass  had  admin- 
istration reduced  that  kingdom  !  To  be  insulted  with  their  po- 
verty in  the  speech  from  the  throne  ;  to  be  told  of  their  beggary  ; 
that  the  officers  of  the  crown  there  had  begged  50,000/.  from  Eng- 
land, or  the  troops  could  not  have   marched  into  camp ;  when  it 


206  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

was  known,  that  it  was  that  profligacy,  that  has  unnerved  the  arm 
of  government,  and  made  the  sword  of  defence  fall  in  its  hands. 

He  then  moved  an  amendment  to  the  address,  to  be  inserted 
in  the  following  words  : 

"  That  we  beseech  your  majesty  to  believe,  that  it  is  with  the 
utmost  reluctance  we  are  constrained  to  approach  you  on  the  pre- 
sent occasion  ;  but  thie  constant  drain  to  supply  absentees,  and 
the  unfortunate  prohibition  of  our  trade,  have  caused  such  calami- 
ty, that  the  natural  support  of  our  country  has  decayed,  and  our 
manufactures  are  dying  away  for  want.  Famine  stalks  hand  in 
hand  with  hopeless  wretchedness,  and  the  only  means  left  to  sup- 
port the  expiring  trade  of  this  miserable  part  of  your  majesty's 
dominions,  is  to  open  a  free  export  trade,  and  let  your  Irish  sub- 
jects enjoy  their  natural  birth-right."  Lord  Westport  seconded 
Mr.  Grattan's  motion  for  the  amendment.  Mr.  Flood  considered 
the  address  as  inexplicit.  Sir  Henry  Cavendish  declared  he 
would  vote  against  the  amendixient,  apprehending  that  this  busi- 
ness would  be  better  effected  by  opening  a  committee  on  purpose, 
or  rather  following  a  precedent  iii  the  year  1661,  when  the  lords 
and  commons  of  Ireland  appointed  commissioners  to  attend  the 
king,  to  supplicate  the  redress  of  grievances. 

Mr.  Ogle  reprobated  the  idea  of  entering  into  a  committee  on 
the  subject  of  grievances  :  he  was  sick,  he  said,  of  the  mode  of 
trifling  with  the  nation  in  order  to  gain  time  ;  if  they  did  not 
mention  something  in  the  address,  the  ministr}^  might  again  shelter 
themselves  under  the  old  excuse,  that  truly  they  did  not  know 
what  the  Irish  wanted,  as  their  parliament  v/as  silent  on  the  head  ; 
and  so  went  on  with  the  old  system  of  duplicity. 

Sir  Edward  Newenham  conjured  the  house,  by  all  they  held 
dear,  to  resume  their  wonted  dignity  and  power,  charged  the  Bri- 
tish ministry  with  contempt  and  neglect  to  the  nation,  and  called 
on  their  warmest  advocate  to  deny  the  assertion  ;  said  he  per- 
fectly agreed  w^th  Mr.  Flood,  that  the  address  did  not  go  far 
enough,  and  that  he  thought  the  original  address  a  servile  echo 
to  the  speech. 

The  Provost  drew  a  most  pathetic  picture  of  the  melancholy 
situation  of  his  native  country,  declaring,  on  that  question,  that 
no  administration  should  bias  him  from  the  welfare  of  his 
country. 

The  Attorney  General  delivered  a  studied  eulogium  on  the 
sensibility  of  the  king,  and  the  humanity  of  his  minister. 

The  debate  now  took  a  new  turn  ;  several  of  the  ministerial 
party  declared,  that  though  they  thought  this  business  might  have 
come  more  properly  otherwise,  yet,  that  there  might  be  an  unani- 
mity, they  would  not  oppose  the  amendment. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  207 

The  Rt.  Hon.  Henry  Flood  declared  for  the  amendment,  and 
entered  largely  into  a  justification  of  his  political  conduct,  which, 
he  said,  had  unfortunately  been  much  misrepresented ;  that  the 
office  he  held  was  the  unsolicited  gift  of  his  sovereign,  which  he 
had  received  with  gratitude,  and  held  with  honour,  that  when  a 
time  came,  that  he  could  no  longer  do  it,  he  would  gladly  throw 
the  bracelet  into  the  common  cauldron. 

Mr.  Prime  Serjeant,  (Hussey  Burgh)  after  expatiating  on  the 
necessity  of  immediately  laying,  in  an  unequivocal  manner,  the 
state  of  the  distresses  at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  moved  in  lieu  of 
the  amendment  proposed,  "  that  it  is  not  by  temporary'  expedients, 
"  but  by  a  free  trade  alone,  that  this  nation  is  now  to  be  saved 
"  from  impending  ruin." 

The  amendment  was  carried  Nem.  Con.  as  was  also  the  address 
to  the  lord  lieutenant. 

So  crying  were  the  distresses  of  Ireland  at  this  period,  so  im- 
potent was  the  hand  of  government  to  relieve  them,  that  the  most 
important  change  of  disposition,  sentiment,  and  action  in  the  peo- 
ple took  place  under  the  eye,  in  defiance  and  with  the  acquies- 
cence of  government.  By  the  melancholy  consequences  of  the 
American  war,  our  fleets  had  become  inferior  to  the  combined 
forces  of  the  enemy  :  our  own  coasts  were  insulted,  those  of 
Ireland  wholly  unprotected  :  the  military  establishment  had  been 
so  drained  to  recruit  the  regiments  in  America,  that  there  were 
not  5000  forces  in  that  kingdom  to  defend  the  sea-ports  even 
from  the  crews  of  single  vessels.  Hence  arose  the  necessity  of 
volunteers  arming  in  defence  of  their  abandoned  country.  Go- 
vernment affrighted  at  the  situation,  into  which  they  had  thrown 
or  permitted  the  country  to  be  thrown,  delivered  out  to  the  people 
16,000  stand  of  arms,  thereby  encouraging  and  increasing  the 
number  of  volunteers,  without  any  stipulation,  regulation,  or  au- 
thority for  organizing  or  subjecting  them  to  subordination.  The 
commercial  face  of  the  country  exhibited  a  still  more  desponding 
view :  her  vessels  taken  within  sight  of  her  ports  :  her  trade 
shackled  in  almost  every  branch  by  British  restrictions  :  an  em- 
bargo on  the  exports  of  her  provision  trade  :  her  linens  lying  up- 
on their  merchants'  hands  :  her  imports  and  her  absentees  swal- 
lowing up  all  her  currency  :  and  slight  or  no  returns  to  supply 
an  exhausted  treasury.  Wretchedness,  desperation,  and  ruin 
presented  themselves  at  every  point  of  view,  and  in  the  debate 
upon  the  speech  from  the  throne,  once  more  dissolved  the  minis- 
terial phalanx,  and  imperiously  called  upon  the  staunchest  sup- 
porters of  the  castle  interest  to  quit  their  ranks,  and  vote  for  a 
free  trade.  The  nation  rejoiced  at  this  glorious  opening  of  the 
session,  and  poured  forth  its  gi'atitude  to  parliament ;  they  in 
their  turn  paid  their  tribute  of  thanks  to  the  volunteers,  who  it 


208  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

appears  now  amounted  to  42,000  men.  It  is  singular,  that  this 
formidable  body,  armed  and  organized  by  no  other  authority  or 
sanction  than  the  great  law  of  self-defence,  was  neither  charged 
nor  questioned  by  the  Irish  government  or  parliament  as  to  the 
legality  of  their  commission  or  delegation.  Government  had  so 
wasted  its  vigour,  that  it  could  not  raise  its  arm  in  self-defence. 
Whilst  this  debate  was  going  forward,  the  populace  assembled 
round  the  parliament  house,  and  with  full  impunity  menaced  the 
members,  and  demanded  oaths  of  them  to  support  the  measure, 
committing  several  acts  of  outrage  and  intimidation.  To  this 
juncture  did  the  late  Lord  Clare  refer  in  his  memorable  speech 
on  the  Union  (p.  49)  when  he  said,  ''  The  imbecility  of  Lord 
"  Buckinghamshire's  government  had  arrayed  the  volunteer  ar- 
''  my,  and  the  address  to  his  majesty  voted  in  1779  by  the  com- 
"  mons,  demanding  a  free  trade  as  the  right  of  Ireland^^  was  fol- 
"  lowed  instantly  by  a  resolution  of  thanks  to  that  army  for  their 
"  array." 

The  rights  of  Ireland  appear  to  have  been  more  warmly  com- 
bated in  the  British,  than  in  the  Irish  senate.  The  Irish  parlia- 
ment had  been  convened  about  five  weeks  before  that  of  Great 
Britain,  in  order  that  the  objections  pressed  by  the  opposition 
against  the  long  recess  of  the  Irish  parliament,  might  be  done 
away,  and  some  specific  demands  might  be  submitted  by  the  Irish 
to  the  British  parliament,  which  the  most  plausible  of  the  minis- 
terialists had  frequently  called  for.  On  the  1st  of  December, 
1779,  Lord  Shelburne  moved  in  the  British  House  of  Lords, 
that  the  address  of  that  house,  which  passed  unanimously  on  the 
11th  of  May  last,  recommending  to  his  majesty's  most  serious 
consideration  the  distressed  and  impoverished  state  of  the  loyal 
and  well  deserving  people  of  Ireland,  and  to  direct  that  there  be 
prepared  and  laid '  before  parliament  such  particulars,  relative  to 
the  trade  and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  as  to 
enable  the  national  wisdom  to  pursue  effectual  measures  for  pro- 
moting the  common  strength,  v/ealth,  and  commerce  of  his  ma- 
jesty's subjects  in  both  kingdoms,  and  his  majesty's  answer  of  the 
following  day,  that  he  would  give  directions  accordingly:  and 
likewise  the  motion  to  address  his  majesty,  which  he  took  the  h- 
berty  to  trouble  their  lordships  with  on  the  2d  of  June,  re-stating 

*  When  the  speaker  carried  up  the  address  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  the  streets, 
from  the  Parliament-house  to  the  Castle,  were  lined  by  the  Dublin  volunteers, 
commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  drawn  up  in  their  arms  and  uniform. — 
The  acclamations  of  the  people  as  he  passed  along-,  expressed  their  wishes  and 
their  joy  on  this  very  sing-ular  occasion  :  tlie  pulse  of  the  nation  beat  high.  A 
general  expectation  of  reih-ess  was  now  diffused  ;  at  the  same  time,  anxiety  and 
suspicions  were  entertained,  that  there  was  danger  of  being  disappointed,  from 
the  same  spirit,  in  which  England  had  iiitherto  kept  that  country,  in  a  state  of 
humiliating  and  oppressive  bondage. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  209 

the  necessity  of  giving  speedy  and  effectual  relief  to  Ireland,  and 
offering  the  full  co-operation  of  that  house  towards  giving  relief  to 
that  kingdom  ;  and  if  his  royal  prerogative,  as  vested  in  him  by 
the  constitution,  were  not  adequate  to  administer  the  wanted  re- 
lief, that  his  majesty  w^ould  be  pleased  to  continue  the  parliament 
of  this  kingdom,  and  give  orders  forthwith  for  calling  the  parlia- 
ment of  Ireland,  that  their  just  complaints  might  be  fullv  con- 
sidered, and  remedied  without  delay ;  which  last,  his  lordship 
observed,  had  been  negatived  by  a  considerable  majority,  no  less 
than  by  61  to  32 ;  these  docum.ents  being  read  at  the  table,  his 
lordship  proceeded  to  explain  the  grounds  of  his  intended  motion, 
which  would,  if  carried,  amount  to  a  vote  of  censure  upon  minis- 
ters, w^hose  conduct  he  most  severely  reprobated  ;  he  then  advert- 
ed to  the  consequences,  which  that  conduct  drew  after  it  j  exactly 
what  every  thinking  m.an  must  have  clearly  foreseen.  Ireland 
disclaimed  any  connexion  with  Great  Britain ;  she  instantly  put 
herself  into  a  condition  of  defence  against  her  foreign  enemies  ; 
oppressed  at  one  time  by  England,  and  at  length  reduced  to  a 
state  of  calamity  and  distress,  experienced  by  no  other  country 
that  ever  existed,  unless  visited  by  \^  ar  or  famine  ;  and  perceiv- 
ing, that  all  prospect  of  justice  or  relief  was  in  a  manner  fmally 
closed,  and  that  she  must  perish,  or  work  out  her  own  salvation, 
she  united  as  one  man  to  rescue  herself  from  that  approaching 
destruction,  which  seemed  to  await  her.  The  people  instantly 
armed  themselves,  and  the  numbers  armed  soon  increased  to  up- 
wards of  forty  thousand  men,  and  were  daily  augmenting.  This 
most  formidable  body  was  not  composed  of  mercenaries  who  had 
little  or  no  interest  in  the  issue,  but  of  the  nobility,  gentry,  mer- 
chants, citizens,  and  respectable  yeomanry :  men  able  and  willing 
to  devote  their  time,  anil  part  of  their  property,  to  the  defence  of 
the  whole,  and  the  protection  and  security  of  their  countr}^.  The 
gov^emment  had  been  abdicated,  and  the  people  resumed  the 
powers  vested  in  them ;  and  in  so  doing,  were  fully  authorized 
•by  every  principle  of  the  constitution,  and  every  motive  of  self- 
preservation  ;  and  whenever  they  should  again  delegate  this  in- 
herent power,  they  firmly  and  wisely  determined  to  have  it  so 
regulated,  and  placed  upon  so  large  and  liberal  a  basis,  that  they 
should  not  be  liable  to  suffer  under  the  same  oppressions  in  time 
to  come  ;  nor  feel  the  fatal  effects  and  complicated  evils  of  mal- 
administration ;  of  calamity  without  hopes  of  redress;  or  of  iron- 
lianded  power  Vv'ithout  protection. 

To  prove,  that  these  were  the  declared  and  real  sentiments  of 
the  whole  Irish  nation,  he  should  not  dwell  upon  this  or  that  par- 
ticular circumstance  ;  upon  the  resolutions  of  county  and  town 
meetings  ;  upon  the  language  of  the  associations  ;  upon  the  gene- 
ral prevalent  spirit  of  all  descriptions  of  men  of  all  religions  :  mat- 
VOL.  II.  D  d 


210  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ters  of  this  kind,  however  true  or  manifest,  were  subject  to,  or 
might  admit  of  controversy.  He  would  solely  confine  himself  to 
a  passage  contained  in  a  state  paper ;  he  meant  the  address  of 
both  houses  of  the  Irish  parHament,  declaring,  that  nothing  but 
granting  the  kingdom  "  a  free  trade,"  could  save  it  from  certain 
ruin.  Here  was  the  united  voice  of  the  country  conveyed  through 
its  proper  constitutional  organs,  both  houses  of  parliament,  to  his 
majesty,  against  which  there  was  but  one  dissenting  voice  in  the 
houses,  and  not  a  second,  he  believed,  in  the  whole  kingdom. 
Church  of  England  men,  and  Roman  Catholics,  Dissenters,  and 
Sectaries  of  all  denominations ;  Whigs  and  Tories,  if  any  such 
were  to  be  found  in  Ireland  ;  placemen,  pensioners,  and  country 
gentlemen  ;  Englishmen  by  birth :  in  short,  every  man  in  and  out 
of  the  house,  except  the  single  instance  mentioned,  had  all  united 
in  a  single  opinion,  that  nothing  would  relieve  the  country  short 
of  a  free  trade. 

After  stating,  in  a  variety  of  instances,  the  misconduct,  incapa- 
city, but,  above  all,  the  shameful  inattention  of  ministers  to  the 
affairs  of  Ireland,  by  which  we  were  driven  to  the  melancholy 
terms  of  submitting  to  whatever  Ireland  might  think  proper  to 
dictate,  or  to  the  loss  of  Ireland  as  well  as  America,  his  lordship 
proceeded  to  point  out  several  existing  grievances  in  that  coun- 
try, as  well  arising  from  its  particular  constitution,  as  interior 
government.  He  observed,  that  there  was  one  gross  defect  in  the 
former,  and  that  too  of  the  first  magnitude  j  he  meant  the  power 
the  crown  being  invested  with,  or  arrogating  to  itself  the  disposal 
of  the  hereditary  revenue,  which  amounted  to  full  two-thirds  of 
the  whole  monies  raised  upon  the  people.  This  could  be  dis- 
posed of  at  the  king's  pleasure,  or  its  produce  in  part  be  antici- 
pated by  royal  grants,  called  the  king's  letters.  Such  a  general 
grant,  he  allovvcd,  was  not  to  be  supposed  or  feared  ;  but  as  long 
as  the  claim  was  contended  for,  it  must  continue  a  dangerous 
claim,  because  it  invested  the  whole  produce  in  the  king,  and 
with  it  consequently  the  power  of  the  sword.  It  had,  however, 
this  immediate  effect,  that  the  ministers  were  at  all  times  at  li- 
berty to  give  pensions,  create  places  ;  and  the  salaries  and  sums 
granted  or  annexed  to  them,  being  charged  upon  the  hereditary 
revenue,  it  in  fact  amounted  to  a  power  to  tax  ;  because,  if  that 
revenue  fell  short,  other  taxes  must  be  laid  on  the  people,  and 
other  burdens  incurred,  in  order  to  make  good  those  eventual 
deficiencies.  This  power,  and  the  use  made  of  it,  was  a  source 
of  endless  mischief  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  and  in  its  conse- 
quences to  the  people  of  England  ;  because  it  afforded  ministers 
on  both  sides  the  water,  the  means  of  corruption,  and  rewarding 
those,  who  supported  them  in  their  views,  and  gave  a  sanction  to 
their  measures.   It  was  doubly  mischievous  to  Ireland  j  for  while 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  211 

it  impoverished  the  people  there,  it  at  the  same  time  fm*nished 
the  means  of  future  oppression,  and  repeated  public  rapine. 

It  was  a  matter  of  notoriety,  when  Ireland  had  applied  for 
some  trifling  favour  in  the  last  session,  some  few  days  only  be- 
fore the  noble  marquis  moved  the  address  read  that  day  at  the 
table,  that  the  minister  in  the  other  house,  (Lord  North)  under- 
standing, that  the  house  was  about  to  relax,  and  that  the  favour 
was  upon  the  point  of  being  granted,  came  down,  and  by  his  sole 
influence  threw  out  the  bill  by  a  majority  of  three  only  ;  a.:d,  not 
contented  with  giving  a  silent  vote,  spoke  v/ith  his  usual  energy 
and  success  against  it.  This  act  of  declared  hostility  against  the 
people  of  Ireland,  with  the  subsequent  neglect  of  administration, 
in  not  attending  to  the  united  sentiments  of  the  British  legislature, 
was,  in  his  opinion,  the  cause,  that  Ireland  was  not  now  in  a  per- 
fect state  of  tranquillity  and  obedience  to  the  government  of  this 
country  ;  and  that,  instead  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand  associators, 
there  was  now,  he  believed,  full  four  times  the  number,  well 
armed  and  accoutred,  and  daily  improving  in  discipline.  The 
Irish  saw  what  they  must  trust  to,  and  they  took  their  option. 
The  honor  and  dignity  of  the  crown  were  disgraced  ;  the  sword 
was  dropped,  and  the  people  had  taken  it  up  on  the  double  mo- 
tive of  defending  themselves  against  a  foreign  enemy  ;  and  com- 
pelling that  justice  with  arms  in  their  hands,  that  had,  as  with 
America,  been  denied  to  their  humble  applications,  and  the 
repeated  narratives  and  representations  of  their  calamities  and 
distress. 

After  disclaiming  all  personal  resentment  in  the  act  of  duty, 
he  undertook  to  perform,  his  lordship  then  moved  the  following 
resolution : 

'"  "  That  it  is  highly  criminal  in  his  majesty's  ministers  to  have 
"  neglected  taking  effectual  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  king- 
"  dom  of  Ireland,  in  consequence  of  the  address  of  this  house  of 
"  the  11th  of  May,  and  of  his  majesty's  most  gracious  answer  : 
"  and  to  have  suffered  the  discontents  of  that  kingdom  to  rise  to 
"  such  an  height,  as  evidently  to  endanger  the  constitutional  con- 
"  nexion  between  the  two  kingdoms,  and  to  create  new  embar- 
"  rassments  to  the  public  councils,  by  disunion  and  diffidence,  in 
*'  a  moment  when  real  unanimity,  grounded  upon  mutual  confi- 
"  dence  and  affection,  is  confessedly  essential  to  the  preservation 
'*  of  what  is  left  of  the  British  empire." 

Earl  of  Hillsborough  arose,  and  admitted,  that  he  thought  Ire- 
land was  entitled  to  a  free  trade  with  equal  taxes,  or,  as  he  had 
before  expressed  himself,  to  an  equal  trade.  So  far  his  opinions 
went,  and  on  that  ground  he  thought  himself  well  warranted  in  re- 
commending to  his  majesty,  and  proposing  to  the  consideration 
of  parliament  the  granting  Ireland  an  equal  trade.     As  to  the 


21^  AN  HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

event  of  this  measure,  all  he  could  positively  say,  was,  that  it 
perfectly  accorded  widi  his  ideas  of  policy  and  justice  :  and  from 
the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  people  of  both  kingdoms,  he 
had  good  grounds  to  hope,  that  an  equal  trade,  with  the  condi- 
tions to  be  annexed,  would  give  perfect  satisfaction  and  content, 
as  Vvell  to  the  British,  as  the  Irish  nation. 

The  Marquis  of  Rockingham  said,  the  non-importation  agree- 
ment in  Ireland  had  not  been  general,  but  had  been  entered  into 
only  by  some  counties  and  towns,  at  the  time  his  motion  was 
made  ;  but  as  soon  as  the  Irish  perceived,  that  no  relief  was  to 
be  expected  from  ministers,  though  every  branch  of  the  legisla- 
ture had  promised  it,  the  non-importation  agreement  became 
general,  and  the  spirit  of  military  association,  which  was  directed 
solely  to  defence  against  a  foreign  enemy,  soon  assumed  a  differ- 
ent form  ;  and  looked  forward  to  compel  that  relief,  which,  with 
good  will  and  good  intentions  on  our  part,  had  before  no  exist- 
ence in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Ireland.  Had  something 
been  done  vrhen  he  first  moved,  or  if  parliament  had  been  kept 
sitting,  according  to  the  propositions  of  his  noble  friend,  of  the 
2d  of  June,  neither  the  associations,  nor  the  non-importation 
agi-ecment,  would  have  ever  existed  in  their  preseut  extent. 
Could  their  lordships,  then,  with  such  self-evident  proof  before 
them,  refuse,  when  it  vras,  perhaps,  the  only  measure  which 
could  effect  the  salvation  of  their  country  frcm  the  innumerable 
perils  which  encompassed  it  on  every  side,  to  pass  a  censure 
upon  those  men,  who,  by  such  base  neglect,  or  complicated  folly 
and  treachery,  had  forced  the  Irish  not  only  to  those  measures 
already  mentioned,  but  had  driven  them  to  the  last  necessity, 
that  of  taking  up  arms  to  redress  themselves,  and  forming  into 
associations,  which,  however  well  intended,  most  clearly  amount- 
ed to  a  suspension,  if  not  a  subversion,  of  all  the  power  of  legal 
government ;  and  v/hich,  if  speedy  measures  of  conciliation  were 
not  adopted,  might  terminate  in  a  civil  war. 

Among  the  grievances  complained  of  by  the  people  of  Ireland, 
his  lordship  mentioned  the  expressions  of  disapprobation,  on  the 
sham.eful  abuse  and  scandalous  waste  of  the  public  revenues,* 
and  the  pension  list. 

*  As  an  instance  of  this  charge,  he  mentioned  the  purchase  made  of  the  office 
of  Clerk  of  the  Pells  in  that  kingdom,  from  the  then  possessor  of  that  place,  an 
honourable  member  of  the  other  house,  who  was  an  ornament  to  his  countr}-, 
(Mr.  Fox)  who  held  it  by  virtue  of  a  patent  for  thirty-one  years.  In  describ- 
ing' the  whole  of  this  accommodation,  he  observed,  that  the  net  profit  of  the 
place  was  but  2300/.  a  year;  that  the  minister  gave  30,000/.  in  hand,  and  a 
pension  of  1700/.  per  annum  ;  but  for  what  purpose  did  he  make  this  usurious 
contract  ?  Not  to  oblige  or  serve  that  gentleman ;  not  to  relieve  that  kingdom 
from^Tn  enormous  annual  charge  of  a  sinecure  place,  which  required  no  attend- 
ance, but  to  qualify  for  the  place  on  the  spot,  a  custom  long  fallen  into  disuse. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  213 

Earl  Gower  said,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  unite  the  house 
last  session,  upon  the  terms  of  the  address  to  the  throne.  He 
was  in  hopes,  that  something  effectual  for  the  relief  of  Ireland, 
would  have  arisen  from  the  unanimous  concurrence  of  their  lord- 
ships, in  the  amendment  thai  he  had  the  honour  to  propose.  If, 
liowever,  nothing  had  been  done  for  the  relief  of  that  country, 
which  he  was  pretty  sure  vvTis  the  case,  he  assured  the  house  he 
had  done  everything  in  his  power  to  keep  his  word,  v/hich  he  had 
solemnly  pledged  to  their  lordships,  he  vras  ready  to  acknowledge ; 
but  he  must  add,  in  his  own  justification,  that  his  efforts  had 
proved  totally  unfruitful.  It  v/as  not  in  his  power,  nor  in  the 
power  of  any  individual,  to  effect  any  such  purpose. 

He  had  presided,  he  said,  for  some  years  at  the  council  table, 
and  had  seen  such  things  pass  there  of  late,  that  no  man  of  honour 
or  conscience  could  any  longer  sit  there. 

The  times  were  such  as  called  upon  every  man  to  speak  out : 
the  situations  of  those  two  kingdoms,  particularly  at  present,  re- 
quired sincerity  and  activity  in  council. 

Lord  Stormont,  said  he  was  of  opinion  with  the  noble  earl  who 
spoke  early  (Hillsborough)  tliat  no  part  of  the  charge  contained  in 
the  motion  had  been  proved  ;  nor  were  the  parties  accused,  ad- 
mitted to  their  defence. 

Lord  Camden  said,  the  motion  was  so  fully  proved  and  sub- 
stantiated in  all  its  parts,  that  there  v»'as  not  a  proposition  in  Eu- 
clid, the  demonstrative  proof  of  which  might  not,  Vvith  equal 
justice,  be  controverted  or  denied.  Ministers  had  been  desired, 
by  the  first  authority  in  this  country,  the  king,  lords,  and  com- 
mons, to  give  Ireland  relief;  to  inquire  into  the  nature  of  their 
distresses  and  remove  the  ground  of  their  complaints.  The 
question  vras,  had  they  done  so  ?  If  they  had,  the  motion  must 
fall  to  the  ground :  if  they  had  not,  did  not  the  omis  lie  upon  the 
ministers  to  state  the  reasons  why  they  had  not,  or  v/ere  unable 
to  perform  what  they  were  entrusted  to  execute  ? 

He  spoke  highly  of  the  Irish  nation  ;  of  their  loyalty  and  affec- 
tion ;  their  wisdom  and  their  public  spirit.     He  hoped  and  be- 

the  very  form,  upon  every  occasion,  leaving-  for  many  years,  and  upon  most 
occasions,  been  disi^ensed  with,  by  the  aid  of  a  Briliish  act  of  parliament,  but 
merely  to  accommodate  Mr.  Jenkinson,  (now  Earl  of  Liverpool)  secretary  at 
Avar,  and  to  load  the  sinking-  revenue  of  tliat  countr}'  with  a  still  heavier  bur- 
den, by  increasing"  the  income  of  this  sinecure  place  from  2300/.  per  annum, 
which  it  was  when  the  honourable  g-entleman  held  it,  to  3500/.  per  annum,  on 
Mr.  Jenkinson's  appointment ;  besides  1700/.  a  year  g-iven  to  the  former  g-entle- 
man  on  the  pension  list ;  by  which  means  Ireland  was  loaded  with  a  burden  of 
5200/.  a  year,  or  an  addition  of  2900/.  a  year,  as  long"  as  the  patentee,  tlie 
grantee,  and  the  cliildren  of  the  former,  included  in  the  patent,  should  live  ; 
and  1900/.  a  year  in  perpetuity,  in  addition.  Nothing  could  be  more  usurious 
....nothing- more  ungenerous,  than  this  job  of  the  minister. 


214  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

iieved,  notwithstanding  the  ill  treatment  they  had  received  ;  the 
cruel  burdens  imposed  upon  them  b}^  this  country ;  and  the  suc- 
cession of  neglects  and  harsh  measures  they  had  felt,  which  had 
at  length  brought  on  an  accumulation  of  distresses  and  calamities ; 
that  yet,  all  circumstances  considered,  they  would  still  retain  their 
affection  and  attachment  for  England. 

Nothing  should  be  done  by  halves  j  nothing  niggardly,  or  ap- 
parently accompanied  with  reluctance. 

He  lamented  th^  state  of  public  affairs,  and  the  baneful  con- 
sequences of  the  American  war  ;  yet  he  did  not  entirely  despair 
of,  at  least  the  friendship  and  good  will,  though  perhaps,  we  had 
no  great  right  to  hope  for  the  sovereignty  of  America.  Ireland 
was  still  ours,  and  devoted  to  us.  This  island,  with  the  aid  of 
that  kingdom,  was  still  equal  to  make  a  most  respectable  figure 
among  the  powers  of  Europe  ;  and  if  nothing  better  could  be 
procured,  he  was  persuaded,  that,  with  Ireland,  rendered  useful 
to  herself,  and  of  course,  to  us,  we  should  still  be  a  match  for  any 
confederacy  which  might  be  formed  against  us.  The  question 
being  put,  was  negatived  by  a  majority  of  82  against  37* 

The  critical  and  alarming  situation  of  Ireland  w^as  debated  more 
diffusely  and  warmly  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  than  in 
the  Peers.  "*On  the  6th  of  December,  1779,  Lord  Upper  Os- 
soiy  rose,  and  prefaced  his  intended  motion  with  a  short  speech 
in  its  support,  which  he  confessed,  when  moved,  would  appear 
to  amount  to  a  vote  of  censure  upon  ministry,  for  their  total  in- 
attention to  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  towards  the  close  of  the  last 
session,  and  during  the  whole  of  the  prorogation  of  parliament. 
They  had,  he  said,  totalty  abandoned  the  government  of  that 
kingdom  to  chance  ;  they  neither  felt  for  its  distresses,  nor  pro- 
vided against  its  possible,  nay,  probable  and  natural  resentments. 
They  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  its  moderate  requests  ;  and  had  the  pe- 
culiar merit  of  transforming  the  last  stages  of  national  misery  and 
public  despondency,  into  vigour,  strength,  spirit,  and  every  means 
which  could  concur  to  draw  forth  a  most  formidable  resistance, 
and  all  the  time  stood  by  unmoved,  as  unconcerned  spectators, 
or  as  if  giving  countenance  to  the  measures  taken  by  Ireland,  in 
order  to  compel  a  full  and  effectual  redress  of  all  her  real  and 
ideal  grievances.  He  contended,  that  the  spirit  of  resistance  di- 
rected towards  independency,  which  had  manifested  itself  in  Ire- 
land, was  imputable,  and  solely  imputable,  to  the  shameful  inat- 
tention and  criminal  neglect  of  ministers,  who  might  have,  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  miseries  of  that  kingdom,  granted  the  Irish 
substantial  relief,  and  prevented  the  seeds  of  thoee  disorders, 
which  now  threatened  a  dissolution  of  all  constitutional  govern- 

*  15  Pari.  Debates,  p.  99. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  215 

ment,  from  growing  up  suddenly  to  their  present  state  of  matu- 
rity :  such  relief  too,  as  being  founded  in  justice,  and  dictated  by 
motives  of  sound  policy,  would  have  operated  preventatively. 
The  Irish  would  have  rested  content  with  the  compliance  of  re- 
quests, far  short  of  what  they  were  fairly  entitled  to  expect :  no 
man  could  answer,  at  that  instant,  by  what  bounds  their  demands 
would  be  limited :  no  man  could  say  on  what  conditions  they 
would  be  satisfied  ;  or  upon  what  basis  the  interests  and  respect- 
ive rights  of  both  countries  could  be  fairly  established,  without 
either  a  total  separation,  or  consenting  to  throw  too  great  a  weight 
into  the  scale  of  Ireland.  As,  therefore,  the  unhappy  dilemma 
this  country  stood  in,  respecting  that  kingdom,  arose  entirely  and 
exclusively  from  the  inattention  of  administration,  he  begged 
leave  to  make  the  following  motion,  to  be  proposed  by  way  of 
resolution. 

Resolved^  "  That  it  is  highly  criminal  in  his  majesty's  ministers, 
"  to  have  neglected  taking  effectual  measures  for  the  relief  of  the 
"  kingdom  of  Ireland,  in  consequence  of  the  address  of  this  house 
"  of  the  11th  of  May  last,  and  of  his  majesty's  most  gracious 
"  answer  ;  and  to  have  suffered  the  discontents  of  that  kingdom 
"  to  rise  to  such  an  height,  as  evidently  to  endanger  a  dissolution 
"  of  the  constitutional  connexion  between  the  two  kingdoms,  and 
"  to  create  new  embarrassments  to  the  public  councils,  by  division 
"  and  diffidence,  in  a  moment,  when  real  unanimity,  grounded 
"  upon  mutual  confidence  and  affection,  was  confessedly  essential 
*'  to  the  preservation  of  what  was  left  of  the  British  empire." 

Lord  Middleton  seconded  the  motion,  and  repeated  several 
instances  of  the  inattention  of  the  noble  lord  in  the  blue  ribbon, 
and  of  his  having  set  his  face  agamst  the  desired  relief  to  Ireland ; 
he  spoke  of  the  part  he  had  taken  the  two  preceding  sessions 
respecting  Irish  affairs  ;  that  the  first,  they  had  been  put  off  by 
mutual  consent,  to  be  more  fully  investigated  the  succeeding 
session ;  and  the  last,  when  he  had  the  honour  to  preside  in  the 
chair  of  the  committee,  where  some  resolutions,  for  the  purpose 
of  granting  some  small  favour  to  Ireland,  passed  without  any 
considerable  opposition ;  he  said,  the  noble  lord,  when  he  found 
the  house  in  a  temper  to  acquiesce,  came  down  professedly  to 
defeat  the  measure,  and  threw  out  the  bill  on  the  second  reading. 
The  defence  of  administration  was,  on  this  occasion,  ably 
conducted.  It  was  contended,  that  the  distresses  and  miseries 
of  Ireland,  could  not  with  justice  be  attributed  to  the  present,  or 
any  late  ministers  ;  that  her  grievances  existed  many  years  before, 
in  the  general  system  of  trade  laws ;  that  the  restrictions  then 
laid  on  arose  from  a  narrow,  short-sighted  policy,  which,  though 
conceived  in  prejudice,  and  founded  on  ignorance,  w^as  yet  so 
strengthened  by  time,  and  confirmed  by  the  habits  of  a  century, 


216  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  it  seemed  at  length  v/rought  into,  and  become  even  a  part  of 
the  constitution.  That  the  prejudices  on  that  ground  were  so 
strong,  both  within  the  house  and  without,  that  the  attempts  made 
in  the  two  preceding  sessions,  only  to  obtain  a  moderate  relaxation 
of  the  restrictions,  with  which  Ireland  was  bounden,  met  with 
the  most  determined  opposition  :  the  few,  who  had  undertaken 
that  task,  found  themselves  obliged  to  encounter  prejudice  without, 
petitions  and  counsel  at  the  bar,  and  to  be  at  last  overborne  by- 
numbers  v/ithin  the  house.  Thus  ministers  were  fully  exculpated 
from  the  charge,  that  was  brought  against  them  ;  and  it  was 
demonstrable,  that  they  had  no  share  whatever  in  drawing  on  the 
calamities  of  Ireland :  and  it  was  as  clearly  evident,  that  it  was 
not  in  their  power  to  have  afforded  that  timely  redress  to  her 
grievances,  a  supposed  or  imputed  neglect  in  which  had  been 
made  the  ground  of  so  much  ingenious,  but  unfounded,  and  there- 
fore, unjust  invective.  It  was  farther  alleged,  that  it  would 
have  been  highly  unfitting,  and  might  have  been  attended  with 
obvious  ill  consequences,  for  the  British  parliament  to  have  at  all 
entered  upon  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  until  they  were  properly  in- 
formed what  the  nature  of  her  v/ants,  and  the  extent  of  her  de- 
mands were  ;  as  it  was  from  these  circumstances  only,  that  any 
true  judgment  could  be  formed  as  to  the  measure  of  relief,  which 
it  would  be  fitting  to  afford  to  th?it  country.  That  nov.^,  by  hav- 
ing convened  the  parliament  of  Ireland  first,  its  sentiments  were 
properly  brought  forward,  and  came  fairly  v/ithin  the  cognizance 
of  the  British  legislature  ;  and  all  they  had  now  to  consider  was, 
how  far  it  would  be  advisable  to  comply  with  the  requests  made 
by  Ireland  ;  and  with  what  terms  and  conditions  it  might  be 
thought  proper  to  charge  the  favours  granted.  That  the  present 
ministers,  instead  of  being  inimical  to  Ireland  or  inattentive  to 
her  interests,  had  been  her  best  and  warmest  friends.  That  they 
had  done  more  for  her  than  all  their  predecessors  during  a  cen- 
tury past.  That  not  only  the  nation  at  large,  but  parliament, 
were  till  then  adverse  from  granting  any  concessions  to  Ireland, 
which  could  afford  her  either  content  or  redress  :  and  conse- 
quently if  any  blame  were  due  for  not  affording  more  early  re- 
lief to  Ireland,  it  was  imputable  only  to  the  prejudices  and  tem.- 
per  of  the  people  and  parliament  of  England,  and  not  by  any 
means  to  the  ministers,  who,  as  they  had  no  share  in  the  causes 
of  her  distresses,  were  equally  guiltless  as  to  their  continuance. 

These  arguments  were  opposed  by  the  supporters  of  the  mo- 
tion, who  reprobated  in  terms  of  high  indignation  the  imputation 
of  prejudice  laid  to  that  house,  by  which  ministers  (they  said) 
according  to  their  established,  but  daring  practice,  attempted  to 
father  all  their  blunders  and  misdemeanors  on  parliament.  They 
laughed  at  the  pretended  weakness  and  inefficiency  with  respect 


OF  THE   STATE  OF  IRELAND.  sir 

to  the  transactions  of  the  house,  which  ministers  then  affected,  in 
order  thereby  to  shield  their  own  neglect  with  respect  to  Ireland. 
They  however  absolutely  denied,  that  the  minister  had  been  pas- 
sive, neutral,  or  inefficacious  as  to  the  affairs  of  that  country  ;  on 
the  contrary,  they  charged  him  with  having  taken  a  very  active 
part  in  the  business  during  the  preceding  session.  For  a  bill 
having  been  brought  in  to  afford  relief  to  Ireland  by  admitting 
the  direct  importation  of  sugars  for  her  own  consumption,  and  he 
having  (as  they  said)  for  some  time  suffered  things  to  take  their 
natural  course  in  that  house,  the  bill  was  accordingly  coolly  and 
deliberately  canvassed  and  debated  in  all  its  parts,  and  by  the 
strength  of  its  own  intrinsic  merit  worked  its  way  dirough  re- 
peated divisions,  until  it  had  .nearly  arrived  at  the  last  stage  of 
its  progress.  But  at  that  inauspicious  moment,  the  minister  hav- 
ing by  some  means  been  roused  from  his  slumber,  most  unhappily 
re-assumed  his  activity,  and  departing  at  once  from  that  neutral- 
ity, which  he  had  hitherto  professed,  came  down  with  all  the  pow- 
er, and  surrounded  with  all  the  instruments  of  office,  in  order  to 
defeat  the  measure,  and  accordingly  succeeded  in  throwing  out 
the  bill.  That  vvhen  the  people  of  Ireland  saw,  that  the  minister 
had  thus  openly  set  his  face  directly  against  them,  and  found  af- 
ter, that  every  effort  in  their  favour  was  rendered  abortive  by  his 
influence  or  management,  until  they  saw  themselves  at  length 
totally  abandoned  by  the  rising  of  the  British  parliament,  it  was 
no  wonder,  that  they  should  become  desperate,  and  that  they 
should  seek  in  themselves  for  the  means  of  that  redress,  which 
they  found  denied  both  to  favour  and  to  justice. 

Ministers,  they  said,  boasted,  that  the  distresses  of  Ireland  had 
not  originated  with  them  ;  it  could  be  readily  admitted,  that  she 
was  not  without  grievances  previous  to  the  fatal  period  of  their 
administration  ;  but  her  immediate  calamities  sprung  principally 
from  the  same  grand  source  of  all  those  general  evils  and  dan- 
gers, from  the  American  war.  By  that  Ireland,  like  England, 
lost  a  valuable  part  of  her  commerce,  with  less  ability  to  support 
the  loss,  and  the  corrupt  expenses  of  a  feeble  government  in- 
creased, as  all  the  means  of  supplying  them  diminished. 

In  this  severe  manner  was  the  minister's  defence  treated  by 
his  opponents  ;  but  no  part  was  handled  with  more  spirit  than  the 
plea  for  not  affording  timely  relief  to  Ireland,  because  the  parlia- 
ment of  that  countiy  was  not  then  sitting.  The  debates  on  this 
occasion  were  long,  various,  and  interesting  ;  but  the  question 
being  at  last  put,  at  a  very  late  hour,  the  motion  v/as  rejected 
upon  a  division,  by  a  majority  of  173  to  100. 

In  the  course  of  this  debate  most  of  the  leading  men  in  the 
commons  delivered  their  sentiments  very  fully ;  none  more  so 

VOL.    II.  E   e 


218  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

than  Mr.  Burke.  The  people  of  Ireland,  said  he,*  have  reasoned 
fairly  and  justly :  the  colonies,  they  knew,  had  been  offered  the 
most,  that  their  own  most  sanguine  expectations  could  aspire  to, 
a  free  trade  with  all  the  world.  America,  for  her  revolt,  has  had 
a  choice  of  favours  holden  out  to  her.  That  was  the  reward  of 
rebellion.  Ireland,  for  her  loyalty  for  almost  a  century,  and  her 
forbearance  under  accumulated  oppression  and  internal  distress- 
es, had  been  refused  the  mighty  indulgence  of  importing  her 
own  sugars.  The  Irish  justly  conceived,  that  their  merit  ought 
not  to  be  imputed  to  them  as  demerit ;  and  that  the  first  principles 
of  ail  good  government  would  be  departed  from,  if  their  deserts, 
were  to  be  weighed  in  the  political  scale,  as  only  entitling  them 
to  punishment,  not  reward.  At  all  events,  without  taking  any 
peculiar  merit  with  the  British  government,  for  their  loyal,  faith- 
ful, and  peaceable  demeanour,  they  thought  they  were  at  least  en- 
titled to  meet  the  colonies  upon  equal  terms,  and  with  equal 
expectations  of  favour  and  relief,  to  those  which  America  had 
spurned  at  with  contempt. 

These  were  the  grounds,  on  which  the  people  of  Ireland  pro* 
ceeded,  when  all  hopes  of  redress  from  this  side  of  the  water  had 
vanished.  What  v/as  the  first  resolution  they  adopted  ?  Like 
America,  to  consume  no  more  British  manufactures.  The 
next  ?  To  enforce  this  resolution,  by  rendering  it  operative  and 
extensive,  and  for  that  purpose,  entering  into  a  non-importation 
agTeement.  What  next  ?  To  arm  and  array  themselves  to  the 
number  of  forty  thousand  men.  What  next  ?  A  parliamentary 
declaration,  that  nothing  short  of  a  free  trade  could  afford  them 
effectual  relief ;  and  as  the  last  act,  in  order  to  secure  a  due  and 
faithful  performance  of  what  they  claim,  they  pass  a  money  bill 
for  six  months.  Ministers  have  but  six  months  credit  with  the» 
parliament  of  Ireland.  V/hat  then  was  the  true  state  of  both 
kingdoms  ?  Ireland  insisting  on  a  free  trade,  or  determined  to 
break  off  all  political  connexion  with  this  countr}^ 

The  noble  lord  endeavoured  to  legalize  the  associations  in 
Ireland,  with  remarkable  ingenuity,  under  the  sanction  of  two 
acts  of  parliament.  One  of  them  was  out  of  the  question,  he  be- 
lieved, by  any  possible  interpretation  that  could  be  put  upon  it 
[the  bill  of  rights  as  not  extending  to  Ireland,  we  presume]  the 
other  was,  in  fact,  not  less  so.  He  meant  the  act  passed  in  the 
Irish  parliament  in  the  year  1745,  during  the  rebellion  in  Scot- 
land. Did  the  noble  lord  mean  to  say,  that  by  that  act  men  had 
a  right  to  arm  themselves,  and  elect  their  own  officers  ?  And  that 
those  officers  were  legally  commissioned  to  act  without  an  autho- 
-  rity  from  the  crov/n  I  If  he  did,  the  idea  v/as  preposterous,  and 

*  15  Pari.  Deb.  p.  11. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  219 

to  the  last  degree  absurd,  ftPid  as  such,  he  presumed  the  noble  lord 
had  not  expressed  himself  agreeably  to  his  real  intentions  :  the 
great  dispute,  which  brought  on  the  civil  war,  and  which  had 
been  so  often  between  the  king  and  parliament,  and  on  which 
their  disputes  at  the  commencement  chiefly  turned,  vv'as  the  very 
particular  point  then  under  consideration,  so  far  as  it  related  to 
the  assertions  of  the  noble  lord  ;  and  he  believed  it  was  a  princi- 
ple ascertained  by  the  constitution,  and  confirmed  by  positive  law, 
that,  let  men  be  armed  by  the  state,  or  by  themselves,  they  can- 
not act  or  assemble  but-  under  a  commission  from  his  majesty. 
He  had  a  m.ost  respectable  authority  to  support  him  in  this 
opinion,  no  less  than  the  lord  chancellor  of  Ireland,  Lord  Liffordj 
who,  when  a  vote  of  thanks  was  moved  and  agreed  to  by  the  ma- 
jority of  the  House  of  Lords  of  Ireland,  to  the  associators  bf  that 
kingdom,  refused  to  give  his  assent,  honestly  stating  his  reasons, 
that  he  could  never  join  in  a  vote  of  thanks,  as  a  peer  of  parlia- 
ment or  a  lawyer,  to  any  set  of  men,  be  their  motives  ever  so 
laudable  or  patriotic,  who  were  acting  in  a  military  capacity  con- 
trary to  law. 

Not  only  was  Ireland  at  this  time  associated  in  arms,^  but 
united  in  principle  ;  and  a  spirit  of  patriotism  carried  the  people 
and  their  representatives  to  one  and  the  same  object.  Colonel 
Barre  had  faithfully  depicted  the  real  and  well  founded  conviction, 
under  which  that  people  were  then  acting  ;  namely,^  that  it  was 
their  loyalty  and  affection,  which  encouraged  ministers  to  oppress 

*  15  Deb.  p.  128. 

f  The  volunteer  iincomTnissioned  army  of  Ireland  was  so  extraordinary  a 
phenomenon  in  all  its  relations,  that  the  opinions  of  the  gi'eat  statesmen  of  that 
day  upon  it  must  be  interesting  to  every  British  subject.  In  the  debate  on 
Lord  Ossory's  motion,  Mr.  Fox  thus  expressed  himself  upon  tlie  sidiject  (15 
Pai'l.  Deb.  p.  129).  "  The  Irish  associations  had  been  called  illeg-al  ;  legal 
"  or  illegal,  he  declared  he  entirely  approved  of  tliem.  He  approved  of  that 
"  manly  determination,  which,  in  the  dernier  resort,  flies  to  arms  in  order  to 
"  obtain  deliverance.  When  the  last  particle  of  good  faith  in  men  is  exhaust- 
"  ed,  they  will  seek  in  themselves  the  m.eans  of  redress  ;  they  will  recur  to 
"  first  principles,  to  the  spirit  as  well  as  letter  of  the  constitution,  and  they  can 
"  never  fail  in  such  resources,  thoug-h  the  law  may  literally  condemn  such  a 
*'  departure  from  its  general  and  unqualified  rules,  truth,  justice,  and  public 
"  virtue,  accompanied  with  prudence  and  judgment,  will  ever  bear  up  good 
'*  men  in  a  good  cause,  that  of  private  protection. 

"  God  Icnew,  that  he  sincerely  lamented  the  cause,  which  produced  this  sad, 
'•  he  could  not  but  say,  this  pei'plexing  and  humiliating  alternative.  He  most 
"  heartily  lamented  that  any  cause  hatl  been  administered,  Mhich  seemed  to 
"justify  violence  or  resistance  ;  he  dreaded  the  consequences,  liowever  justi- 
*'  liable  in  their  origin,  or  moderately  or  judiciouslv  conducted :  but  whatever 
"  the  effects  might  be,  he  was  ready  to  acknowledge,  that  such  a  power  was 
•*  inlierent  in  men  ;  as  men  and  citizens  it  was  a  sacred  trust  in  their  hands, 
"  as  a  defence  of  the  possible  or  actual  abuse  of  pov/er,  political  treachery,  and 
"  tlie  arts  and  intrigues  of  government ;  and  when  all  other  means  failed  resist- 
'^'  ance  he  s]>ould  ever  hold  as  perfectly  justifiable," 


220  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  neglect  them,  so  it  was  a  proper  sense  of  those  oppressions 
and  neglects,  that  produced  their  present  resentments,  and  had 
provoked  them  to  arms.  In  neither  house  of  the  British  parlia- 
ment were  the  desperate  distress  and  calamity  of  Ireland  even 
doubted  ;  all  were  of  accord  as  to  the  existence  of  the  evil :  the 
only  differences  were,  who  had  created,  and  who  had  counte- 
nanced or  fomented,  who  had  negatively  or  positively  given  con-< 
tinuance  to  it,  and  how  was  it  then  to  be  remedied.* 

In  the  Irish  senate  a  new  scene  was  opened,  and  the  voice  of 
patriotism  re-echoed  from  each  side  of  the  house  with  equal  ardour. 
Encouragement  had  been  given  to  them  by  the  gracious  answer 
from  the  throne  to  the  address  of  the  House  of  Commons,  com- 
municated to  the  house  on  the  1st  of  November,  1779;!  in 
which  his  majesty  assured  them  of  his  sincere  concern  for  the 
distresses  of  his  kingdom  of  Ireland,  of  his  affectionate  attention 
to  their  interests,  and  of  his  constant  readiness  to  concur  in  such 
measures,  as  should  upon  mature  consideration,  appear  most  con- 
ducive to  the  general  welfare  of  all  his  subjects.  The  parliament 
of  Ireland  now  used  serious  exertions  in  behalf  of  their  country ; 
the  House  of  Comn^ons,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  an  enlargement 
of  their  commerce,  spiritedly  resolved  to  grant  the  supply  only 
for  a  short  period,  and  accordingly  agreed  to  a  six  months  money 
bill,  which  v/as  transmitted  to  England,  where,  however  mortify- 
ing to  the  minister,  it  reluctantly  passed.  The  house  likewise 
resolved  unanimously,  "  That  the  exportation  from  that  kingdom 
"  of  its  woollen  and  other  manufactures  to  all  foreign  places 
''  would  materially  tend  to  relieve  its  distresses,  increase  its 
^'  w^eaith,  promote  its  prosperity,  and  thereby  advance  the  welfare 
"  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  common  strength,  wealth,  and  com- 
"  merce  of  the  British  empire. 

"  That  a  liberty  for  that  kingdom  to  trade  with  the  British 
"  colonies  in  America  and  the  West  Indies,  and  the  British  set- 
"  dements  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  in  like  manner  as  trade  is  car- 

*  Mr.  Fox  in  his  speech  on  the  debate  upon  Lord  Ossory's  motion  pointedly 
asked,  What  was  it  that  armed  42,000  men  in  Ireland  with  the  arguments 
carried  on  the  points  of  42,000  bayonets?  The  American  war  (15  P.  D.  p. 
125  and  p.  127).  "  It  was  the  g-eneral  calamities  of  the  empire,  which  had 
**  made  Ireland  poor  ;  but  it  was  the  incapacity  and  neglig-ence  of  government 
*'  that  had  rendered  her  bold  and  daring.  It  was  therefore  incumbent  upon 
''  parliament,  to  shew  their  fullest  disapprobation  of  that  indolence  and  inca- 
"  pacity,  and  convince  Ireland,  that  they  are  as  ready  as  themselves  to  resent 
"  and  punish  the  cruel  and  improper  treatment,  which  she  has  received  from 
"  ministers.  Ireland  would  stee  by  such  a  conduct,  that  it  was  not  this  country, 
**  but  its  ministers,  who  were  blameable ;  which  would,  in  his  opinion,  prove  the 
"  surest  means  of  once  more  binding  both  countries  in  the  strongest  and  most 
"  indissoluble  ties  of  friendship  and  aftisction.  That,  in  his  opinion,  was  the 
"  motive,  which  ouglit  to  operate  with  Britain  at  the  present  minute." 
t  Com.  Journ.  p.  IT. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  221 

"  ried  on  between  Great  Britain  and  the  said  colonies  and  settle- 
"  ments,  would  be  productive  of  very  great  commercial  benefits, 
"  would  be  a  most  affectionate  mark  of  the  regard  and  attention 
"  of  Great  Britain  to  our  distresses,  and  would  give  new  vigour 
''  to  the  zeal  of  his  majesty's  brave  and  loyal  people  of  Ireland, 
"  to  stand  forward  in  support  of  his  majesty's  person  and  govern- 
"  ment,  and  the  interest,  the  honour,  and  the  dignity  of  the 
"  British  empire." 

So  determined  was  the  Irish  House  of  Commons  to  assert  their 
rights,  and  bring  the  British  government  and  parliament  into  a 
full  recognition  of  them,  that  on  the  24th  day  of  November  the 
question  was  put,  that  it  be  resolved,  that  at  this  time  it  would  be 
inexpedient  to  grant  new  taxes,  and  it  was  carried  in  the  affirma- 
tive by  a  majority  of  170  to  47."*  As  soon  after  this  disposition 
of  the  Irish  House  of  Commons  was  known  in  England,  as  con- 
veniency  would  permit,  Lord  Shelburne  in  the  British  House  of 
Peers,  and  Lord  Ossory  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  made 
their  motions ;  on  which  occasion  Mr.  Fox  afterwards  observed,'}* 
his  friends  and  he  had  openly,  and  without  the  least  degree  of 
reserve,  given  their  thoughts  on  the  subject,  alleging,  that  al- 
though that  motion  had  been  unfortunate,  yet  it  fully  expressed 
the  sentiments  of  those,  with  whom  he  had  the  honour  to  act. 

On  the  13th  of  November,  1779,  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons being  in  a  committee  on  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  Lord  Drog- 
heda  in  the  chair,  Lord  North  opened  his  three  propositions  re- 
lative to  the  allowing  Ireland  a  free  export  of  her  wool,  woollens, 
and  wool  flocks,  »  free  exportation  of  glass,  and  all  kinds  of  glasrj 
manufactures,  and  a  freedom  of  trade  with  the  British  plantations 
on  certain  conditions,  the  basis  of  which  was  to  be  an  equality  of 
taxes  and  customs  upon  an  equal  and  unrestrained  trade.  The 
minister  stated  in  a  speech  of  considerable  length,  and  with  equal 
ability  and  knowledge  of  the  subject,  the  propriety  and  justice,  as 
well  as  the  necessity,  of  affording  relief  to  Ireland  ;  and  entered 
fully  into  her  claims,  as  well  with  respect  to  her  natural  and  inhe- 
rent rights,  .as  to  those  arising  from  her  particular  connexion  with 
Great  Britain.  He  likewise  expatiated  largely  on  the  mutual  and 
respective  interests  of  both  countries,  and  very  happily  collected 
into  one  point  of  view,  almost  all  those  questions  of  commerce 
and  policy,  that  had  been  before  agitated  on  this  subject.  He 
gave  the  following  correct  and  interesting  history  of  the  commer- 
cial restrictions  of  which  Ireland  so  justly  complained. 

The  commerce,  import  and  export,  was  holden  in  common  by 
both  kingdoms,  till  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second.     Even  the 

*  10  Com.  Joiirn.  p.  34. 

t  Viz.  on  tlie  13th  of  December,  when  Lord  North  brought  forth  his  three 
propositions,  15  Par.  Deb.  p.  187. 


222  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Act  of  Navigation,  the  great  foundation  of  our  plantation  laws, 
put  England  and  Ireland  upon  exact  terms  of  equality ;  nor  was 
it  till  two  years  after  the  first  commercial  restriction  was  laid  on 
Ireland,  and  that  not  directly,  but  by  a  side  wind,  and  by  deduc- 
tive interpretation.    V/hen  the  act  first  passed,  there  was  a  gene- 
ral governing  clause,  for  giving  bonds  to  perform  the  conditions 
of  the  act ;  but  when  the  act  was  amended,  in  the  15th  of  Charles 
the  Second,  the  word  Ireland  was  omitted,  whence  a  conclusion 
vras  drav/n,  that  the  acts  of  the  two  preceding  parliaments,  twelfth, 
thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  of  Charles  the  Second,  were  thereby 
repealed,  though  it  v/ere  as  clearly  expressed  in  those  acts,  as  it 
was  .possible  for  words  to  convey,  that  ships  built  in  Ireland,  navi- 
gated with  the  people  thereof,  were  deemed  British,  and  qualified 
to  trade  to  and  from  the  British  plantations  ;  and  that  ships  built 
in  Ireland,  and  navigated  with  his  majesty's  subjects  of  Ireland, 
w^ere  entitled  to  the  same  abatement  and  piivileges,  to  which  im- 
porters and  exporters  were  entitled  by  the  book  of  rates.  Ireland 
was,  however,  omitted  in  the  manner  he  had  mentioned.     The 
giving  bond  being  omitted  in  the  act  of  the  fifteenth  of  the  same 
king,  the  very  condition,  which  was  to  give  it  a  general  operation, 
namely,  confining  the  liberty  to  trade  only  with  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  and  vesting  the  power  in  Ireland  to  trade  with  the  colo- 
nies on  the  same  footing  as  England,  having  been  left  out,  Ire- 
land was  thereby  as  much  excluded  from  trading  v/ith  the  British 
colonies  as  France,  Spain,  or  any  other  strange  nation,  in  the  v/ay 
ot  a  direct  export  or  import  trade,  except  in  a  few  instances,  which 
were  by  subsequent  acts  declared  exceptions  to»tlie  general  rule, 
such  as  the  export  of  servants,  horses,  and  victuals  ;  and  in  the 
reign  of  King  William,  of  linen,  and  some  few  enumerated  arti- 
cles since  that  period. 

There  v/ere  anecdotes  still  extant^  relative  to  the  real  causes  of 
those  harsh  and  restrictive  laws.  They  were  supposed  to  have 
originated  in  a  dislike  or  jealousy  of  the  grov/ing  power  of  the 
then  Duke  of  Ormond,  who  from  his  great  estate  and  possessions 
in  Ireland,  was  supposed  to  have  personal  interest  in  the  prospe- 
rity of  that  kingdom.  Indeed,  so  far  was  this  spirit  carried,  whe- 
ther from  personal  enmity  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  from  narrow 
prejudices,  or  a  blind  policy,  that  the  parliament  of  England  pass- 
ed a  law  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  Irish  lean  cattle. 

The  wool  export  and  woollen  manufactures  still  remained  in 
the  possession  of  Ireland,  to  restore  which  wa3  the  object  of  this 
present  motion.  In  1G92,  from  jealousy,  or  some  other  motive, 
the  two  houses  of  the  English  parliament  addressed  the  crown, 
recommending  a  kind  of  compact  betv/een  both  kingdoms,  the 
terms  of  which  were,  that  England  should  enjoy  the  woollen  man- 
ufacture exclusively,  and  Ireland  the  linen.  If,  hov/ever,  solemnly 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  223 

this  compact  were  observed  by  the  latter  kingdom,  the  truth 
was,  that  England  carried  on  the  linen  manufacture  to  full  as  great 
an  extent  as  Ireland,  while  the  monopoly  of  the  woollens  remain- 
ed totally  with  England.  The  first  step  Ireland  took  in  conse- 
quence of  this  compact,  was  to  lay  an  export  duty  upon  vrool  and 
woollens  of  all  kinds  equal  to  a  prohibition  ;  and  when  the  act  ex- 
pired, for  it  was  but  a  temporary  one  by  way  of  experiment,  the 
British  parliament,  without  consulting  that  of  Ireland,  by  the  10th 
and  11th  of  William  the  Third,  passed  a  similar  act,  and  made  it 
perpetual.  That  was  the  act,  which  at  once  put  an  end  to  the 
woollen  trade  of  Ireland.  The  next  act  was  a  law  of  the  fifth  of 
George  the  First ;  the  next  die  fifth  and  twelfth  of  the  late  king, 
which  last  went  so  far  even,  as  to  prohibit  the  export  of  a  kind  of 
woollen  manufacture  called  wadding,  and  one  or  two  other  articles 
excepted  out  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  of  King  William  ;  but  these 
three  last  acts  swept  every  thing  before  them. 

His  lordship  next  proceeded  to  state  some  facts  relative  to  the 
trade  of  that  country.  He  said,  upon  an  average  of  the  six  years 
from  1766  to  1772,  the  export  of  Ireland  v.'as  somewhat  more  than 
two  millions;  and  in  the  succeeding  six  years,  ending  in  1778, 
about  as  much  more,  one  half  nearly  British  manufacture  or  pro- 
duce, the  other  half  certificated  articles,  of  which  this  country  was 
the  medium  of  conveyance,  out  of  the  native  produce,  which  was 
something  more  than  900,000/.  per  annum,  on  the  average,  only 
200,000/.  were  woollens ;  so  that  in  this  light,  supposing  every 
thing,  that  any  man  could  wish  to  conclude  from  the  fact,  he  sub- 
mitted to  the  house,  whether  it  would  be  sound  policy  to  risque  a 
million  export  of  native  produce  for  a  woollen  export  of  200,000/. 

He  then  turned  to  reconsider  the  state  of  the  linen  trade,  wl\ich, 
however  prosperous  it  might  appear,  was  still  capable  of  great  iip.- 
provement.  It  was  a  pamphlet  written  by  the  celebrated  Sir 
Wiiham  Temple,  that  first  suggested  tha  idea  of  extending  and 
improving  the  manufacture  of  Ireland,  and  gave  rise  to  tlie  com- 
pact, which  he  had  alluded  to.  It  was  an  opinion,  which  pre- 
vailed with  many,  he  believed,  that  as  the  compact  was  now  to  be 
dissolved,  should  the  Irish  be  permitted  to  enjoy  a  free  export  of 
woollens,  that  the  bounties  paid  on  the  importation  into  England 
of  certain  species  of  fabrics  of  Irish  linens,  ought  to  be  discon- 
tinued. In  this  he  should  differ  greatly  from  gentlemen,  who 
might  reason  in  that  manner,  and  he  would  support  his  difference 
of  opinion  by  the  following  authentic  documents,  which  he  had  in 
his  hand. 

From  those  it  appeared,  the  number  of  yards  of  linen  manu- 
factured for  foreign  consum.ption,  or  exported  in  the  year  1751, 
was  twelve  millions  ;  the  next  year  the  British  bounty  was  discon- 
tinued, and  it  fell  to  ten  millions ;  in  1756  it  was  no  higher  than 


224  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

eleven  millions  ;  and  in  the  next  year,  1757,  when  the  bounties 
were  again  granted,  the  number  of  yards  entered  for  exportation, 
suddenly  rose  to  fifteen  millions,  and  so  continued  to  increase 
for  several  years  so  high,  he  believed,  within  a  period  of  fifteen 
years,  (1771)  as  to  amount  to  twenty-five  millions  of  yards. 

This  was  sufficient  ground  for  him  to  conclude,  that  the  Brit- 
ish bounty  operated  as  a  great  encouragement.  It  was  not  a 
large  sum  that  was  appropriated  for  this  purpose,  the  whole  not 
being,  in  the  highest  year,  above  13,000/.  or  thereabouts.  He 
said  that  a  trade  with  our  colonies,  of  any  kind  or  of  any  extent, 
from  Ireland,  must  be  considered  as  a  matter  of  favour  to  that 
kingdom.  Considering  her  even  as  an  independent  state,  she 
could  set  up  no  claim  to  a  commercial  intercourse  with  the  Brit- 
ish colonies.  These  colonies  had  been  settled,  established,  and 
raised  to  the  present  strength  and  opulence,  by  the  blood,  trea- 
sure, and  industry  of  Great  Britain.  By  every  principle  of  jus- 
tice, of  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  custom  of  the  other  powers 
of  Europe  who  had  settlements  and  distant  dependencies,  the 
mother  country  had  an  exclusive  right  to  trade  with,  and  to  for- 
bid all  others  from  having  any  intercourse  with  them.  Such  an 
exclusive  right  was  of  the  very  essence  of  colonization  ;  for  what 
nation  under  the  sun  would  spend  their  blood  and  treasure  in  es- 
tablishing a  colony,  and  protecting  and  defending  it  in  its  infant 
state,  if,  after,  other  nations  were  to  reap  the  advantages  deriva- 
ble from  their  labour,  hazard,  and  expense  ? 

The  colony  trade  laws,  so  far  as  they  related  to  Ireland,  were 
full  of  restrictions,  though,  as  he  had  more  than  once  observed, 
the  colony  trade  was  open  before  the  15th,  22d,  and  23d  of 
Charles  II.  in  which  the  word  Ireland  was  omitted  ;  after  that 
period,  several  statutes  were  passed,  some  general,  others  parti- 
cular, to  restrain,  and  in  many  cases  to  prohibit,  the  trade  of  Ire- 
land with  America  and  the  West  Indies.  By  the  act  last  men- 
tioned of  Charles  II.  7th  and  8th  William  III.  3d  and  4th  Ann, 
chap.  5  and  10  ;  8th  Geo.  I.  4th  Geo.  II.  and  4th  Geo.  III. 

By  these  several  acts,  the  following  articles,  being  the  growth, 
product  or  manufacture  of  any  British  plantation  in  Africa,  Asia, 
or  America,  cannot  be  imported  into  or  landed  in  Ireland,  except 
they  are  first  landed  in  Great  Britain,  viz.  sugar,  tobacco,  cotton, 
wool,  indigo,  ginger,  fustic  or  other  dying  woods,  specie  or  Jamai- 
ca wood,  rice,  molasses,  tar,  pitch,  turpentine,  masts,  yards  and 
bowsprits,  beaver  skins  and  other  firs,  copper  ore,  coffee,  pimento, 
cocoa-nuts,  whale-fins,  raw  silk,  hides  and  skins,  pot  and  pearl 
ashes,  and  gum  Senegal.  But  by  the  acts  of  the  4th  of  Geo.  II. 
and  7th  of  Geo.  III.  all  other  goods  (except  hops)  of  the  growth, 
product,  or  manufacture  of  die  British  plantations,  may  be  import- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  225 

ed  from  thence  into  Ireland,  in  British  shipping,  whereof  the 
master  and  three  fourths  of  the  mariners  are  British. 

By  the  15th  of  Charles  II.  and  7th  of  William  III.  his  lord, 
ship  observed,  that  goods,  the  product  of  Europe,  cannot  be  im- 
ported into  any  British  plantation,  unless  shipped  in  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  carried  directly  from  thence  in  British-built  shipping, 
except  salt  for  the  fisheries,  horses,  and  victual  and  linen  cloth 
from  Ireland,  provisions  and  implements  for  the  fisheries,  cloth- 
ing and  accoutrements  for  the  army,  and  other  articles  of  manu- 
facture permitted  to  be  exported  from  thence  into  the  British 
plantations,  by  the  3d  and  4th  of  Ann,  3d  of  Geo.  1. 15th  and  18th 
of  Geo.  III. 

His  lordship  enumerated  several  other  acts,  of  the  same  tenor, 
directed  to  particular  articles  of  import  and  export,  not  necessary 
to  be  particularly  mentioned,  but  all  framed  upon  the  same  prin- 
ciple. Having  laid  down  these  premises,  as  the  foundation  on 
which  he  was  to  rest  his  intended  proposition,  he  declared  that  in 
his  opinion,  it  was  the  interest,  and  consequendy  the  duty  of 
Great  Britain,  to  do  every  thing  in  her  power,  which  might  pro- 
mise to  advance,  promote,  and  extend,  the  interest  and  commerce 
of  Ireland,  upon  the  broadest  and  most  extensive  ground  and 
firmest  basis  j  and  as  one  of  the  most  certain  means  of  rendering 
that  country  useful  to  herself,  and  tioily  valuable  to  this,  would  be 
to  open  new  sources  of  commerce  to  her,  and  such  as  it  would  be 
impossible  lor  Ireland  to  obtain  without  the  liberality  and  indul- 
gence of  this  country,  though  she  had  been  totally  an  independent 
nation.  This  he  said  would  prove  the  only  wise  and  prudent 
means  to  aflford  our  sister  kingdom  relief,  and  that  species  of  re- 
lief, too,  that  would  serve  more  to  convince  her  of  the  sincere  and 
affectionate  desire  we  have  to  render  her  happy,  contented,  rich, 
and  prosperous.  It  would  be  an  unequivocal  proof  of  the  can- 
dour and  sincerity  of  Great  Britain,  and  he  made  no  doubt  but 
Ireland  would  receive  it  as  such,  and  that  the  whole  would  have 
a  happy  termination. 

He  condemned  local  prejudices  and  national  partialities,  very 
warmly  ;  though  under  different  legislatures,  he  maintained  that 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  had  but  one  conjugal  interest,  and 
were  in  the  genuine  sense  of  the  phrase  but  one  people.  He  ac- 
knowledged that  Great  Britain  ought  to  be  no  sufferer  by  her 
bounty  to  Ireland.  The  latter  would,  it  was  certain,  gain  much, 
but  this  country  would  be  no  loser.  But  even  if  the  sister  king- 
dom should  be  enabled  to  rival  us  at  foreign  markets,  in  a  few 
commodities  of  native  growth,  cheapness  of  labour,  and  other 
incidental  circumstances,  we  should  not  forget  that  Ireland  form- 
ed a  part  of  the  British  empire,  and  the  only  part  too  out  of  this 
island  to  which  we  could  look  for  assistance  in  the  moment  of 
VOL.  II.  T  f 


226  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

peril  or  distress.  He  wished  every  person  out  of  it,  who  turned 
his  thoughts  to  the  subject,  would  look  at  it  fairly,  and  consider 
it  without  partiality  or  prejudice,  not  upon  a  narrow  or  contract- 
ed, but  upon  a  liberal  and  extensive  scale.  It  was  a  duty  every 
man  owed  his  country,  to  look  attentively  and  gravely  to  our 
present  situation,  and  to  reflect,  that  as  the  superlucration  of  all 
the  commerce  of  Ireland,  let  it  arise  from  the  profit  of  which 
branch  of  trade  it  might,  v/ould  necessarily  centre  in  the  seat  of 
empire  ;  if  not  the  whole,  at  least  much  the  greatest  part,  and 
might  be  well  estimated  as  forming  a  part  of  the  accumulating 
wealth  of  Great  Britain. 

Such  was  the  happy  temper  now  prevailing,  that  no  opposition 
was  given  to  these  resolutions,  the  firm  measure  of  a  six  months 
money  bill ;  the  non-importation  agreement  and  the  armed  asso- 
ciations had  produced  a  wonderful  change  in  the  public  mind 
throughout  Great  Britain  with  reference  to  the  affairs  of  Ireland. 
Bills  founded  on  the  two  first  propositions  were  accordingly 
brought  in,  passed  both  houses  with  the  utmost  facility,  and  re- 
ceived the  royal  assent  before  the  recess.  The  third  being  more 
complex  in  its  nature,  requiring  a  variety  of  enquiry,  and  being 
subject  to  several  limitations  and  conditions,  was  suffered  to  lie 
over  during  the  ensuing  holidays  in  its  state  of  an  open  proposi- 
tion, not  only  to  afford  time  for  consideration  in  England,  but  for 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  the  effect,  which  the  measure  was  like- 
ly to  produce  in  Ireland. 

To  such  an  alarming  crisis  was  the  political  state  of  Ireland 
now  brought,  that  the  people  began  to  look  up  to  the  armed  asso- 
ciation for  redress,  rather  than  to  their  representatives  in  parlia- 
ment. But  hitherto,  these  bodies  having  acted  only  in  detached 
(Companies,  knew  not  their  own  strength.  They  found  it  neces- 
sary for  their  grand  project,  to  form  themselves  into  regular  bat- 
talions, and  establish  a  system  of  communication  with  each  other. 
Long  had  the  original  cause,  or  occasion  of  the  volunteers  arming 
in  self  defence  against  a  foreign  enemy,  been  sunk  into  the  more 
interesting  object  of  asserting  their  constitutional  independent 
rights,  and  procuring  a  free  and  open  trade  for  their  country. 
As  far  back  as  at  the  close  of  the  year  1778,  the  armed  associ- 
ations in  Ireland  were  computed  to  amount  to  30,000  men  : 
and  they  had  been  increasing  from  that  period  :  they  clad  and 
armed  themselves  voluntarily  ;  they  cheerfully  learned  the  use 
of  arms,  and  freely  submitted  to  the  most  exemplary  discipline  : 
but  their  transcendent  attention  was  to  instil  into  each  other  an 
uniformity  of  political  sentiment  and  determination  not  to  quit 
their  arms,  till  they  should  have  accomplished  the  complete 
liberation  of  their  country  from  the  sovereignty  of  the  British 
parliament.     In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1780,  they  entered 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  22/ 

upon  the  plan  of  general  organization :  they  appointed  reviews 
for  the  ensuing  summer ;  and  chose  their  exercising  officers  and 
reviewing  generals  ;  and  thus  the  foundation  of  Irish  union  was 
laid.  They  now  openly  declared  their  opinions  upon  the  state 
of  public  affairs  ;  and  the  newspapers  teemed  with  resolutions  of 
the  different  corps,  all  in  unison  declaring,  that  Ireland  was  an 
independent  kingdom,  and  fully  entitled  to  all  the  uncontrouled 
rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  of  a  free  constitution:  that  no 
power  on  earth  but  the  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland, 
could  make  laws  to  bind  them :  and  that  they  were  ready  with 
their  lives  and  fortunes  to  resist  the  usurpations  and  encroach- 
ments of  any  foreign-^legislature.  Such  were  at  this  period  the 
universal  sentiments  of  the  Irish  people,  if  the  will  of  a  people 
can  be  known.  The  government,  and  their  parliamentary  ma- 
jority, were  alarmed  at,  and  consequently  inimical  to  the  propo- 
sitions. Mr.  Grattan,  however,  on  the  19th  of  April,  1780, 
after  a  most  animated  speech,  moved,  that  the  house  should  re- 
solve and  enter  on  its  journals,  "  That  no  potuer  on  earthy  save 
"  the  king^  lords  and  commons  of  Ireland^  had  a  right  to  make 
"  laws  for  Ireland,^''  After  a  most  interesting  debate,  that  lasted 
till  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  which  every  man  but  one,  ac- 
knowledged its  truth,  either  expressly,  or  by  not  opposing  it, 
Mr.  Flood,  who  well  knew  that  the  ministerial  members  were 
committed  to  negative  the  motion,  if  it  came  to  a  division,  re- 
commended, that  no  question  should  be  put,  and  no  appearance 
of  the  business  entered  on  the  journals ;  to  which  Mr.  Grattan 
consented. 

Upon  the  appearance  of  some  active  sincerity  In  the  British 
cabinet  and  parliament,  the  Irish  House  of  Commons  proceeded 
to  take  into  serious  consideration,  the  regulations  necessary  to 
place  the  commerce  of  that  kingdom  on  a  footing  of  stability  and 
advantage.  It  is  characteristic  to  that  nation,  to  be  prodigally 
grateful  for  benefits  even  intended.  The  supplies  were  granted 
for  a  year  and  a  half  longer ;  and  260,000/.  were  ordered  to  be 
raised  by  treasury  bills,  or  by  a  lottery,  as  the  lord  lieutenant 
should  direct.*  On  presenting  the  money  bills,  to  which  his 
excellency  gave  the  royal  assent,  Mr.  Pery,  the  speaker  of  the 

*  This  was  the  first  time  that  the  expedient  of  a  lottery,  to  aid  the  raising 
of  the  loan,  was  resorted  to  in  Ireland.  Two  hundred  thousand  pounds  be- 
ing wanted,  a  lottery,  consisting-  of  42,000  tickets,  was  proposed,  40,000  of 
those  were  paid  for  at  five  pounds  each ;  and  one  ticket  given  as  a  douceur, 
to  every  subscriber  for  twenty.  Debentures,  bearing  interest  at  four  per  cent, 
for  210,000/.  were  ordered  to  be  made  out  for  the  payment  of  the  prizes ;  and 
it  being  necessary  to  borrow  140,000/.  more,  treasury  bills,  for  the  first  time, 
were  ordered  to  be  issued,  at  an  interest  of  three-pence  per  day  for  each  100/. 
being  4/.  11*.  St/,  per  cent,  per  annum. 


228  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

House  of  Commons,^  made  a  speech  to  the  lord  lieutenant^ 
which  was  highly  satisfactory  to  all  parties,  for  which  the  house 
thanked  him,  and  desired  him  to  print  it. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  elation  of  the  Irish  upon  the  flat- 
tering prospect  of  a  free  trade,  their  joy  was  but  of  short  dura- 
tion :  upon  maturer  consideration,  the  generality  of  the  commer- 
cial interest  in  Ireland  was  dissatisfied  with  the  proposed  system 
of  equalizing  the  duties  between  the  sister  kingdoms,  and  the 
British  ministry  was  so  imprudent  at  that  time,  as  to  irritate  and 
inflame  the  distrust  and  disaffection,  that  had  so  long  rankled  in  the 
pubUc  mind  of  Ireland,  which  then,  with  arms  in  her  hands,  had 
earnestly  turned  her  thoughts  to  the  assertion  of  her  independent 

•    •  10  Journ.  Com.  p.  142.     Tlie  speech  was  to  the  followmg  effect: 

**  The  Right  Honourable  Mr.  Speaker's  Speech  to  his  Excellency  John  Earl 
"  of  Buckinghamshire,  Lord  Lieutenant  General,  and  General  Governor 
"  of  Ireland. 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency,. 

"  During'  the  vicissitudes  of  a  foreign,  and  still 
"  more  dangerous,  civil  war,  which  has  wasted  a  gi*eat  extent  of  the  British 
"  empire,  it  has  been  the  peculiar  felicity  of  this  nation  to  presei've  the  public 
"  tranquillity :  and  though  long  depressed  by  the  narrow  policy  of  former 
"  times,  still  to  retain  such  vigor,  and  at  the  same  time  such  temper  and  can- 
'.'  tion,  as  animated  it  to  claim,  with  honest  confidence,  its  rights  ;  and  yet 
''restrained  it  fi'om  transgressing  the  bounds  of  its  duty,  or  hazarding  the 
**  loss  of  that  inestimable  blessing,  the  British  constitution.  To  this  state  of 
*•  union  and  moderation,  unexampled  in  any  age,  or  in  any  country,  under 
*'  similar  circumstances;  to  your  excellency's  judicious  conduct  and  faithful 
*'  representations ;  to  his  majesty's  benevolent  disposition  and  tender  concern 
*'  for  the  sufferings  of  his  people ;  to  the  Avisdom  of  his  minister,  however 
•*  questioned  in  some  instances,  in  this  acknowledged  by  all ;  to  his  resolution 
**  and  constancy  in  combating  establishes!  habits  and  rooted  prejudices;  and 
*'  to  the  justice  and  generosity  of  the  British  nation,  must  be  ascribed  the 
*'  liappy  restoration  of  that  equitable  system  of  equality  in  commerce,  which 
**  has  silenced,  I  trust  for  ever,  those  pernicious  suspicions  and  jealousies, 
*' which  lately  threatened  the  peace  of  both  kingdoms.  But,  whatever  ad- 
'*  vantages  this  change  in  our  condition  may  promise,  it  will  avail  us  little  if  it 
'♦  inspires  false  hopes  and  vain  expectation;}  of  sudden  affluence ;  the  future 
'*  prosperity  of  this  kingdom  will  depend  upon  our  industry  and  ceconomy, 
*'  public  as  well  as  private,  the  effects  of  which,  though  certain  and  perma^ 
*'  nent,  are  ever  gradual  and  slow;  and  unless  our  expenses  are  regulated  by 
"  our  acquisitions,  disappointment  will  be  our  portion,  and  poverty  and  dis- 
*'  tress  must  be  the  consequence  of  our  conduct.  Notwithstanding  these  coU' 
*'  siderations,  and  the  reduced  state  of  this  kingdom,  the  commons  have 
*'  granted  to  his  majesty  much  larger  supplies  than  in  any  former  session  ;  they 
"  have  borrowed  a  sum  of  610,000/.  to  dischai-ge  the  arrears  of  the  estabhsh- 
"  ments ;  and  in  order  to  provide  against  any  future  deficiency,  they  have  made 
*'  an  addition  to  the  revenue,  estimated  at  above  150,000/.  a  year.  Nor  have 
"  they  been  less  attentive  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  than  to  the  honour  of 
"  tlie  crown.  The  public  good  has  been  the  object  to  which  all  their  efforts 
"  have  bten  directed;  and  their  conduct  through  the  whole  of  this  session, 
"  has  alike  entitled  tJiem  to  the  confidence  of  their  sovereign,  and  of  their 
"  constituents ;  and  will  leave  to  all  future  parliaments  a  memorable  and  in- 
*•  structive  example  of  forlltude,  moderation,  and  wisdom.'* 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  229 

constitutional  rights.  The  bill  for  punishing  mutiny  and  deser- 
tion in  the  army  for  a  limited  time,  had  been  transmitted,  as  usual, 
and  was  returned  with  the  most  alarming  alteration  from  the 
English  privy  council:  it  was  made  perpetual:  and  very  material 
alterations  were  also  made  in  one  of  the  commercial  bills  relating 
to  the  article  of  sugai's.  Pros^ocation  and  harshness  to  Ireland 
were  now  peculiarly  ill-timed.  Discontent  and  resentment  ran 
through  the  kingdom.  The  borough  of  Newry  presented  a 
petition  to  the  House  of  Commons,  stating,  that  the  petitioners 
had  heard  with  deep  concern  of  alterations  then  said  to  have 
been  made  in  the  bill  for  laying  a  duty  of  twelve  shillings  per 
hundred  weight  on  imported  refined  sugars  ;  and  also  in  the  bill 
for  the  better  regulation  of  the  army :  that  the  duty  of  twelve 
shillings  appeared  to  be  the  lowesl,  that  could  possibly  be  admit- 
ted, with  the  appearance  of  justice  to  that  countrj^ ;  and  that  a 
perpetual  bill  for  the  regulation  of  the  army,  or  of  any  other  dur- 
ation than  from  session  to  session,  was  a  daring  attack  on  the 
constitution  of  both  countries.  That  they  hum.bly  prayed,  that, 
by  an  equal  distribution  of  justice,  the  mutual  cordiality  between 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  might  be  ensured ;  and  the  necessity 
for  that  country  to  resolve  to  consume  her  own  manufactures  on- 
ly, might  be  removed  ;  and  that  a  parliamentary  army  might  be 
maintained  in  Ireland,  regulated  upon  principles  such  as  Great 
Britain  could  approve  of,  and  Ireland  submit  to.  Several  other 
petitions  were  also  presented  to  the  like  purport. 

On  the  16th  of  Aug.  1780,  the  House  of  Commons  resolved 
itself  into  a  grand  committee,  to  take  into  consideration  the  al- 
tered mutiny  bill.  It  was  contended,  in  support  of  that  measure, 
that  if  parliament  had  an  intention  to  preserve  the  peace  of  Ire- 
land, they  must  pass  the  bill  in  its  present  state.  That  as  long 
as  parliament  held  the  purse  of  the  nation,  they  could,  by  refusing 
to  pay,  annihilate  the  army.  That  the  hereditar}^  revenue  never 
could  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  army,  because  it  would 
destroy  itself  in  the  very  ends  it  should  be  employed  for.  That 
if  the  king  were  granted  the  liberty  of  raising  an  army,  he  should 
also  have  the  perpetual  power  of  regulating  that  army. 

On  the  other  side  it  was  argued,  that  the  present  bill  tended 
to  the  subversion  of  all  public  liberty.  That  it  would  not  be  wise 
to  grant  to  the  crown  a  dictatorial  power  over  fifteen  thousand 
men  for  ever.  That  it  was  the  v/ish  of  the  kingdom  to  be  gov- 
erned by  its  own  laws.  That  they  considered  the  power  of 
originating  this  very  act  as  a  declaration  of  rights :  they  were 
consequently  contending  witli  the  minister  of  Great  Britain,  not 
for  any  concession,  which  might  wound  the  interest  or  pride  of 
the  English,  but  for  a  measure,  which  would  bring  every  man  in 
Britain  on  their  side,  as  they  could  not  wish  to  see  the  power  of 


230  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  crown  rendered  so  dangerous  to  the  constitution  of  both 
kingdoms,  with  a  perpetual  army,  which  might  invest  his  majesty 
with  too  gi^eat  an  influence  over  the  laws ;  and  that  any  articles 
of  war,  which  the  king  might  hereafter  make,  would  be  articles 
of  war  for  that  kingdom  ;  for  the  act  extended  a  power  over  all 
his  majesty's  forces,  by  which  means  Ireland  would  be  under  the 
controul  of  an  English  statute,  and  the  kingdom  -^ould  become 
a  place  of  arms. 

The  debates  on  this  subject  continued  till  near  midnight.  Sir 
Henry  Flood  took  a  principal  part  on  the  side  of  government, 
who  carried  the  question  by  a  majority  of  69  against  25,  and  the 
bill  was  passed.  This,  together  with  the  circumstances  respect- 
ing the  sugar  bill,  increased  the  public  discontent ;  and  several 
resolutions  were  entered  into  at  different  public  meetings,  that 
were  assembled  on  this  occasion.  Amongst  others,  a  meeting 
of  the  merchants'  corps  of  volunteers  was  convened  at  the  Royal 
Exchange,  Dublin,  when  the  foUov/ing  resolutions  were  passed, 
and  ordered  to  be  printed  in  the  public  papers. 

"  Resolved^  That  the  late  decisions  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
"  (so  destructive,  in  our  opinion,  to  the  constitutional  rights,  and 
"  injurious  to  the  commercial  interests  of  this  kingdom)  demand 
"  the  most  serious  attention  of  every  Irishman. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  consider  their  consent  to  the  mandate  of 
*'  the  British  minister,  by  which  the  bill  for  the  regulation  of  the 
**  army  is  made  perpetual,  and  the  controul  thereof  for  ever  vested 
"  in  the  hands  of  the  crown,  as  a  subversion  of  the  constitution, 
*'  and  a  stab  to  the  liberty  of  the  subject. 

"  Resolved,  That  considering  the  army  of  this  kingdom  as  a 
*'  body  of  men  embarked  in  the  cause  of  their  country,  and  equal- 
*'  ly  entitled  with  ourselves  to  the  protection  of  its  legislature,  we 
*'  cannot  but  feel  for  their  situation,  who,  by  this  law  are  in  dan- 
"  ger  of  being  made,  at  a  future  day  the  unwilling  instruments  of 
"  despotism,  to  violate  the  liberties  of  Ireland. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  compliance  of  that  house  with 
*'^  the  alteration  made  in  the  sugar  bill  by  the  English  privy  coun- 
"  cil  reducing  the  proposed  duty  on  lump  sugars,  as  an  overthrow 
"  to  the  refinery  of  this  kingdom,  and  a  total  obstruction  to  the 
"  extension  of  its  manufactures,  by  an  export  to  the  British  colo- 
*'  nies  and  West-Indies. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  will  concur  with  the  volunteer  corps  of 
"  this  kingdom,  and  the  rest  of  our  fellow  subjects,  in  every  ef- 
*'  fort  which  may  tend  to  avert  the  dangers  we  are  threatened 
"  with. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  strenuous,  though  unsuccessful  efforts,  of 
**  the  minority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  in  defence  of  the  con- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  231 

**  stitutlon,  merit  the  thanks  and  firm  support  of  every  friend  of 
*'  his  country." 

Similar  resolutions  were  entered  into  by  other  volunteer  bodies, 
particularly  the  Independent  Dublin  and  Liberty  corps  ;  as  also 
by  the  citizens  of  Dublin  in  general. 

The  language  now  holden  by  the  popular  prints,  bespoke  at 
once,  as  well  as  increased  the  general  and  inveterate  discontent 
of  the  people.  The  Hibernian  Journal^  or  Chronicle  of  Libertijy 
and  The  Public  Register^  or  Freernan^s  Journal^  were  peculiarly 
obnoxious  to  government.  The  House  of  Commons  passed  a 
vote  of  censurf^  ajrainst  the  printers  and  publishers  of  these  two 
papers,*  and  addressed  the  lord  lieutenant  to  give  orders  for  ef- 
fectuallv  prosecuting  the  printers  and  publishers,  and  also  the 
authors  and  contrivers  of  certain  articles  in  those  papers.  The 
former  contained  the  resolutions  of  several  corps  of  volunteers, 
and  others  :  the  latter  gave  peculiar  offence,  by  the  publication 
of  the  following  paragraphs  : 

"  We  are  happy  to  find,  that  a  general  meeting  of  the  indepen- 
"  dent  merchants  and  volunteers  of  this  city  is  fixed  for  Tuesday 
"  evening  next,  at  the  Music  Hall.  It  is  hoped,  that  their  spirit 
"  and  example  may  animate  the  kingdom  to  rise  in  support  of 
*'  the  violated  rights  of  Ireland  ;  and  that  the  nation  may  be  re- 
"  stored  by  their  mxcans  to  those  inherent  privileges,  which  their 
"  treacherous  representatives  have  basely  sold  to  the  infamous 
"  administration  of  Great  Britain." 

"  It  is  thought,  that  the  measures,  which  will  be  adopted  on 
"  Tuesday  next,  by  the  merchants  and  volunteers,  will  be  direct- 
"  ed  to  effect  the  destruction  of  the  betrayers  of  our  excellent  con- 
"  stitution ;  and  as  it  is  feared,  that  the  Music  Hall  will  not  be 
"  large  enough  to  contain  them,  it  is  expected  that  the  next  meet- 
"  ing  will  be  in  the  Park,  or  in  St.  Stephen's  Green." 

Whereupon  it  was 

Resolved^  ncnu  con,  "  That  the  said  paragraphs  contained  mat- 
"  ters  that  are  false,  scandalous,  seditious,  and  libellous,  grossly 
"  aspersing  the  proceedings  of  parliament,  and  most  manifestly 
"  tending  to  create  discontents  amongst  his  majesty's  subjects,  to 
"  withdraw  them  from  their  obedience  to  the  laws  of  this  realm, 
^'  and  to  subvert  the  authoritv  of  the  legislature  of  this  king- 
"  dom." 

This  vote  of  censure  was  not  so  much  directed  against  the 
printers  and  publishers,  as  it  was  aimed  by  the  ministry  at  the 
volunteer  corps,  whose  system  and  influence  had  become  truly 
alarming  to  government.  Yet  such  was  the  ascendancy  which 
the  armed  associations  then  commanded  over  the  minds  of  their 

•lOJourn.  Com.  p.  195. 


232  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

countrymen,  that  it  was  found  more  prudent  not  to  cast  a  direct 
censure  upon,  or  even  shew  a  disregard  to  any  of  those  corps. 

No  nation  on  earth  enters  into  a  cause  with  more  eagerness 
and  cordiality  than  the  Irish :  no  nation  sets  a  higher  value  upon 
works  of  genius :  none  delights  more  in  reading,  hearing  and 
discoursing  upon  the  political  events  of  their  own  country.  Dur- 
ing (what  Lord  Clare  called)  the  imbecility  of  Lord  Buckingham- 
shire's administration,  the  popular  mind  was  worked  up  to  a  de- 
gree of  enthusiasm  upon  their  rights  and  claims  to  uncontrouled 
civil  freedom  and  independence  :  several  publications  helped  to 
quicken  and  extend  this  flame  ;  the  letters,  under  the  signatures 
of  Owen  Roe  G'Niel^  and  Guatimozin^  were  distinguished  by  their 
boldness  of  thought  and  expression  ;  by  a  warmth  of  patriotism, 
and  a  cast  of  original  genius,  peculiarily  adapted  to  the  general, 
as  well  as  peculiar  disposition  of  the  Irish  people  at  that  juncture, 
A  pamphlet,  attributed  to  Mr.  Grattan,  containing  great  part  of 
the  substance  of  that  great  orator's  speech  on  the  19th  of  April, 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  against  the  right  of  foreign  legislation, 
and  the  unconstitutional  clause  of  perpetuity  in  the  mutiny  bill, 
was  read  with  avidit}^,  and  circulated  with  astonishing  effect. 
The  people  were  on  one  hand  encouraged  by  these  publications 
to  insist  upon  their  independence  ;  and  on  the  other  they  were 
goaded  into  soaniess  and  irritation,  by  the  determined  opposition 
given  in  parliament  to  the  different  attempts  made  to  bring  it 
to  bear :  thus  were  they  incensed  at  Mr.  Grattan's  resolutions 
against  foreign  legislation  not  finding  admission  to  the  journals  : 
they  v/ere  provoked  at  Mr.  Yelverton's  failure  in  procuring  a 
modification  of  Poyning's  law  :  and  iri'itated  at  the  ineffectual 
effort  of  Mr.  Forbes,  to  procure  a  bill  for  the  independence  of 
the  judges.  They  were,  in  a  word,  desperate  in  the  conviction, 
that  a  majority  in  their  own  parliament  was  purchased  with  the 
wealth  of  Ireland,  to  negative  every  question  or  motion,  that 
could  tend  to  promote  their  independence  upon  the  parliament 
of  Great  Britain. 

The  session  had  been  protracted  to  an  unusual  length  ;  on  the 
2d  of  September,  1780,  Lord  Buckinghamshire  put  an  end  to  it, 
by  a  most  gracious  speech  from  the  throne.  He  had  on  the  pre- 
ceding day  been  addressed  in  a  very  adulatory  style  by  the  com- 
mons ;  and  the  return  of  the  incense  appears  upon  the  face  of  his 
address  to  both  houses  of  parliament. 

"  MY  LORDS   AND  GENTLEMEN, 

"  I  am  happy  at  length  to  congratulate  you  on 
*'  the  conclusion  of  this  session  of  parliament,  though  the  import- 
"  ant  measures  under  deliberation  must  have  made  your  attends 
"  ance  less  irksome  to  you. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  233 

'*  If  your  long  absence  from  your  several  counties  has  been 
"  productive  of  any  inconvenience,  such  inconvenience  is  fully 
"  compensated  by  permanent  and  solid  benefits,  the  successful 
*'  consequences  of  your  labours." 

"  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS, 

"  I  THANK  you  in  his  majesty's  name,  for  the 
"  liberal  supplies  you  have  granted  :  your  cheerfulness  in  giving, 
"  and  your  attention  to  the  ease  of  the  subject  in  the  mode  of  rais- 
*•'  ingthem,  must  be  very  acceptable  to  his  majesty:  on  my  part, 
"  1  assure  you  they  shall  be  faithfully  applied." 

"  MY  LORDS  AND  GENTLEMEN, 

*'  THE  satisfaction,  with  which  the  heart  of 
"  every  Irishman  must  exult,  at  the  fair  scene  of  prosperity  nov/ 
"  opening  to  his  country,  may  equal,  it  cannot  exceed  the  glow  of 
"  my  private  feelings ;  and  whilst  you  applaud  the  conduct  of 
"  Great  Britain  in  removing  the  restrictions  upon  the  trade  of  this 
''  kingdom,  you  cannot  but  particularly  acknowledge  the  un- 
"  equivocal  demonstrations  of  her  sincere  affection  in  admitting 
"  you  upon  the  most  liberal  plan,  to  an  immediate,  free  and  equal 
"  intercourse  with  her  colonies. 

"  The  wise  and  salutary  laws,  which  you  have  framed,  natural- 
"  ly  lead  to  the  most  beneficial  enjoyment  of  that  intercourse  : 
''  and  when  I  reflect  on  those  great  objects,  and  on  your  meri- 
"  torious  attention  to  the  trade,  agriculture  and  manufactures  of 
"  this  kingdom,  so  conspicuously  manifested  by  the  laws  passed 
"  for  granting  ample  bounties  on  the  export  of  your  com,  your 
"  linen,  and  your  sail  cloth,  by  the  premiums  for  encouraging 
"  the  growth  of  hemp  and  flax-seed,  and  by  the  judicious  provi- 
"  sions  for  the  better  regulation  of  your  manufactures,  I  feel  a 
"  conscious  satisfaction,  that  the  commerce  of  this  kingdom  has 
"  been  established  upon  an  extended,  firm,  and  lasting  basis  j  and 
"  that  Ireland  must,  in  the  course  of  her  future  prosperity,  look 
"  back  to  this  era,  the  labours  of  the  present  parliament,  and  the 
"  difl"asive  indulgence  of  his  majesty,  with  a  most  grateful  vene- 
"  ration. 

"  Your  own  discreet  judgment  will  naturally  suggest  the  ex- 
^'  pediency,  when  you  return  to  your  several  counties,  of  impress- 
*'  ing  upon  the  minds  of  all  ranks  of  men  the  various  blessings  of 
"  their  present  situation.  Demonstrate  to  them,  that  every  efFec- 
"  tual  source  of  commercial  wealth  is  nov/  their  own,  and  invites 
"  that  industry,  without  v/hich  the  v/isest  commercial  regulations 
*'  remain  a  dead  letter,  and  the  bounties  of  nature  are  lavished  in, 
*'  vain.  Cherish  such  a  spirit  of  industry,  and  convince  them  of 
*'  the  essential  advantages  they  derive  from  their  free  and  excel- 
*'  lent  constitution,  the  maintenance  of  every  branch  of  which  in 

VOL.  II.  G   g 


234  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  its  just  vigour  and  authority,  can  alone  secure  their  liberties^ 
"  and  preserve  their  happiness." 

Thus  ended  a  session,  that  had  vainly  promised  in  its  opening 
the  brightest  prospects  to  Ireland.  The  disappointed  people  felt, 
and  expressed  their  resentment* 

At  many  of  the  different  reviews,  which  afterwards  took  place, 
the  volunteers  expressed  their  political  sentiments,  and  freely 
condemned  the  conduct  of  parliament.  They  were,  however,  far 
from  being  unanimous.  They  were  not  yet  as  completely  united 
in  sentiment,  as  they  were  drilled  to  the  use  of  arms.  It  was 
Lord  Buckinghamshire's  fate  to  be  disapproved  of  by  the  minis- 
ters of  England,  as  well  as  to  have  dissatisfied  the  people  of  Ire- 
land. The  power  of  the  volunteers  had  infused  real  fear  into  the 
British  administration :  they  trembled,  and  condemned  Lord 
Buckinghamshire  for  effects,  which  it  was  not  in  his  power  to 
prevent ;  and  which,  in  fact,  were  to  be  immediately  traced  up 
to  their  dilatory,  irresolute,  and  pernicious  councils.  Lord  Buck- 
inghamshire was  recalled,  and  Lord  Carlisle*  was  appointed  in 
his  stead  on  the  23d  of  December,  1780. 

In  the  dearth  of  historical  documents  of  the  affairs  of  Ireland 
during  the  latter  end  of  Lord  Buckinghamshire's  administration, 
there  is  an  advantage  in  being  able  to  resort  to  a  very  interesting 
and  delicate  representation  made  by  the  most  eminent  statesmen 
in  the  British  parhament,  of  the  early  spirit,  conduct,  and  conse- 
quences of  the  Irish  volunteers,  before  they  had  formed  them- 
selves into  that  compact  and  formidable  body  under  Lord  Char- 
lemont,  by  means  of  which  was  brought  about  the  Irish  revolu- 
tion of  1782,  v/hich  according  to  Mr.  Burkef  most  zntrinsicallT/ 
and  substantially  resembled  the  English  revolution  of  1688. 

JOn  February  23d,  1781,  Mr.  Jenkinson,  (now  Earl  of  Liver- 
pool) secretary  at  war,  moved  in  the  British  House  of  Commons, 
that  the  order  of  the  day  for  the  further  consideration  of  the  re- 
port on  the  Mutiny  Bill  be  read ;  when  Mr.  Fox  rose  agi'eeably 
to  his  intimation  to  the  house,  to  move  for  the  recommitment  of 
that  bill,5  for  the  purpose  of  correcting  a  very  material  and  im- 

*  Lord  Carlisle  took  over  with  him  as  secretary,  his  protcJgd  and  friend  Mr. 
Eden,  (now  Lord  Auckland)  who  had  publislied  several  letters  upon  political 
subjects  to  his  patron  ;  and  among'st  others,  one  on  7'he  Representations  of  Ire- 
land respecting  a  free  trade,  of  which  Mr.  Dobbs,  in  his  History  of  Irish  Affairs, 
p.  42,  writes  thus  :  "  From  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Eden,  the  secretary  to  Lord 
**  Carlisle,  on  the  subject  of  Irish  affairs,  and  which  had  been  answered  by 
"  Counsellor  Richard  Sheridan,  we  had  no  great  reason  to  rejoice  in  this- 
*'  change." 

f  Letter  to  Lang.  p.  46. 
\  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  522. 

§  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  433.  Mr.  Jenkinson,  secretary  at  war,  informed  the  house, 
that  there  were  some  alterations  mads  in  the  Mutiny  Act,  two  of  which  being 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  235 

jjortant  alteration,  that  had  taken  place  in  it.  He  began  his  speech 
with  stating,  that  if  he  had  not  been  sensible  of  the  difficulty  and 
delicacy  of  his  situation,  in  the  question  which  he  was  about  to 
agitate,  the  observation  that  had  fallen  from  a  gentleman  high  in 
office,  and  an  old  well-informed  member  of  that  house,  would 
have  opened  his  eyes,  and  convinced  him,  that  he  was  treading 
upon  ground  at  once  difficult  and  dangerous.  The  honourable 
gentleman  had  said,  that  the  house  ought  not  to  attempt  to  do 
that,  which  it  could  not  fully  and  perfectly  accomplish,  and  had 
advised  them  rather  to  overlook  the  attack  upon  their  dignity,  by 
the  presentment  of  a  frivolous  petition,  than  attempt  a  punish- 
ment, which  they  could  not  enforce.  This  was  his  sentiment, 
it  was  at  all  times  so,  since  he  constantly  was  of  opinion,  that 
prudence  ought  at  all  times  to  be  consulted  in  measures  of  dig- 
nity, and  that  they  ought  not  to  assert  powers  of  authority  at  a 
season  when  from  weakness  they  were  unable  to  support  their 
claim.  To  agitate  a  question  therefore,  respecting  the  powers  of 
supremacy  and  superintendency,  which  this  country  asserted  over 
a  sister  kingdom,  at  a  time  when  that  kingdom  was  disposed  to 
militate  the  principle,  must  certainly  be  dangerous  ground,  and 
particularly  so  at  a  moment,  when  the  country  was  involved  in  a 
scene  of  complicated  calamities,  and  was  threatened  with  the 
most  decisive  ruin.  He  trusted  that  the  house  would  forgive 
him,  if,  in  the  situation  he  then  stood,  he  should  take  up  a  few 
minutes  of  their  time  in  stating  his  sentiments  of  the  question  ; 
since  he  knew  from  experience,  that  pains  would  be  taken  to  mis- 
represent what  he  should  say,  in  order  to  place  him  in  a  light  un- 
favourable to  the  people  of  Ireland.  The  insidious  pains,  that  had 
been  exerted  on  a  former  occasion  to  misrepresent  both  him  and 
other  gentlemen  on  the  same  side  of  the  house,  had  not  altogether 
failed  producing  the  intended  effect,  of  making  them  odious  in 

material,  he  thought  it  riglit  to  state  what  they  were,  as  no  aUerations  ought  to 
be  made  in  an  act  of  so  much  importance,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  house. 
The  first  alteration  was  the  total  omission  of  the  word  "  Ireland,"  in  the  act, 
an  omission,  which  the  learned  gentleman  appointed  to  draw  up  and  ])j-eparc 
the  bill,  had  judged  proper,  because  the  Irish  legislature  had  last  year  intro- 
duced clauses  in  their  Mutiny  Act,  tending  to  govern  and  regulate  the  manage- 
ment of  the  quartering  of  soldiers,  and  other  matters  relative  to  military  dis- 
cipline, when  at  a  distance  from  the  capital ;  the  continuing  to  extend  the  Bri- 
tish Mutiny  Act  to  Ireland  was  therefore  no  longer  necessaiy. 

Sir  George  Yonge  said,  that  what  the  secretary  at  war  had  dropped  con- 
cerning the  omission  of  the  word  "  Ireland"  in  the  bill,  appeared  to  him  to  be 
of  very  serious  importance,  and  required, very  mature  consideration  before  it 
was  agreed  to.  If  it  was  intended,  that  this  country  should  give  up  all  claim 
to  legislation  over  Ireland,  he  thought  it  would  be  better  to  declare  such  an 
intention,  and  do  it  at  once.  He  could  never  approve  of  the  idea  of  giving  it 
up  bit  by  bit,  by  incidental  acts  of  parliament.  He  therefore  wished  the  house 
would  not  hastily  settle  the  question,  but  go  into  it,  examine  it  with  the  atten- 
tiQn  due  to  its  importance,  and  make  a  solemn  decision  upon  the  subject. 


256  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  eyes  of  a  people,  whom  they  loved  and  honoured.  Difficult 
and  dangerous  as  the  situation  was,  he  could  not  be  induced  from 
any  apprehensions  of  personal  consequence  to  permit  a  matter 
charged  with  so  much  apparent  danger  to  pass  unnoticed  ;  at  the 
same  time  he  was  not  insensible  of  the  unfavourable  opinions  of 
his  fellow  citizens. 

He  had  many  reasons  of  friendship  and  affection  for  wishing  to 
stand  well  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  Ireland  ;  and  it  was  not  his 
purpose  to  attack  the  claim,  which  they  had  set  up  to  legislative 
independency.  They  had  not  a  friend  in  that  house  more  warmly 
attached  to  their  interests  than  himself.  He  wished  to  share  the 
dangers  and  the  alarming  tendency  of  this  bill  both  to  the  liberties 
of  England  and  of  Ireland,  and  he  thought,  to  be  silent  on  such 
a  subject  would  be  tacidy  to  assist  in  taking  away  from  the  peo- 
ple, in  order  to  enlarge  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  in  demolish- 
ing and  subverting  the  liberties  of  the  subject,  in  order  to  give 
the  prince  a  means  of  becoming  absolute.  He  had  been  held  out, 
he  was  aware,  as  the  enemy  of  Ireland,  and  the  first  lord  of  the 
treasury  had  been  declared  to  be  the  best  friend  of  that  countr}", 
though  he  had  uniformly  endeavoured  to  support  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  Irish,  and  to  give  them  all  they  requested  long 
ago,  and  which  the  noble  lord  had  positively  denied  them  till  they 
had  armed  themselves,  and  then  by  three  specific  propositions  had 
given  more  to  force,  than  he  had  before  denied  to  supplication. 
In  better  times  than  these,  Mr.  Fox  said,  he  should  probably  have 
entered  upon  the  topic  in  a  manner  and  in  language  widely  dif- 
ferent from  that  he  meant  to  adopt,  and  to  use  on  the  present  oc- 
casion. In  better  times  than  these,  he  should  have  talked  of  the 
superintending  power  of  the  British  parliament  over  Ireland,  and 
over  every  part  of  the  British  monarchy  ;  but  such  was  the  miser- 
able situation,  to  which  the  king's  servants  had  reduced  this 
country,  that  the  question  was  of  a  very  delicate  nature  indeed, 
and  it  was  by  no  means  a  matter  easy  to  be  handled  without  dis- 
turbing what  ought  not  to  be  disturbed,  and  without  producing 
consequences,  which  eveiy  man,  who  wished  well  to  his  countiy, 
must  wish  to  avoid.  In  the  present  question,  he  wished  to  speak 
and  act  agreeably  to  the  sentiments  of  some  of  the  first  and  best 
men  in  the  parliament  of  Ireland.  The  powers  of  supremacy  and 
superintendency  of  this  country  over  her  distant  connexions  were 
topics,  which  he  knew  were  at  that  time  dangerous  to  be  touched, 
but  which  had  never  been  so  at  any  former  period  of  our  history. 
Ten  years  ago  it  would  not  have  been  considered  as  improper  or 
dangerous  to  talk  on  these  topics,  because  then  they  were  consid- 
ered as  necessary  to  the  liberties  and  the  well-being  of  the  empire. 
They  were  not  only  considered  by  that  house  in  this  light,  but  by 
every  part  of  our  extended  empire  they  were  allowed  and  acknow- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  257 

fedged  the  same.  It  was  the  weakness  of  administration,  that  had 
given  rise  to  different  idciis.  America  had  never  complained  of 
these  powers  till  her  calm  and  sober  requests  were  refused,  and 
Ireland  had  not  asserted  the  contrary  till  relief  was  denied,  when 
her  grievances  were  manifest.  But  now  the  topics  were  danger- 
ous to  be  touched.  The  weakness  and  the  wantonness  of  minis- 
ters had  introduced  into  that  house  difficulties  and  embarrass- 
ments, new  and  unprecedented,  and  he  must  yield  to  the  disa- 
greeable necessity  of  submission.  But  he  might  say,  that  if  he 
had  been  speaking  on  this  subject  ten  years  ago,  he  would  have 
found  no  difficulty  in  saying,  that  the  superintendency  and  supre- 
macy of  this  country  was  necessary  to  the  libert)  of  the  empire, 
for  many  great,  and,  in  his  opinion,  unanswerable  reasons,  and 
that  in  particular  they  ought  to  be  careful  never  to  give  out  of 
their  own  hands  the  power  of  making  a  mutiny  bill.  lie  \\'ould 
have  been  able  to  have  advanced  various  reasons  for  retaining 
this  privilege,  the  first  and  most  powerful  of  which  would  have 
been,  a  reason  of  apprehension,  lest  at  some  future  moment  of 
negligence  or  corruption,  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  the  assem- 
blies of  any  of  the  colonies  of  America,  or  of  any  other  of  our 
foreign  connexions,  should  be  tempted  or  prevailed  on  to  grant  a 
perpetual  mutiny  bill.  If  he  had  advanced  this  argument,  he 
knew  that  it  would  have  been  immediately  said  of  him,  that 
he  pushed  speculation  to  excess,  that  he  was  chimerical  and 
libellous  in  his  ideas,  for  that  no  house  of  representatives  could 
be  so  negligent  or  corrupt  as  to  grant  such  a  bill,  and  no  people 
so  blind  and  supine  as  to  bear  it.  Might  he  not  then  now  say 
this  when  it  was  not  an  argument  of  speculation  but  experi- 
ence, and  when  the  parliament  of  Ireland  had  actually  granted  a 
perpetual  mutiny  bill  to  the  crown,  by  which  thev  had  invested 
the  sovereign  with  the  power  of  a  standing  army,  unlimited  in 
point  of  numbers  or  duration.  There  were  in  the  passing  of 
this  bill,  so  granted,  also  several  circumstances  of  a  suspicious 
nature,  which  implied  in  pretty  plain  language,  that  it  was  im- 
posed upon  them  by  the  cabinet  of  England.  It  originated  in 
the  privy  council  of  this  country,  and  was  sent  over  at  a  time, 
when  Ireland  was  loud  in  their  claim  of  independent  legislation. 
The  cabinet  took  advantage  of  the  heat  and  the  inflammation  of 
Ireland,  v/ith  respect  to  independence,  and  granted  them  the  one 
thing,  provided  they  would  purchase  it  at  the  price  of  the  other. 
They  applied  to  the  passions  of  the  country;  they  seized  on  par- 
liament in  the  moment  of  their  warmth,  and  appealing  perhaps 
to  other  passions  than  those  of  patriotic  phrenzy,  they  procured 
the  consent  of  parliament  to  this,  and  received  a  perpetual  stand- 
ing army,  in  defiance  of  the  declaration  of  rights.  Many  of  the 
first  members  of  the  Irish  parliament  were  sensible  of  the  shock. 


238  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  that  bill  gave  at  once  to  the  liberties  of  Ireland  and  Eng- 
land. Mr.  Grattan  called  upon  the  people  of  this  country  to 
stand  forward  and  protect  the  liberties  of  both,  by  preventing 
the  dangers  and  effects  of  a  law  so  violent  and  contradictory  to 
the  constitution.  It  was  therefore  a  business,  in  which  both  na- 
tions were  equally  affected,  and  in  which  they  ought  equally  to 
unite.  It  was  a  species  of  conspiracy  between  the  cabinet  and 
that  part  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  who,  anxious  for  independence, 
were  intoxicated  with  the  idea,  and  inclined  to  purchase  it  at  any 
price.  A  conspiracy  to  give  a  mutiny  bill  of  their  ov/n  to  Ire- 
land, in  return  for  a  grant  from  Ireland  of  a  perpetual  army  to 
the  crown,  a  thing  wholly  unwarranted  by  the  constitution.  It 
was  curious  and  alarming,  that  in  the  Irish  mutiny  bill,  the  pre- 
amble was  left  out,  which  recited  the  declaration  of  rights.  What 
could  be  the  inducement  of  that  omission  ?  It  contained  no  enact- 
ing law,  and  consequently  was  in  no  ways  an  attack  on  the  legis- 
lative independence  of  Ireland.  It  was  merely  declaratory,  and 
as  the  constitution  and  the  rights  in  both  countries  wxre  the  same, 
the  declaration  of  those  rights  was  equally  applicable  to  both. 
But  it  was  found  expedient  to  leave  out  the  preamble,  because 
the  words,  "  Whereas  it  is  illegal  in  the  crown  to  keep  a  standing 
"  ar7ny  in  ti?nes  of  peace^"*  were  in  direct  contradiction  to  the 
bill,  which  had  been  granted.  The  danger  of  the  bill  would 
appear  in  its  full  magnitude,  when  gentlemen  reflected  that  all 
that  was  necessary  now  to  the  maintenance  of  a  standing  army  in 
Ireland,  unlimited  in  number  and  duration,  w^as  the  pov/er  of 
the  purse.  He  considered  the  statute  of  King  William,  com- 
monly called  the  disbanding  statute,  reducing  the  number  of 
troops  to  12,000,  and  which  by  a  late  act  had  been  raised  to 
15,000,  to  be  still  in  force  with  respect  to  this  country,  but  it 
was  not  so  agreeable  to  the  present  ideas  of  the  people  of  Ireland, 
so  that  there  was  no  power  sufficiently  restrictive  on  ministers 
against  maintaining  in  that  country  an  army  to  any  extent.  But 
it  might  be  argued,  that  without  the  power  of  the  purse,  the 
pov;er  of  the  army  was  nothing.  It  had  been  the  policy  of  Britain 
to  keep  them  both  in  her  own  hands,  and  had  granted  them  only 
for  one  year.  As  there  w^as  no  responsibility  in  the  ministers 
under  the  existing  laws,  and  as  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  either 
kingdom  to  bring  them  to  a  legal  parliamentary  conviction,  the 
ministers,  who  advised  the  perpetual  mutiny  bill,  were  guilty  of 
high  treason.  The  act  giving  the  crown  a  perpetual  mutiny  bill, 
in  direct  violation  of  the  declaration  of  rights,  was  high  treason 
against  the  constitution  of  the  realm.  But  how  could  he  get  at 
the  authors  of  the  treason  in  the  present  circumstances  ?  It  was 
perfectly  impossible,  for  there  was  no  responsibility  to  be  estab- 
lished against  them.    This  diihculty  had  been  incurred  by  a  sys^ 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  239 

tern  of  negligence  and  incapacity.     Any  other  minister  would 
have  softened,  when  it  could  have  been  done  with  propriety ;  or 
resisted,  when  it  could  have  been  done  with  success:  but  the 
noble  lord  had  acted  contrary  to  every  expectation.     V/hen  Ire- 
land, in  a  decent  sober  style,  applied  to  padiament  for  relief  from 
restrictions,  which  were  at  once  impolitic  and  illiberal,  the  noble 
lord  attended  more  to  the  representations  of  individual  members, 
influenced  by  their  constituents,  the  manufacturers  of  trading 
towns,  than  to  the  unanimous  call  of  a  whole  country.     The 
minister  was  obliged,  on  account  of  the  American  war,  to  court 
the  votes  of  individual  members,  and  when  the  gentlemen  on 
that  side  of  the  house  had  carried  a  decisive  question,  he  came 
down  two  days  afterwards,  and  resisted  their  anxious  endeavours 
to  redress  the  grievances  of  the  Irish,  when  they  were  temperate 
in  their  requests.  The  honourable  gentleman  then  stated  the  pow- 
erful and  the  rapid  effect  of  the  resolution  and  the  spirit  of  Ire- 
land.    Their  associations  had  done  more  in  a  moment  than  all 
the  effects  of  friendship  in  their  favour.    All  false  reasoning  had 
vanished;  all  little  partial  motives  of  resistance  had  ceased;  local 
considerations  died  away  instantly,  and  the  noble  lord  in  the  blue 
ribbon,  who  had  shewn  himself  the  last  man  to  listen  to  suppli- 
cation, was  the  first  man  to  give  way  to  force.     The  noble  lord 
came  down  to  that  house,  and  by  three  lumping  propositions,  did 
more  for  Ireland  than  she  had  ventured  to  ask :  not  that  he  blamed 
the  noble  lord  for  the  concessions  :  he  had  acted  wisely,  and  had 
properly  told  the  house,  that  commercial  considerations  ought 
not  to  be  taken  up  on  a  narrow  illiberal  scale,  but  should  be  look- 
ed at  as  great  objects.     All  that  he  blamed  in  the  noble  lord  was, 
for  having  done  that  meanlv,  which  he  might  have  done  with 
grace  and   dignity.     An   army   might  thereafter  be  raised  and 
maintained  in  Ireland  under  that  law,  which,  though  legal  in  Ire- 
land, would  be  illegal  in  England,  and  not  be  the  less  dangerous, 
from  being  illegal.      Soldiers  raised,  enlisted,   and  attested  in 
England,  might  be  sent  to  Ireland,  and  placed  under  the  military 
law,  which  in  one  instance  at  least  was  different  from  the  law  of 
England,  since  it  gave  the  king  a  power  over  them  in  every  thing 
short  of  life  and  limb.     Though  an  enemy  to  the  dangerous  in- 
fluence of  the  crown,  he  was  a  friend  to  its  just  prerogative  ;  and 
he  considered  the  power  vested  in  his  majesty,  of  sending  troops 
to  v/hatever  part  of  his  dominions,  that  might  require  their  as- 
sistance, a  most  valuable  prerogati\'e.     It  was  on  this  ground, 
that  the  Earl  ol  Chatham  said,  that  retrenching  the  number  of 
trocps  to  be  employed  in  Ireland,  was  "  tearing  the  master-feather 
from  the  eaglets  wing,'*     That  bill  therefore,  containing  different 
laws,  became  dangerous  to  the  prerogative.     Many  more  things 
he  had  on  his  m.ind  to  offer  on  the  subject,  but  he  saw  the  impro- 


240  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

priety  of  urging  all  that  had  occurred  to  him.  He  was  restrained 
by  the  consciousness,  that  every  thing  which  he  said  would  be 
misrepresented  in  Ireland,  and  that  for  the  basest  of  purposes. 
He  reminded  the  house  again,  that  the  Irish  mutiny  bill  had  origin- 
ated in  this  country,  and  that  it  had  passed  under  the  most  suspi- 
cious and  alarming  circumstances.  He  concluded  with  saying, 
that  he  sjiould  move  for  the  recommitment  of  the  bill,  when  the 
present  question  was  settled. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  seconded  the  motion. 

The  secretary  at  war  spoke  in  very  guarded  terms  of  the  ex- 
treme delicacy  of  the  subject.  It  had  been  a  great  object  in 
former  reigns  to  endeavour  to  induce  the  legislature  in  Ireland 
to  pass  a  mutiny  bill,  which  had  not  been  accomplished  till  the 
time  of  Queen  Anne.  The  objects  of  that  bill  were  the  raising<> 
paying,  and  due  government  of  the  army  ;  the  bill  of  Queen  Anne 
went  only  to  the  first  two  objects,  but  it  was  a  perpetual  bill.  In 
the  year  1688  the  first  mutiny  bill  was  passed  in  England,  at 
which  time  an  attempt  was  made  to  pass  a  similar  bill  in  Ireland, 
which  failed.  In  1692  a  bill  passed  the  House  of  Lords,  and  was 
sent  thither.  The  great  Lord  Somers  was  then  attorney  general ; 
and  every  one  knows  how  much  the  attorney  general  has  to  do 
with  Irish  bills  in  that  stage.  The  great  authors  of  the  Revolu- 
tion were  anxious,  that  Ireland  should  have  a  mutiny  bill  of  their 
own  ;  and  though  many  attempts  were  made  to  introduce  one,  it 
was  not  until  it  was  known  that  they  would  not  admit  of  one, 
that  the  word  Ireland  was  inserted  in  the  English  mutiny  bill. 
This  bill  was  on  the  same  principles,  as  that  now  the  subject  of 
debate  ;  like  that,  it  obliged  the  army  to  obey  certain  rules  and 
articles  of  war,  published,  or  to  be  published,  and  authorized  by 
his  majesty,  and  like  that,  it  was  perpetual ;  yet  Lord  Somers, 
and  all  those  warm  defenders  of  constitutional  liberty,  who  were 
then  in  power,  approved  the  bill.  Those  who  had  been  deeply 
concerned  in  settling  the  Revolution,  in  framing  the  bill  of  rights, 
and  all  the  measures  of  that  most  respectable  period  of  our  histo- 
ry, had  concurred  in  their  advice  in  council  to  approve  their  bill. 
It  had  been  sent  over  to  the  Lord  Deputy  Sydney,  with  an  in- 
junction to  endeavour  to  prevail,  that  it  should  be  passed  in  both 
houses.  It  failed  in  the  commons.  The  perpetuity  of  this  bill 
in  Ireland,  he  considered  as  necessary  for  the  very  reasons,  that 
had  been  urged  against  it.  It  was  certainly  proper  to  prevent 
the  great  inconveniencies,.  that  would  arise  from  the  army's  being 
subject  to  different  mutiny  acts  in  different  situations  of  service  ; 
yet  it  would  be  impossible  to  avoid  it,  if  the  mutiny  bill  were  con- 
sidered as  annual,  and  subject  to  alterations  in  both  countries.  ^ 

Lord  Mahon  said,  lie  was  aware  of  the  delicacy  of  touching 
upon  the  question  of  the  superintendency  of  the  British  parliament 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  241 

over  Ireland,  and  of  the  danger  of  opposing  it  in  contradistinction 
to  the  superintendency  of  the  Irish  parliament. 

Mr.  Burke  obsen^ed,  that  in  the  then  divided  and  distracted 
state  of  the  empire,  when  every  thing  seemed  to  be  falling  to 
pieces,  it  became  men  to  be  firm,  and  to  look  on  the  preservation 
of  what  yet  remained  as  their  first  duty.  The  question  being  put, 
it  passed  in  the  affirmative  without  a  division. 

Notwithstanding  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  was  sent  over  on  pur- 
pose to  give  firmness  and  energ)^  to  the  Irish  government,  which 
was  considered  on  this  side  of  the  water  to  have  been  greatly 
enfeebled  by  the  administration  of  his  predecessor,  he  found  him- 
self wholly  incapable  of  checking  the  spirit  of  volunteering,  which 
now  knew  no  other  object,  than  the  attainment  of  a  free  and  in- 
dependent constitution.  The  reviews  in  1 780  had  pointed  out  the 
utility  of  forming  regiments  :  it  was  clearly  perceived,  that  com- 
panies acting  separately  could  never  attain  military  perfection. 
In  the  spring  of  1781  revie\vs  were  again  fixed  on,  and  in  summer 
when  they  assembled,  the  improved  state  of  the  volunteers  was 
obvious  to  every  eye  ;  the  reviews  were  every  where  more  numer- 
ous, more  mihtary,  and  more  splendid.  That  of  Belfast,  which 
in  1780  was  the  largest,  had  in  1781  nearh^  doubled  their  number : 
5383  men  then  appeared  in  review,  with  a  train  of  thirteen  field 
pieces  ;  other  reviews  had  proportionally  increased  and  improved ; 
the  volunteers  engaged  the  affection  and  commanded  the  admira- 
tion of  all  their  countrymen.  The  inhabitants  of  the  different 
places  where  they  were  reviewed,  behaved  with  unbounded  hos- 
pitality, and  entertained  with  emulous  profusion  their  countrymen 
in  arms.  Lord  Charlemont  was  again  particularly  distinguished 
among  the  reviewing  generals,  and  reviewed  a  very  considerable 
part  of  the  volunteer  army.  The  addresses  and  resolutions  after 
the  reviews  in  1781,  were  greatly  diversified;  some  contained 
politics,  and  spoke  bold  truths  ;  others  avoided  political  discus- 
sion :  all  felt  that  Ireland  was  not  free. 

^On  the  9th  of  October,  1781,  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  met  the 
parliament,  when  after  the  common  place  recommendations  of 
the  charter  schools,  linen  trade,  tillage,  fisheries,  and  general 
commerce  of  the  country,  his  excellency  assured  them,  that  his 
majesty  ardently  wished  the  happiness  of  his  people  of  Ireland, 
in  whose  affection  and  loyalty  he  placed  the  firmest  reUance. 
"  And  although,"  said  his  excellency,  "  I  am  not  directed  to  call 
"  upon  you  for  any  extraordinary  supplies  in  this  time  of  general 
*'  hostility,  when  these  kingdoms  are  exposed  to  an  unnatural 
"  and  dangerous  combination  of  enemies,  I  have  not  the  smallest 
"  doubt,  but  that  I  shall  be  enabled  to  assure  his  majesty  of  your 

•  10  Journ.  Com.  p.  210. 
VOL.    II,  H   h  \ 


2^  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"•  cordial  disposition  to  give  him  every   assistance  compatible 
**  with  your  means  and  circumstances. 

"  No  event  could  more  contribute  to  the  public  security  than 
*'  the  general  concurrence,  with  which  the  late  spirited  offers  of 
''  assistance  were  presented  to  me  from  every  part  of  this  king- 
"  dom  ;  and  I  am  fully  convinced,  that  if  necessity  had  arisen,  it 
"  was  in  my  power  to  have  called  into  action  all  the  strength  and 
"  spirit  of  a  brave  and  loyal  people,  eager  under  my  direction  to 
*''  be  employed  in  aid  of  his  majesty's  regular  forces^  for  the  pub- 
*^  lie  defence. 

''  I  trust  that  every  part  of  my  conduct  will  demonstrate  how 
^'  much  it  is  the  wish  of  my  heart  to  engage  your  confidence  :  I 
"  shall  claim  it  only  in  proportion  as  I  shall  be  found  to  deserve 
*'  it,  by  an  unwearied  endeavour  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  Ire- 
*'  land  ;  and  I  am  sensible,  that  this  is  the  best  method  of  recom- 
*'  mending  my  services  to  our  sovereign,  and  of  obtaining  your 
*'  concurrence  toward  the  ease  and  honour  of  my  administration." 

It  had  now  become  notorious^  that  government  wished  to  check 
and  disarm  the  volunteers  ;  but  they  were  frightened  into  acqui- 
escence ;  they  had  before  reluctantly  distributed  amongst  them 
16,000  stand  of  arms,  and  it  was  now  found  politic  to  soothe  and 
court  the  power  they  could  no  longer  control. 

Mr.  O'Neil  moved  the  address  to  the  throne,  which  was  as 
usual  an  echo  of  the  speech  ;  to  which  no  opposition  was  given. 
He  felt  himself  called  upon  to  explain,  that  the  words  liberality 
of  the  British  parliament  were  merely  confined  to  the  grants  of 
their  late  extended  commerce  to  America  and  the  West  Indies. 

Mr.  Grattan,  after  having  m-ade  some  reflections  upon  the  li- 
berality of  the  last  parliament  in  voting  509,000/.  and  the  incom- 
petency of  the  nation  to  support  Great  Britain  in  the  prosecution 
of  the  American  and  French  war,  took  notice  of  the  extreme 
caution,  with  which  the  address  avoided  mentioning  the  word 
volunteer^  that  wholesome  and  salutary  appellation  which  he  wish- 
ed to  familiarize  to  the  royal  ear ;  he  would  not,  hov/ever,  insist 
on  having  it  inserted,  as  he  had  reason  to  believe  the  right  hon- 
ourable mover  did  intend  to  make  a  proper  mention  of  those 
protectors  of  their  country. 

Mr.  O'Neil  declared,  he  was  not  deceived  in  this  opinion,  that 
the  motion  to  which  he  had  alluded,  was  intended  to  thank  the 
volunteers  of  Ireland  for  that  glorious  spirit,  unexampled  in  all 
histor}',  with  which  they  had  so  eagerly  pressed  forward,  when 
the  nation  was  thought  to  be  in  danger.  He  then  moved,  that 
the  thanks  of  the  house  should  be  given  to  all  the  volunteers  of 
Ireland,  for  their  exertions  and  continuance,  and  for  their  loyal 
and  spirited  declarations  on  the  late  expected  invasion. 

Mr.  Conolly  seconded  the  motion. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  243 

Mr.  Fitzgibbon  (afterwards  Earl  of  Clare)  thought  the  vote 
unnecessary  and  improper,  after  the  censure  which  had  been  pass- 
ed upon  part  of  that  body  last  session.  They  were  totally  incom- 
patible, and  could  not  stand  together  in  the  records  of  one  par- 
liament. He  therefore  moved,  that  the  former  censure  should  be 
read,  before  the  present  motion  should  receive  its  decision. 

Mr.  Bradstreet  the  recorder  observed,  that  almost  at  the  time 
the  resolution  mentioned  was  passed,  parliament  relented,  and  be- 
came itself  a  mediator.  He  v/as  exceedingly  averse  from  renew- 
ing any  jealousy  between  parliament  and  the  volunteers.  Error 
was  the  common  lot  of  human  nature  :  it  was  not  inconsistent 
with  the  tenor  of  human  occurrences,  to  censure  at  one  time,  and 
give  due  praise  at  another  ;  and  therefore  requested  that  Mr. 
Fitzgibbon  vfould  withdraw  his  opposition. 

Mr.  Conolly  found  himself  so  much  interested  in  that  affair, 
thlt  he  could  not  decline  expressing  his  sentiments.  He  was  the 
person,  who  had  the  honour  of  first  moving  the  thanks  of  that 
house  to  all  the  volunteers  of  Ireland,  for  taking  up  arms  at  a 
critical  period.  He  was  happy  to  be  the  harbinger  of  such  a  to- 
ken of  national  gratitude ;  but  when  the  papers  alluded  to  were 
published,  by  some  few  volunteers,  he  thought  it  incumbent  on 
him  to  get  up  again,  for  the  honour  of  the  whole,  and  move  the 
vote  of  censure,  which  remained  upon  the  journals,  against  the 
dangerous  resolutions  that  had  been  published.  The  same  spi- 
rit that  prompted  him  to  applaud  the  virtuous  and  patriotic  con^ 
duct  of  the  great  body  of  volunteers,  obliged  him  to  condemn 
whatever  appeared  derogatory^  from  that  character,  in  a  few  ;  yet, 
notwithstanding  all  the  misrepresentations,  that  had  been  made 
of  his  conduct  in  the  public  papers,  his  love  and  attachment  to 
the  volunteers  was  still  the  same.  The  few  who  had  fallen  into 
error,  had  gloriously  repaired  the  fault ;  and  he  would  now,  with 
as  much  pleasure  as  ever  he  felt  in  his  life,  support  the  vote  of 
thanks,  and  move  to  expunge  the  vote  of  censure. 

Mr.  Fitzgibbon  declared,  he  did  not  rise  to  oppose  the  motion 
of  thanks  to  the  volunteer  corps,  for  whom  no  man  entertained  a 
higher  respect  than  he  did  ;  but  he  rose  to  preserve  the  dignity 
of  the  house,  to  prevent  their  proceedings  from  falling  under  the 
charge  of  inconsistency.  He  hoped  the  conduct  of  the  house 
would  ever  be  marked  by  a  dignified  uniformity,  which  could  not 
be  the  case,  if  they  entered  into  a  resolution  of  thanks  to  all  the 
volunteers,  while  the  journals  of  the  house  contained  matter  of 
the  highest  censure  against  some  particular  corps.  Those  reso- 
lutions he  therefore  wished  done  away,  before  the  house  could 
proceed  to  a  vote  of  thanks. 

Mr.  Scott  (attorney  general,  afterwards  Lord  Clonmel)  assert- 
ed, that  the  resolution  had  been  only  intended  against  the  printei«5 


244  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  publishers  of  inflammatory  paragraphs,  and  not  aimed  at  the 
volunteers  ;  that  if  the  honourable  gentleman,  who  now  made  the 
objection,  had  been  present  last  session,  he  would  have  joined  in 
the  resolution.  He  had  as  high  a  veneration  as  any  man  in  the 
kingdom  for  the  armed  associations,  or  call  them  by  what  name 
they  would,  (said  he)  a  virtuous  armed  people.  If  any  blame  lay 
for  want  of  prosecution,  it  in  a  great  measure  lay  with  him,  as 
the  proper  officer  of  the  crown.  But  he  could  not  help  thinking 
that  the  parliament,  last  session  when  the  respectable  name  of 
volunteer  was  abused,  shewed  a  peculiar  dignity  in  taking  up  that 
affair,  and  then  generously  relinquishing  every  idea  of  resentment, 
lest  it  should  be  considered  as  extending  to  the  whole  body. 

After  a  long  debate,  Mr.  Fitzgibbon  withdrew  his  objection, 
(indeed,  every  member  washed  it  never  had  been  started)  and 
the  house  passed  the  resolution  of  thanks  with  the  most  hearty 
and  unanimous  good  will,  at  the  same  time  ordering  the  sherifts 
of  the  different  counties  to  present  them. 

At  this  critical  juncture,  the  patriotic  body  of  Ireland  may 
with  truth  be  said  to  have  consisted  of  the  minority  in  parliament, 
and  the  whole  mass  of  the  people,  high,  middle,  and  low,  without. 
They  were  determined  to  go  hand  in  hand  ;  to  act  in  concert,  and 
never  to  desist,  till  they  w^ere  free  and  independent,  as  was  Great 
Britain.  On  the  10th  of  October,  1781,  Mr.  Bradstreet,  the  re- 
corder, a  very  staunch  patriot,  moved  in  the  House  of  Commons"^ 
for  leave  to  bring  in  heads  of  an  Habeas  Corpus  Bill,  prefacing 
his  motion  by  observing,  that  the  liberty  and  safety  of  the  sub- 
jects of  Ireland  w^ere  insecure  until  an  Habeas  Corpus  Act  should 
take  place  ;  that  arbitrary  power  had  made  great  strides  and  in- 
novations on  public  liberty,  but  was  effectually  restrained  by  that 
law  which  had  its  full  operation  in  England,  but  did  not  exist  in 
Ireland.  It  w^as,  he  said,  the  opinion  of  a  great  and  learned  judge, 
that  this  law  was  the  grand  bulwark  of  the  constitution.  Leave 
was  granted  ;  and  Mr.  Yelverton  and  the  recorder  were  ordered 
to  prepare  and  bring  in  the  same. 

Mr.  Grattan  said,  he  was  willing  never  to  condemn  an  admin- 
istration until  he  thoroughly  knew  he  had  sufficient  grounds. 
The  ministry  of  England  had  offered  America  the  regulation  of 
her  own  armies  ;  he  could  not  see  any  reason,  why  the  loyal  peo- 
ple of  Ireland  should  be  denied  that  benefit.  He  would,  he  said 
in  due  time,  bring  forward  the  mutiny  act  to  be  agitated  up- 
on that  subject ;  and  if  it  were  opposed,  it  would  at  least  have 
the  constitutional  freedom  and  spirit  of  the  country  to  contend 
with.  A  bill  for  rendering  the  judges  independent  during  good 
behaviour,   and  some   other  bills,  were  spoken  of.     When  Sir 

•  Pari.  Debates,  p.  10, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  24^ 

Lucius  O'Brien  arose,  and  said,  that  a  matter  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  the  nation,  had  too  long  remained  undecided,  our 
freedom  of  trade  with  Portugal,  where  goods  of  Irish  manufac- 
ture had  been  stopped,  and  were  not  permitted  to  be  sold. 

Mr.  Eden  arose,  and  agreed  with  Sir  Lucius,  that  a  great  deal 
of  time  had  been  spent  about  this  very  embarrassing  business ; 
but  assured  the  house,  that  the  utmost  exertions  had  been  used 
both  on  this  and  the  other  side  of  the  v/ater,  to  bring  it  to. a  hap- 
py termination. 

Mr.  Yclverton  thought  there  had  been  some  design  in  the 
speech,  to  lead  their  imaginations  away  from  this  important  ob- 
ject ;  it  had,  indeed,  talked  of  Protestant  charter  schools,  m.aking 
of  roads,  digging  of  canals,  and  carrying  of  corn  ;  and  contained 
half  a  dozen  lines  that  might  be  found  in  every  speech  for  fifty 
years  past ;  subjects  more  proper  for  the  inquiry  of  a  country 
grand  jury,  than  for  the  great  inquest  of  the  nation  ;  but  not  one 
word  of  our  trade  to  Portugal ;  that  had  been  designedly  omitted. 

On  the  subsequent  day,  after  some  conversation  upon  the  pro- 
per time  for  adjourning,  and  a  strong  recommendation  from  the 
speaker  to  bring  in  the  money  bills  before  the  close  of  the  ses- 
sion, Mr.  Yelverton  declared,  that  he  was  determined  to  profit 
by  the  excellent  advice  the  speaker  had  given  the  house.  He 
gave  notice,  that  immediately  after  the  recess,  he  would  move 
the  house  for  leave  to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill  to  regulate  the 
transmission  of  bills  from  that  kingdom  to  England.  At  the  pre- 
sent, their  constitution  was  the  constitution  of  England  inverted. 
Bills  originated  with  the  British  minister,  and  with  that  house  it 
only  remained  to  register,  or  reject  them.  Such  was  the  misera- 
ble state  of  Ireland,  and  in  that  state  it  would  remain,  as  long  as 
a  monster,  unknown  to  the  constitution,  a  British  attorney  gene- 
ral, through  the  influence  of  a  law  of  Poyning's,  had  power  to 
alter  their  bills.  So  generally  had  this  been  admitted  by  every 
member  of  the  house,  that  last  session,  when  he  moved  for  a 
modification  of  Poyning's  law,  gentlemen  urged,  that  though  that 
power  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  English  attorney  general,  yet  it 
was  never  exercised  to  any  bad  purpose  ;  but  the  declaration  was 
scarcely  made,  v/hen  an  altered  sugar  bill  annihilated  our  trade 
to  the  West-Indies  :  annihilated  might  be  thought  too  strong  an 
expression,  but  it  surely  injured  it  in  a  very  high  degree. 

After  a  recess  of  three  weeks,  the  house  met  on  Monday,  Oc- 
tober 29,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  when  the  recorder  presented 
a  petition  from  the  guild  of  merchants,  stating,  that  the  great  ad- 
vantages, which  that  nation  was  promised  by  a  freedom  of  trade 
to  all  the  world,  were  likely  to  prove  merely  imaginary,  as  from 
the  present  almost  universal  war,  our  commerce  vvas  confined  to 
very  fev.^  nations,  and  amongst  them,  the  kingdom  of  Portugal, 


246  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

from  which  the  greatest  hopes  had  been  formed,  had  refused  to 
receive  our  manufactures,  quantities  of  which  were  now  actually 
detained  in  the  custom-house  of  Lisbon ;  and  praying  the  house 
to  interfere  for  redress. 

The  subject,  he  said,  was  nice,  and  not  so  proper  for  the  deli- 
beration of  a  popular  assembly,  as  for  the  ministerial  intervention, 
which  was  going  forward.  He  wished,  therefore,  that  the  sub-' 
ject  might  be  postponed ;  and  tliough  he  were  not  disposed  to 
pledge  himself  for  a  specific  measure,  or  unforeseen  circum- 
stances, he  would  readily  promise,  at  the  proper  period,  to  take 
the  lead  in  the  mode  which  might  best  vindicate  the  just  expec- 
tations of  Ireland,  if  those  expectations  should  be  disappointed. 

Sir  Lucius  rose  again.  From  what  Mr.  Eden  had  last  said, 
he  understood,  that  if  Portugal  did  not  grant  the  redress  de- 
manded, it  was  intended  to  lay  a  further  duty  on  her  wines  ;  this 
he  did  not  think  was  a  mode  proper  to  be  adopted  ;  it  was  for 
ever  cutting  off  their  trade  to  that  kingdom,  and  increasing  taxes 
upon  the  subject.  But  he  thought,  that  granting  the  supplies  for 
six  months  only,  would  be  the  most  likely  method  of  bringing 
the  business  to  a  happy  issue.  He  was  sorry  to  see  the  business 
conducted  in  a  timid  manner,  and  in  the  hands  of  persons  not  in- 
terested in  their  welfare,  but  widi  a  secondary  view,  who,  at  most, 
would  only  promote  it  when  it  did  not  ciash  v/ith  the  convenience 
of  a  neighbouring  nation.  They  even  doubted  whether  they  were 
acquainted  with  the  foundation  of  their  right  to  trade  with  Por- 
tugal. They  erred,  if  they  supposed  it  rested  on  the  treaty  be- 
tween England  and  that  kingdom  in  1703  ;  he  therefore  thought 
parliament  should  enter  into  an  immediate  investigation  of  the 
subject ;  that  if  the  minister  intended  to  give  a  strenuous  support, 
he  might  find  himself  backed  with  the  whole  weight  of  the  Irish 
nation  ;  but  if  not,  every  man  would  see  w^hat  was  intended,  by 
.throwing  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  enquir}^,  and  damping  it 
with  cold  dela)'.  Mr.  Eden  appealed  to  the  house,  whether  he 
had  appeared  to  throw  any  difficulty  in  the  w^ay  ot  this  important 
business.  With  regard  to  what  had  been  intimated  respecting  a 
noble  earl,  it  was  a  suggestion  utterly  unmerited,  that  noble  earl 
being  a  true  and  steady  friend  to  Ireland,  having  shewn  himself 
peculiarly  so  upon  the  present  occasion,  and  being  in  every  in- 
stance incapable  of  making  a  distinction  between  the  interests  of 
his  majesty's  kingdoms. 

The  activity  of  the  Castle  to  ensure  a  majority  in  parliament, 
kept  pace  with  the  increase  of  patriotism  out  of  it.  But  this 
system  in  the  new  ferment  of  the  public  mind,  became  daily  less 
efficient,  and  was  ill  suited  to  the  existing  disposition  of  the 
country.  The  people  had  arms,  had  power  and  a  determination 
to  be  free :  they  knew  the  use  of  their  arms,  and  had  imbibed  a 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  24r 

uniform  and  steady  resolve  not  to  quit  them,  till  they  had  attained 
the  object  of  their  wishes,  a  free  and  mdependent  constitution. 
It  was  obvious,  that  a  parliament  marshalled  as  that  was,  to  resist 
the  demands  of  the  people,  might  irritate,  but  could  not  controul 
the  wishes  of  their  constituents.  Administration  confiding  in 
their  number,  set  all  the  patriotic  attempts  at  defiance,  and  frus- 
trated or  negatived  all  their  demands  and  claims.  Had  they  so 
far  temporized,  as  to  have  made  some  concessions,  though  they 
had  resisted  others  with  a  good  grace,  they  would  have  divided 
and  thereby  desti'oyed  the  power  of  the  people.  The  contrary 
conduct  pitted  this  factitious  majority  of  the  senate  against  the 
mass  of  their  armed  countrymen,  who  now  beheld  them  with  in- 
dignation, and  considered  them  in  fact  the  only  enemy  they  had 
to  encounter  in  Ireland. 

In  parliament,  there  appeared  but  little  cordiality  between  the 
leaders  of  the  patriotic  party,  and  Mr.  Eden,  the  secretary,  who 
spoke  for,  and  headed  the  court  party.  Mr.  Eden  was  a  man  of 
information  and  talent,  and  conducted  the  business  of  parliament 
in  a  manner  widely  different  from  his  predecessor  in  that  office. 
Yet  such  a  general  prejudice  against  every  thing  British  at  that 
time  pervaded  every  rank  throughout  the  kingdom,  that  scarcely 
a  debate  occurred,  in  which  some  personal  reflections  were  not 
made  on  the  lord  lieutenant  and  his  secretary's  partiality  and  bias 
for  England.  During  the  whole  of  Lord  Carlisle's  administra- 
tion, the  numbers  of  the  two  parties  in  the  House  of  Commons 
continued  nearly,  as  they  had  been  left  by  his  predecessor.  Some 
of  the  leading  men  of  each  party  had  shifted  sides.  It  has  been 
the  melancholy  and  degrading  fate  of  Ireland,  that  although  there 
have  always  been  a  standard  of  patriotism  erected  in  their  House 
of  Commons,  few  indeed  have  been  those,  who  have  rallied 
round  it  from  a  pure  and  disinterested  love  of  their  countrv  ;  stilt 
fewer,  who  have  persevered  in  their  patriotism  through  their 
political  career  of  life.  Early  in  the  present  session,*^  Mr.  Flood 
declared,  that  when  he  had  quitted  the  house  last  session,  he  had 
left  them  the  most  dignified  and  virtuous  assembly  on  earth  ;  he 
expected  now  to  find  them  such.  And  he  said,  that  the  fate  of 
the  nation  depended  on  the  motion  then  before  the  house  (for 
going  into  the  consideration  of  the  Portugal  trade)  :  that  they 
should  not  trust  to  any  minister,  that  countenanced  a  perpetual 
mutiny  bill :  and  that  they  would  be  execrated  by  posterity,  if  they 
abandoned  that  motion.f  On  the  other  hand,  we  find  Mr. 
George  Ponsonby  declaring,  that  now  he  saw  the  minister  acting 

*  Viz.  on  the  1st  of  November,  1781....!  Pari.  Debates,  p.  30. 
t  Which  was  negatived  by  a  majority  of  117  ag'aii-.st  44.     1  Pari.  Debates^, 
p.  30. 


248  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

obviously  ibr  the  honour  and  interest  of  Ireland,  he  thought-  it 
his  duty  to  support  him,  and  he  would  ever  assist  him  while  he 
acted  upon  the  same  principle.  He  said,  he  thought  this  was  the 
time,  that  all  gentlemen  of  rank  and  property  in  the  country, 
should  support  government ;  it  was  to  men  of  that  description 
that  administration  applied,  and  by  them  he  trusted  they  would 
be  supported."* 

The  debate,  which  brought  forth  Mr.  Flood  in  opposition  to 
the  minister,  was  on  the  supplies,  and  it  involved  the  question 
upon  the  state  of  the  nation.f  It  was  amazing,  how  differently 
that  state  was  represented  by  the  different  parties.  On  one  side 
of  the  house,  it  was  holden  forth  as  the  most  flourishing  of  any 
countrv  under  heaven,  and  that  nothing  was  wanting  to  make  the 
people  the  most  happy  in  the  universe,  but  a  contented  resignation 
to  the  present  measures  of  administration  ;  on  the  other  side,  you 
might  have  heard  it  represented  as  the  most  injured  nation  on 
the  earth,  despised  as  an  alien,  insulted  by  pensions,  oppressed 
by  taxes,  and  fettered  in  commerce.  Mr.  Ogle  painted  the 
miseries  of  the  common  people  in  a  most  affecting  manner. 

*  Sir  Frederick  Flood  severely  reprehended  the  honourable  g-entleman,  for 
declaring'  that  he  would  support  a  ministry,  that  could  be  so  base,  so  infamous, 
so  corrupt,  as  to  take  away  gentlemen's  emplo3ments,  merely  because  they 
acted  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  conscience.  Mr.  George  Ponsonby 
had  admitted,  that  nothing  but  public  spirit  could  induce  him  to  risk  the  loss 
of  one  of  the  best  appointments  government  could  bestow.  1  Pari.  Debates, 
p.  41. 

f  Dr.  Campbell,  who  was  present  at  the  debate,  gives  this  account  of  it. 
P.  458,  Phil.  Surv....The  same  author  favours  us  with  the  following  observa- 
tions upon  some  of  the  speakers  in  that  debate :.... Mr.  H.  Hutcheson  has  a 
mellifluous  voice,  and  pleasing  elocution.  His  exordium  gave  me  hopes  of 
great  matters  ;  but  his  oratory  is  of  that  wordy,  ostentatious  kind,  which  must 
sometimes  disappoint  your  expectations.  He  is  here  called  Prancer,  from 
some  slmihtude  they  find  in  him  to  a  horse  in  the  menage,  curvetting  at  tlie 
height  of  his  mettle,  without  making  any  progress  forward. 

Mr.  Scott,  the  solicitor  general,  is  one  of  the  most  powerful  supporters  of 
government.  He  does  not  affect  making  long  speeches,  though  one  of  the 
ablest  advocates  of  the  bar  ;  his  talent  lies  in  promptitude  of  reply,  in  dilu- 
tion of  objections,  and  in  turning  the  arguments  of  his  adversaries  against 
themselves. 

Mr.  Hussey  is  a  fine  speaker ;  his  expression  is  clear ;  his  language  flow- 
ing ;  his  action  graceful  ;  and  his  manner  persuasive.  Mr.  Yelverton  is  vehe- 
ment and  forcible.  But  the  greatest  pleasure  I  received,  was  from  a  very- 
young  man,  a  Mr.  Denis  Daly,  whose  sentiments  were  such  as  became  a 
country  gentleman,  and  whose  manner  was  vastly  engaging.  He  was  clear, 
he  was  manly,  he  was  copious.  His  invective  against  the  secretary  was  so 
keen,  and  so  poignant,  that  Demosthenes,  at  his  age,  would  not  have  been 
ashamed  of  it.  He  lifted  up  his  voice,  he  said,  in  hehalf  of  his  oppressed 
country,  which  he  had  just  heard  represented  in  such  an  opulent  condition.  I, 
who  had  so  recently  seen  the  scenes  he  so  pathetically  bewailed,  could  not  help 
going  along  with  ium  in  every  thing  he  said,  that  was  not  personal.  Yet, 
what  was  advanced  by  the  fiiends  of  administration,  was,  in  some  degree  true  ; 
the  kingdom  being  certainly,  upon  the  whole,  in  a  progressive  state  of  im- 
provement.    What  must  it" then  have  been,  if  things  arc  so  much  mended  ? 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  249 

Mr.  Flood  spoke,  for  the  first  time,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
question ;  but  he  confined  himself  to  calculation,  and  affected 
rather  to  demonstrate  than  persuade.  But  there  was  no  spark 
of  that  flame  remaining,  wherewith  he  is  said  heretofore  to  have 
set  the  galleries  in  a  blaze.  It  would,  to  be  sure,  have  been  ex- 
tremely embarrassing  for  him,  to  have  played  the  orator  in  behalf 
of  measures,  which,  for  a  series  of  years,  he  had  employed  every 
art  of  rhetoric  to  stamp  with  infamy. 

It  was  in  this  debate,  that  Mr.  George  Ponsonby  said,  that  he 
rejoiced  to  see  the  right  honourable  gentleman,  after  an  eclipse 
of  seven  years,  burst  forth  into  such  a  blaze  of  eloquence ;  to 
which  Mr.  Flood,  in  rising  to  answer  what  the  attorney  general 
had  said  concerning  the  prosperous  state  of  the  kingdom,  thus 
replied :  an  honourable  gentleman  (Mr.  Ponsonby)  says,  I  am 
emerged  from  a  seven  }-ears  eclipse  ;  it  is  true  I  supported  Lord 
Harcourt's  administration  ;  but  was  I  eclipsed,  when,  on  several 
occasions,  I  went  not  with  them,  and  gave  my  reasons  for  so 
doing  ?  I  also  supported  the  last  administration  ;  but  on  that 
great  day  when  a  free  trade  was  demanded,  was  I  eclipsed? 
When  a  declaration  of  rights  v/as  the  subject  of  debate  in  this 
house,  did  I  shrink  from  the  question  ? 

Probably,  as  the  gentleman  says,  ministerial  resentment  may 
deprive  me  of  the  place  I  hold,  for  I  am  not  near  enough  to  my 
royal  master  to  take  shelter  in  his  virtues.  Gentlemen  speak  of 
the  prosperity  of  this  kingdom  from  our  free  trade,  as  an  instant- 
aneous operation  ;  but  the  growth  of  a  nation,  like  the  oak  tree, 
is  slow,  though  gentlemen  think  they  see  it  vegetate.  They  have, 
indeed,  seen  wonders,  but  they  were  of  another  kind.  They 
have  seen  their  country  defended  against  France  and  Spain,  when 
the  minister  had  abdicated  its  defence ;  when,  after  boiTOwing 
1,203,000/.  he  was  not  able  to  protect  them  :  the  volunteers, 
50,000  freemen,  at  their  own  expense,  armed  and  disciplined, 
stood  forth  ;  the  chosen  men  of  the  land  approved,  they  gave  them 
an  example  of  firmness  and  moderation.* 

*  What  Mr.  Flood  said  of  himself  on  the  10th  of  November,  shews  how 
much  he  took  to  iieart  the  loss  of  his  appointment;  and  it  justified  what  Sir 
Edward  Newnham,  in  the  debate  on  the  8th,  had  remarked,  lamenting,  that 
gentlemen  should  lose  their  places  for  acting  conscientiously  :  but  that  it  ever 
would  be  so,  until  placemen  and  pensioners  were  by  law  excluded  from  par- 
liament. (1  Pari.  Debates,  p.  47.)  Mr.  Flood  arose  :  he  recapitulated  what  he 
had  said  on  Thursday  last,  concerning  the  state  of  the  national  finances,  and 
the  ruin  that  must  necessarily  ensue,  if  the  same  destructive  mode  of  running 
in  debt  was  still  continued.  Within  the  last  years,  the  country,  says  he,  has 
advanced  to  destruction  with  unexampled  rapidity.  The  loudest  declaimer 
that  ever  made  your  walls  re-echo,  never  venUired  to  suggest  such  an  accumu- 
lation of  debt.  But  if  you  have  outgone  example,  if  you  have  outgone  the 
boldness  of  declamation,  in  your  career  to  ruin,  will  any  man  say,  that  the 
prosperity  of  this  country  has  likewise  outgone  the  power  of  declamation,  when 
VOL.  II.  I    i 


tS6  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

On  the  13th  of  November,  1^81,  a  very  warm  and  important 
debate  took  place  in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons  respecting  the 
mutiny  bill.  Mr.  Grattan  made  a  motion  for  bringing  in  heads 
of  a  bill  to  explain,  amend,  and  limit  an  act  to  prevent  mutiny 
and  desertion  in  the  army  ;^  which  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Flood. 

the  expense  of  your  militaiy  establishment  alone  is  equal  to  the  whole  of  your 
revenue  ?  Do  you  call  this  prosperity  ?  Do  you  call  running"  in  debt  prosperity  ? 
I- do  not  now  speak  to  retard  your  proceeding  in  business.  I  do  not  intend  to 
divide  the  house  upon  the  question  ;  nor  am  I  at  all  ambitious  of  applause  ;  but 
I  thoug-ht,  and  still  think,  that  my  proposal  of  going  into  a  committee  on  the 
j»tate  of  the  nation,  where  some  mode  of  retrenchment  might  be  devised  before 
"we  granted  a  supply,  was  a'  moderate,  a  reasonable  plan ;  and  I  did  hope,  that 
after  twenty  years  experience  of  my  conduct,  I  should  not  be  told  in  this  house, 
that  I  was  urged  on  by  disappointed  ambition.  I  have  been  gratified  by  al- 
most the  highest  and  most  lucrative  office  that  my  sovereign  can  bestow  ;  and 
the  secretary  knows  whether  ever  I  requested  any  favour  of  him.  Is  this  then 
disappointed  ambition?  It  cannot  be  supposed,  that  I  amnot  satisfied,  because 
I  am  not  invited  to  take  a  lead  upon  the  treasury  bench,  for  I  do  not  wish  to 
take  a  lead  upon  that  bench.  There  is  no  man  in  the  kingdom  to  whom  the 
Words  of  disappointed  ambition,  are  less  appUcable  than  to  me.  'Tis  a  hard 
measure  indeed,  if,  after  twenty  years  service,  I  meet  with  such  treatment. 
The  house  can  testify,  that  before  I  entered  into  office,  I  was  uniform  in  mj 
desire  of  extricating  the  nation  from  debt ;  when  in  office,  I  attempted  to  do  it 
even  by  the  disagreeable  expedient  of  proposing  new  taxes  ;  and  if  now  I  am 
about  to  lose  my  employment,  which  I  regret  only  as  it  deprives  me  of  the 
power  of  serving  my  sovereig-n,  shall  I  be  told  that  I  am  actuated  by  disappoint- 
ed ambition,  because  I  do  not  wish  that  the  nation  should  run  in  debt  more  I 
?vly  ambition  has  been,  when  out  of  offic^,  not  to  be  factious :  and  when  in  office^ 
not  to  be  venal, 

*  This  great  patriotic  orator  thus  prefaced  his  motion ;  (1  Pari.  Deb.  p,  51.) 
he  said,  that  in  the  18th  century,  however  astonishing  it  must  appear,  lie  rose 
to  vindicate  Magna  Charta,  sanctified  as  it  was  by  the  autliority  of  600  yeai*s. 
He  called  upon  gentlemen  to  teach  British  privileges  to  an  Irish  senate.  He 
quoted  the  laws  of  England,  first,  because  they  were  laws ;  secondly,  because 
they  were  franchises  ;  and  they  were  the  franchises  of  Irishmen  as  well  as 
Englishmen.  He  was  not  come  to  say  what  was  expedient,  he  oame  to  de- 
mand a  right ;  and  he  hoped  he  w^as  speaking  to  men,  who  knew  and  felt  their 
rights,  and  not  to  corrupt  consciences  and  beggarly  capacities.  He  begged 
gentlemen  to  tell  him  why,  and  for  what  reason,  the  Irish  nation  was  deprived 
of  the  British  constitution  ?  He  said,  that  the  limitation  of  the  mutiny  bill  was 
one  of  the  great  hinges  of  the  constitution,-  and  ought  it  then  to  be  perpetual  in 
Ireland  I 

No  man  could  doubt  as  to  the  point  of  right  respecting  the  army  ;  he  would 
even  resort  to  the  question  of  necessity.  We  want  not  an  army  as  Great  Bri- 
tain does  ;  for  an  army  is  not  our  protection.  Was  your  army  your  protection 
when  Sir  Richard  Heron  told  you,  you  must  trust  to  God  and  your  country  ♦ 
You  want  it  not  for  defence.  You  want  it  not  for  ambition.  You  have  no 
foreign  dominions  to  preserve,  and  your  ])eople  are  amenable  to  law.  Our  du- 
ties are  of  a  different  nature.  To  v.'atch  with  incessant  vigils  the  cradle  of  tlie 
constitution,  to  roar  an  infant  state,  to  protect  a  rising  trade,  to  foster  a  gi'ow- 
ing  people.  We  are  free,  we  are  united.  Persecution  is  dead.  The  Protest- 
*nt  religion  is  the  child  of  the  constitution  ;  the  Presbyterian  is  the  father. 
The  Roman  Catholic  is  not  an  enemy  to  it.  We  are  united  in  one  great  na- 
tional community.  What  was  our  situation  formerly  ?  We  were  a  gentry  with- 
out pride,  and  a  people  without  privilege.  The  British  constitution  lay  upoa 
tlie  ground  like  a  giant's  ai-mour  in  a  dwarf's  custody. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  25i 

On  this  occasion  some  few  of  the  more  independent  members 
of  the  ministerial  party  sided  v/ith  the  opposition ;  the  division 
being  77  for  and  133  against  the  motion.  Of  this  circumstance 
Mr.  Eden  took  notice,  by  expressing  his  concern  to  differ  that 
day  in  opinion  from  some  gentlemen,  with  whom  he  wished  and 
hoped  in  general  to  concur  ;  but  it  was  a  consolation  to  differ  on 
a  point  of  mere  speculative  reasoning,  and  not  of  permanent 
importance.  As  a  servant  of  the  public,  and  filling  a  veiy  re- 
sponsible situation,  he  was  determined,  at  all  times,  to  guar4 
against  the  enthusiasm  of  the  day,  whatever  it  might  be  ;  and  to 
preserve  coolly  and  respectfully  the  even  tenor  of  his  way,  on  such 
principles  as  seemed  to  be  calculated  for  the  advantage  of  the 

At  Icng-th  the  nation  asserted  itself,  and  though  the  declaration  of  rights  was 
not  carried,  which  1  proposed  as  a  measure  safe  and  innoxious;  yet  our  spirit 
made  us  a  nation.  British  supremacy  fell  upon  the  earth  hke  a  spent  thunder* 
bolt.     The  minister  feared  to  look  at  it.     The  people  were  fond  to  touch  it. 

Yet  though  we  have  no  necessity  for  an  army,  and  have  asserted  our  ft-ee- 
dom,  we  have  followed  that  assertion  by  erecting  martial  law,  and  a  perpetual 
dictator  for  ever.  I  laugh  at  the  argument,  that  this  law  is  the  charter  of  our 
freedom.  Is  the  6th  of  George  I.  repealed  ?  Why  does  not  tlie  minister  come 
forward  and  declare  our  rights  ?  No,  all  is  mystery,  all  is  silence.  Besides, 
the  present  mutiny  law  is  defective,  no  enacting  part,  and  articles  of  war  are 
become  the  law  of  the  land  ;  by  which  there  is  no  safety  left  either  to  England 
or  Ireland.  We  have  suffered  an  armed  prerogative  to  issue  out  of  a  claim 
of  rig-ht. 

Besides,  the  power  of  the  purse  is  given  up  idready  by  the  hereditary  reve. 
«iue,  that  original  sin  of  your  ancestors,  which  visits  you  from  generation  to 
generation.  This  is  the  very  idarming"  consideration  to  those,  that  love  liberty 
better  than  the  profits  of  office.  Yet  we  have  added  the  tide  of  power  to  the 
sink  of  Influence,  and  have  bid  majesty  to  govern  by  either.  The  power  of  the 
purse  you  have  long  lost.  You  have  now  lost  the  power  of  the  sword.  The 
question  is,  will  men  prefer  a  biennial  to  a  perpetual  mutiny  bill  ?  Will  men 
lay  their  liands  upon  their  hearts  and  decide  the  question  ? 

Suppose  that  a  company  of  British  merchants  should  petition  an  English 
parliament  to  restrain  your  trade  again,  and  that  tlie  requisition  should  be  ac- 
ceded to  ;  what  would  you  do  without  any  resources  to  support  your  rights  ; 
without  a  navy  ?  You  could  not  resist  such  a  mandate  ;  and  every  idea  of 
coping  with  such  tyriumy  would  be  in  vain,  when  you  have  resigned  the  sword. 
When  two  thirds  of  your  revenue  are  granted  in  perpetuity,  the  power  of  par- 
liament cannot  preserve  the  free  trade  of  the  kingdom.  Be  assured  that  Eng- 
land will  never  grant  to  your  meanness  what  she  refuses  to  your  virtue.  In 
the  infancy  of  Jliis  very  act,  why  did  not  the  advocates  of  its  present  form  come 
forward,  and  propose  it  a  perpetual  mutiny  bill  ?  No,  tJiey  knew  such  Ian- 
guage  would  ill  suit  the  ears  of  pai-liament,  as  it  tlien  stood  disposed  in  tl';^ 
public  service. 

He  then  resorted  to  the  other  argument  with  regaixi  to  the  unity  of  disci- 
pline, &c.  which  having  stated,  he  said,  if  you  ai-e  competent  to  regulate  your 
commerce,  why  not  competent  to  regulate  your  own  army  ?  Commissioners 
have  been  sent  to  America,  to  offer  a  branch  of  the  British  empire,  in  arms 
against  tlie  parent  state,  unconditional  terms  to  tax  themselves,  and  regulate 
their  own  army.  Two  of  the  commissioners  have  been  sent  over  to  govern 
this  kingdom.  Will  his  excellency,  or  the  right  hon.  gentleman  his  secreta- 
ry, say,  that  Ireland  is  not  entitled  to  the  terms  offered  to  America  ?  Thatth? 
loyal  and  affectionate  sister  of  England  is  not  entitled  to  the  indulgence,  holden 
©ut  to  the  enemy  of  England,  to  tJie  ally  of  France  ?  It  is  impossible. 


252  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

public.  He  concluded  with  saying,  that  having  doubts  on  the 
foundation  of  the  question,  and  no  doubt  of  its  present  unimport- 
ance, he  would  resist  the  motion.  He  had  found  the  mutiny  law 
recently  established  on  solemn  discussion,  and  by  lai'ge  majori- 
ties ;  the  execution  of  it  had  passed  immediately  through  his 
hands,  almost  from  its  commencement,  and  he  had  found  it  full 
of  expediency,  and  void  of  mischief.  It  was  the  act  of  a  session, 
of  which  all  within  those  walls  ought  to  be  proud,  it  was  the  act 
of  a  session,  to  which  ail  out  of  those  walls  ought  to  feel  reverence 
and  gratitude. 

The  heads  of  the  new  mutiny  bill  were  most  violently  supported 
bv  the  heads  of  the  patriotic  party,  and  as  violently  opposed  by 
the  ministry.     Much  intemperate  language  passed  in  the  house, 
but  the  proportion  on  the  division  remained  nearly  the  same  ;  on 
that  which  took  place  upon  this  question  on  the  29th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  numbers  were  66  to  146.  On  which  occasion,  just  as  the 
question  was  about  to  be  put,  Mr.  Eden  rose,  and  said  that  he 
gave  that  interruption,  not  from  any  anxiety  about  the  decision, 
which  was  easy  to  be  foreseen.     It   had  been  avowed,  he  said, 
that  the  object  of  the  bill  then  proposed,  was   substantially  the 
same  as  that  which  had  recently  been  negatived  by  a  large  ma- 
jority :  it  would  therefore  be  an  unmanly  and  unworthy  idea,  if 
it  could  be  supposed,  that  the  house  would  adopt  a  bill  under 
one  title,  which  upon  the  fullest  discussion  had  been  rejected 
under  another.      His    anxiety  v/as   on  another  point ;   he    was 
anxious  for  the  order  of  parliament,  and  especially  when  that 
order  entrenched  on  the  barriers  of  the  constitution.     Where 
would  be  the  end  of  parliamentary  discussion  and  debate,  if 
points  fully  agitated  and  decided,  might  be  thus  resumed  in  the 
same  session  ?  Where  would  be  the  safety  of  the  constitution,  if 
the  practice  should  be  established,  that  a  measure  rejected  to-day 
upon  a  fair  hearing,  might  be  brought  forv/ard  again  to-morrow, 
or  whenever  the  disappointed  party  on  either  side  of  the   house 
could  frame  a  majority  to  carry  it  either  by  surprize  or  by  in^ 
fiuence  ?  He  wished  for  a  decision  on  the  point  of  order ;  if  how* 
ever  it  should  not  be  agreeable  to  the  speaker  to  give  that  deci- 
sion, he  would  not  urge  it  j  but  having  stated  the  objection,  would 
give  his  negative  to  the  question.     Upon  which   Mr.    Grattan 
replied :    It  is  very  odd,  that  the  same  chorus  of  voices,  which 
formerly  said,  this  was  not  a  mutiny  bill,  should  now  admit  that 
it  is  ;  but  rest  their  defence  on  its  not  being  like  to  that  of  Eng- 
land.    The  right  hon.  member  thinks,  that  without  a  flagrant 
violation  of  the  rules  of  parliament,  he  cannot  now  bring  in  the 
heads  of  a  bill  proposed  ;  but  I  desire  he  will  consider,  that  those 
heads   are   only  to  explain  and   amend.     The  right  hon.  gentle- 
man says,  he  has  no  anxiety  as  to  the  fate  of  this  question.    I  am 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  253 

sorry  he  has  no  anxiety.  I  am  sorry  he  can  state  this  to  parUa- 
ment.  But  is  this  security  founded  in  the  potency  of  the  argu- 
ments that  were  used  on  a  former  night  ?  If  it  be,  it  was  not  even 
then  asserted  that  a  perpetual  mutiny  bill  is  better  than  a  limited 
one ;  for  even  then  his  friends  gave  up  the  principle.  I  have  a 
note,  a  faithful  record  of  that  night's  proceeding,  and  I  find,  that 
no  man  in  the  house  said  it  was  better ;  but  though  it  may  be 
against  established  form,  yet  I  think  the  powerful  arguments  that 
have  been  used  should  plead  for  another  hearing,  if  gentlemen 
be  not  afraid  that  the  public  mind  should  receive  constitutional 
truths  from  one  side  of  the  house,  and  perceive  the  contemptible 
shifts  of  the  other  side,  they  will  not  oppose  the  motion.  There 
is  not  a  man  in  the  house,  but  knows  that  it  is  the  wish  of,  there 
is  not  a  man  but  knows,  that  the  nation  will  be  gratified  ;  that  the 
nation  will  carry  this  law  as  it  carried  the  octennial  bill ;  that  bill, 
which  was  debated  session  after  session,  but  which  at  last  was 
conceded  to  the  voice  of  the  people. 

Mr.  Flood  asserted,  that  the  example  of  parliament  in  recon- 
sidering the  absentee  bill  was  a  sufficient  precedent,  and  should 
be  followed.  That  bill,  he  said,  had  been  reconsidered,  and  Mr. 
Malone,  that  most  experienced  senator,  though  before  he  came 
to  the  house,  he  had  declared  against  the  propriety  of  reconsider- 
ation, yet  afterwards  made  a  most  animated  speech  in  favour  of 
it ;  but  common  sense  (says  he)  tells  us  we  should  seldom  con- 
sider any  subject  so  seldom  as  once  ;  why,  therefore,  should  we 
stifle  a  matter  of  such  importance  ?  Do  gentlemen  think  that  sup- 
pressing the  evidence  of  truth  will  give  content  ?  Do  they  think 
that  they  are  of  so  much  consequence,  that  their  mandate  will 
quiet  the  people  ?  I  would,  said  he,  speak  upon  this  subject  till  I 
fell  prostrate  upon  your  floor,  had  I  any  hope  of  being  success- 
ful ;  but  if  what  has  already  been  offered  should  fail  of  its  effect, 
how  shall  I  hope  to  change  your  resolution  ? 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  melancholy  news  of  the  surrender  of 
Lord  Cornv/allis's  army  to  the  French  in  America,  Mr.  (after- 
wards Lord)  Yelverlon  rose  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the 
5th  of  December,  1781,  and  thus  addressed  them: 

*  "  I  had  determined  this  day  to  bring  on  a  motion,  which  X 
think  it  my  indispensable  duty,  at  a  proper  time  to  pursue ;  a  mo- 
tion of  which  I  will  never  lose  sight,  until  a  mode  of  legislation, 
utterly  repugnant  to  the  British  constitution  shall  be  done  away ; 
but  the  melancholy  intelligence  received  from  America  has,  for 

*  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  124.  This  speech  of  Mr.  Yelverton  Is  so  frau.^ht  with 
true  paU'iotic  and  constltiitiona!  spirit,  and  so  pointedlv  appropriate  to  tlie 
union  of  the  two  kingdoms,  that  I  cannot  forbear  calling-  the  attention  of  ths 
reader  to  its  relevancy  to  the  tlien  as  well  as  since  existing  circumstances  of 
Ireland. 


254  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  present,  diverted  my  attention  from  that  object,  and  turned 
my  thoughts  into  another  train  ;  and  I  think  it  but  decent  to  de- 
fer the  consideration  of  Poyning's  law,  and  for  the  present  devote 
my  whole  faculties  to  the  momentous  situation  of  the  public  af- 
fairs of  the  British  empire. 

L  have  always  looked  upon  the  true  interest  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  as  inseparable,  and  I  thank  Heaven  we  have  now 
more  reason  to  say  so  than  ever.  Great  Britain  cannot  experi- 
ence a  misfortune  which  we  shall  not  feel.  She  cannot  gain  an 
advantage  which  we  shall  not  partake.  It  would  then  ill  become 
the  approved  generosity  and  unshaken  loyalty  of  the  Irish  people, 
to  remain  in  silent  apathy,  or  sullen  insensibility  on  so  great  an 
occasion,  when  Britain,  surrounded  with  enemies,  and  struggling 
with  magnanimity  against  a  warring  world,  becomes  the  object  of 
admu'ation  of  every  generous  mind.  But  when,  as  Irishmen,  we 
consider  our  connexions  with  England,  what  ought  to  be  our 
feelings  ?  We  are  called  upon  to  testify  our  affection,  and  unal- 
terable attachment  to  that  country,  and  to  convince  foreign  na- 
tions that  we  do  not  despair  of  the  commonwealth,  but  that  the 
British  empire  still  has  power  and  resources  to  render  her  formid- 
able to  her  numerous  enemies,  and  to  convince  them  that  the 
dismemberment  she  has  suffered,  has  only  served  to  draw  the 
remaining  parts  into  closer  union  and  interest. 

I  will  therefore  move,  that  an  humble  address  be  presented  to 
his  majesty,  to  express  our  unalterable  loyalty  and  attachment  to 
his  majesty's  royal  person,  family,  and  government,  and  to  assure 
his  majesty  that  in  the  present  critical  situation  of  affairs,  when 
his  majesty's  dominions  are  exposed  to  a  powerful  and  dangerous 
combination  of  enemies,  we  think  it  peculiarly  incumbent  on  us 
^o  declare  our  warmest  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his  majesty's  crown, 
and  our  most  earnest  wishes  for  the  British  empire. 

That  conscious  that  our  interests  are  become  inseparably  united 
with  those  of  Great  Britain,  we  feel  that  the  events  of  war  in- 
volve both  countries  in  a  common  calamity  ;  and  to  entreat  his 
majesty  to  believe,  that  we  hold  it  to  be  our  indispensable  duty, 
as  it  is  our  most  hearty  inclination,  cheerfully  to  support  his  ma- 
jesty to  the  utmost  of  our  abilities,  in  all  such  measures  as  can 
tend  to  defeat  the  confederacy  of  his  majesty's  enemies,  and  to 
restore  the  blessings  of  a  lasting  and  honourable  peace." 

Several  friends  of  Mr.  Yelverton's  conceiving,  that  his  motion 
would  commit  them  into  an  approbation  and  support  of  the  Ame- 
rican war,  on  that  account  alone  declined  supporting  it :  the  ques- 
tion however  being  put,  the  motion  v/as  carried  by  a  majority  of 
167  against  37. 

On  the  7th  of  the  month  Mr.  Grattan  being  called  to  by  the 
house,  rose  to  state  to  them  the  financial  situation  of  the  country ; 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND-  255 

but  previously  entreated  them  not  to  give  a  Rakers  ear  to  a  sub- 
ject necessary  for  their  consideration,  though  painful  to  their  pa- 
tience. Your  debt,  said  he,  including  annuities,  is  2,667,600/.; 
of  this  debt,  in  the  last  fourteen  years,  you  have  borrowed  above 
1,900,000/.  in  the  last  eight  years  above  1,500,000/.  and  in  the 
last  two  years  910,090/.  I  state  not  only  the  fact  of  your  debt, 
but  the  progress  of  your  accumulation,  to  shew  the  rapid  mortal- 
ity of  your  distemper,  the  accelerated  velocity,  with  which  \  ou 
advance  to  ruin  ;  and  if  the  question  stood  alone  on  this  ground, 
it  would  stand  firm  ;  for  I  must  further  observe,  that  if  this  enor- 
mous debt  be  the  debt  of  the  peace  establishment,  not  accumu- 
lated by  directing  the  artillery  of  your  arms  against  a  foreign 
enemy,  but  by  directing  the  artillery  of  your  treasury  against  your 
constitution  ;  it  is  a  debt  of  patronage  and  prostitution. 

The  next  quantity  I  shall  consider  is,  the  growth  of  your  ex- 
penses for  the  last  fourteen  years  ;  I  will  consider  all  your  expens- 
es, that  you  may  see  the  w^hole  of  your  situation  ;  I  will  consider 
the  expenses  of  collecting  the  revenue,  of  bounties,  of  establish- 
ments, of  extraordinary  charges,  and  the  interest  of  the  public 
debt ;  and  I  say,  on  a  comparative  view  of  expenses  of  two  years, 
ending  Lady-Day,  1781,  the  increase  in  the  latter  w^as  above 
550,000/.  a  sum  astoriishing,  if  you  consider  that  the  whole  bien- 
nial revenue  and  estate  of  the  nation  is  not  2,000,000/.  and  that 
the  whole  additional  supply  is  not  520,000/.  so  that  the  mere  in- 
crease of  national  expense,  in  the  course  of  fourteen  years,  has 
exceeded  one  fourth  of  the  nation's  estate,  and  the  whole  of  her 
additional  duties.  Let  the  right  hon.  gentleman  high  in  office, 
"Nvho  calls  these  expenses  ordinary  expenses,  who  calls  the  supply- 
ing them  by  new  loans  the  ordinary  supply,  justify  this  enormous 
increase  ;  let  him  prove,  that  the  scale  of  the  expense  of  govern- 
ment was  too  small  in  1767  ;  let  him  shew  what  exertions  we 
have  made  by  sea  or  land  ;  let  him  produce  some  nobler  monu- 
ment than  secretaries  provided  for  by  Ireland,  or  than  their  crea- 
tures satiated  by  Ireland,  or  their  supporters  paid  by  Ireland,  to 
justify  this  rapid  accumulation.  I  can  produce  the  record  of  par- 
liament, to  prove  that  in  1767,  you  thought  your  expenses  too 
great,  for  you  refused  the  first  proposition  for  an  augmentation  in 
1767,  and  gave  as  a  reason  that  you  were  then  overburthened, 
and  in  1769,  you  complied  with  a  second  application,  upon  a 
promise  of  reduction,  which  promise  was  broken  ;  and  in  1771, 
you  resolved,  that  the  then  expenses  of  government  ought  greatly 
to  be  reduced,  though  incomparably  less  than  at  present. 

I  have  considered  the  growth  of  your  expenses,  I  will  next 
consider  the  growth  of  your  revenues  ;  you  made  since  1767  two 
eiforts  to  raise  them,  one  in  1773,  v/hen  you  granted  in  new  taxes 
about  180,000/.  and  another  in  tlie  last  session,  v»^hen  you  granted 


356  '       AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

what  was  estimated  at  near  300,000/.  for  the  two  years,  but  in 
our  experience  has  produced  something  less  than  50,000/. 

The  revenues  of  the  two  years  ending  1781,  including  loan 
duties,  and  aided  by  new  taxes,  have  produced  1,908,000/.  In 
the  two  years  ending  1767^  without  new  taxes,  the  revenues,  in- 
cluding the  loan,  produced  1,846,000/.  Increase  of  revenue  in 
the  two  years  ending  1781,  60,000/.  Increase  of  expenses 
550,000/.  a  sad  disproportion  this  !  The  cause  of  it  is  obvious  ; 
we  are  governed  by  a  succession  of  ministers,  who  have  no  inter- 
est in  this  country,  but  that  of  raising  themselves  from  those 
beggarly  difficulties,  to  which  they  reduce  the  king  and  kingdom. 
I  know  not  how  it  is,  but  at  first  we  are  charmed  with  them,  we 
admire  their  affected  consequence,  and  easy  effrontery.  They 
fmd  in  the  private  indulgence  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  country, 
public  support ;  the  nation  becomes  implicit,  and  from  a  course 
of  bad  and  profuse  policy,  is  periodically  convulsed ;  we  were  so 
in  1779,  and  from  distress,  the  effect  of  our  bad  policy,  became 
for  that  time  virtuous.  I  speak  of  the  session  of  1779,  with  diffi- 
dence, because  1  had  some  share  in  its  proceedings  :  I  shall 
therefore  only  give  it  negative  praise.  I  will  say  of  the  early  part 
of  that  session,  that  no  man  then  talked  of  the  public  with  con- 
tempt, nor  of  liberty  as  a  matter  of  speculation,  nor  did  gentle- 
men of  property  affect  to  join  government  in  the  putting  a  nega- 
tive on  all  constitutional  questions.'  The  secretary  at  that  time 
left  parliament  to  itself,  and  the  people  to  themselves  ;  he  did  not 
pension  a  press  to  write  against  the  liberty  of  the  subject  j  he  did 
not  connect  himself  with  libellers,  nor  was  he  himself  a  traducer 
of  men ;  he  could  neither  corrupt  nor  answer,  nor  did  he  take 
into  his  venal  hand  a  lifeless  pen  to  propagate  the  poison  of  his 
prostitute  principles  ;  but  such  times  are  over,  we  are  now  more 
aristocratic  and  abject,  and  we  argue  on  public  subjects,  as  we 
did  before  on  the  freedom  of  our  trade,  with  the  same  confidence 
and  indifference. 

I  have  stated  the  grov/th  of  your  expense  and  your  revenues. 
I  will  state  the  excess  of  the  latter,  it  is  484,000/.  in  the  two  last 
years  :  how  will  you  supply  such  a  deficiency  ?  Not  by  borrowing 
session  after  session  on  lotteries  and  loans,  nor  by  adding  to  your 
taxes,  for  then  you  must  nearly  double  your  additional  duties, 
which  are  little  more  than  the  deficiency.  Nor  can  you  wait  un- 
til the  increase  of  population  and  manufactures,  which  certainly 
will  increase,  but  will  not  increase  with  a  rapidity  sufficient  to 
supply  the  biennial  deficiency  of  484,000/. 

It  was  said  in  a  former  debate,  that  we  were  adequate  to  our 
present  expense  ;  and  we  were  taught  to  believe,  that  the  ability 
of  the  nation  had  in  the  la.st  year  greatly  increased.  I  deny  the 
fact :  on  examining  the   exports  of  the  manufactures  of  cotton, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  257 

woollen,  and  linen,  we  shall  find  the  exports  of  the  two  former 
have  been  next  to  nothing,  and  the  export  of  the  latter  greatly 
declined  ;  and  on  examining  the  import  of  cotton  and   woollen 
we  find  the  increase  prodigious  ;  and  on  the  whole  I  do  say,  that 
the  year  1781  was  above  half  a  milHon  in  these  very  articles  less 
in  your  favour,  than  in  the  year  1780,  so  much  better  was  the 
non-consumption  agreement  than  the    free    trade    hitherto   has 
been.     The  gentleman,  and  particularly  one  right  hon.   gentle- 
man, has  mis-stated  our  state  of  commerce,  but  he  has  been  much 
more  inaccurate  in  the  state  of  our  revenue ;  for  I  remember  in 
the  last  session  he  stated  the  new  taxes  as  adequate  to   produce 
260,000/.  in  the  two  years,  but  in  the  experiment,  they  have  not 
produced  50,000/.     He  stated  the  new  tax  on  sugars  at  55,000/. 
a-year,  which  tax  has  not  produced  more  than   20,000/.     He 
stated  the  tax  on  wine  at  double  the   produce.     He  stated  a 
saving  under  the  heads  of  pensions  and  of  exceedings,  and  also 
a  new  revenue  by  the  establishment  of  a  post-office  under  our 
own  law.     This  promised  saving,  and  this  post-office,  would  have 
amounted  to   90,000/.  which  is   a  greater  produce  than  all  his 
taxes ;  and  to  shew  how  apt  the  most  intelligent  man  is  to  be  de- 
ceived in  a  ministerial  situation,  when  he  speaks  on  the  subject  of 
revenue,  1  will  state  a  very  remarkable  transaction  which  relates 
to  the  right  hon.  gentleman  in  Lord  Buckinghamshire's  adminis- 
tration, in  1777.     A  motion  was  made  to  resolve,  that  in  every 
session  of  the  present  reign,  we  had  added  to  the  public  debt ;  the 
right   hon.    gentleman  voted  for  the  resolution,  and  gave  this 
reason,  "  that  Lord  Buckinghamshire's  administration  should  be 
"  contrasted  with  his  predecessors,  who  had  added  to  the  public 
*'  debt,"  inasmuch  as  under  Lord  Buckinghamshire  the  practice 
of  accumulating  debt  was  to  cease ;  but  in  the  ensuing  March  we 
borrowed  300,000/.  and  in  the  next  session  610,000/.     I  state 
these  thing's,  not  to  reflect  on  the  right  honourable  member,  but 
to  shew  his  fallibility  on  the  subject  of  trade  and  revenue. 

I  have  stated  your  expenses  as  exceeding  your  income,  484,000/. 
and  as  having  increased  in  fourteen  years  above  half  a  million. 
As  to  the  application  of  your  money,  I  am  ashamed  to  state  it : 
let  the  minister  defend  it;  let  him  defend  the  scandal  of  giving 
pensions,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  the  first  of  the  nobility,  with 
as  little  honour  to  them  who  receive,  as  to  the  king  who  gives. 
Let  him  defend  the  minute  corruption,  which  in  small  bribes  and 
annuities,  leaves  honourable  gentlemen  poor,  while  it  makes  them 
dependent.  When  you  go  into  the  committee,  you  v/ill  find  abun- 
dance of  matter;  the  biennial  charge  of  barracks,  equal  to  the  lodg- 
ing m.oney  of  the  arm;r,  and  you  vrill  find  the  resident  army  not 
more  than  nine  thousand,  though  stated  at  some  thousands  more  ; 
you  will  find  waste  as  well  as  corruption ;  you  will  find  the  mere  ex- 

VOL.  II.  Kk 


*5»  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

pense  of  furnishing  the  Castle,  ridiculously  extravagant;  but  I  should 
be  ashamed  to  enter  minutely  into  these  items ;  let  a  committee  be 
appointed.  He  adverted  to  the  late  administration,  and  the  promise 
of  Sir  Richard  Heron,  not  to  add  or  supply  a  pension,  which  pro- 
mise had  been  broken.  He  addressed  himself  to  Mr.  Eden  and 
Mr.  Foster,  to  warn  them  against  expensive  measures,  and  from 
falsely  estimating  the  abilities  of  the  nation  ;  he  inveighed  strongly 
against  every  species  of  expense  and  venality,  of  unaccountable 
waste,  and  ill-directed  profusion ;  and  moved  that  a  committee 
should  be  appointed  to  examine  the  expenses  of  the  nation,  and 
to  consider  of  such  retrenchments  as  should  seem  necessary. 

Mr.  Foster  said,  that  unprepared  as  he  was,  he  was  able  to  re- 
fute  every  position  the  honourable  gentleman  had  adduced  :  he 
observed  Mr.  Grattan  had  taken  a  period  of  profound  peace,  and 
compared  it  with  a  period  of  war.     From  such  a  comparison  no 
inference  could  be  drawn,  which  could  be  fair  or  conclusive.  _   He 
said,  that  asserting  they  hadborrow^ed  910,000/.  in  two  years,  was 
uncandid,  for  that  sum  was  to  answer  the    expenses  of  at  least 
four  years,  and  in  some  measure,  of  six  years.     That  the  manner 
of  stating  the  expenses  in  1767  and  in  1781,  had  been  uncandid; 
for  the  whole  aggregate  charge  of,  including  bounties,  &c.  and 
loan    interest,  had  been  stated  as  the  expense  of  government; 
whereas  the  payment  of  bounties.  Sec.  (which  were  granted  by 
parliament)  the  government  could  not   control,  and  the  interest 
of  the  loans  the  parliament  could  not  diminish.     Now,  said  he, 
the  bounties  in  two  years,  ending  Lady-day,  1767,  amounted  to 
about  34,000/.  whereas  the  bounties  in  two  years,  ending  Lady- 
day,  1781,  produced   200,000/.;  and  if  we  further  deduct  from 
our  present  expenses,  the  salaries  of  the  vice-treasurers,  and  clerk 
of  the  pells,  amounting  to  near  30,000/.  in  tw^o  years,  which  were 
not  on  the  establishment  in  1767,  and  for  which  they  gave  up 
their  fees  in  favour  of  the  public,  the    increase  of  our  expenses 
w^ill  not  appear  very  enormous,  if  we  consider  how  much  the  na- 
tion has  risen  in  consequence,  and  thn.t  we  are  in  a  state  of  war. 
He  said,  there  were  other  errors  in  Mr.  Grattan's  account,  and 
that  the  increase  of  our  expenses  was  by  no  means  alarming,  or 
so  extraordinary  as  had  been  represented.     That  the  expenses  of 
government  were  not  greater  in  the  last  two  years,  than  in  the 
two  years  ending  Lady-day,  1777;  and  that  they  were  less  than 
in  the  two  years  ending  Lady-day,  1779,  by  a  considerable  sum. 
He  said,  if  Mr.  Grattan  had  been  candid,  he  would  have  taken 
two  periods  of  war,  but  that  he  had  declined ;  he  would  there- 
fore state  the  expenses  of  government  in  the  two  years  of  the  last 
war,  ending  Lady-day,  1763:  the  civil  and  military  list,  and  ex- 
traordinary charges,  amounted  at  that  period  to  l,679,043/.....the 
civil  and  mihtary  list,  and  extraordinary  charges  in  the  last  two 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  259 

years,  amounted  to  1,683,162/.  ;  the  excess  in  the  last  two  years 
is  therefore  only  4119/.  a  sum,  which  he  thought  could  not  justly 
alarm  the  nation :  4000/.  increase  in  the  course  of  twenty  years  i 

He  then  adverted  to  Mr.  Grattan's  assertions,  respecting  the 
taxes  he  had  proposed  in  1779.  The  honourable  gentleman  had 
said,  he  had  estimated  the  taxes  at  130,000/.  a-year,  and  that  they 
had  produced  only  50,000/.  in  the  two  years  ending  Lady-day, 
1781.  What  kind  of  argum.ent  was  this^  to  say  they  had  pro- 
duced only  50,000/.  in  two  years,  when  they  had  been  in  opera- 
tion only  nine  months  ?  He  had,  as  it  was  fair  to  do,  estimated 
the  taxes  on  an  average  produce  of  the  six  last  years,  and  in  some 
his  calculation  had  proved  true.  He  could  not  have  divined  that 
the  sugar  bills  would  have  combined  and  ceased  working,  in 
hopes  of  monopoly  ;  nor  have  divined  the  loss  of  the  West-India 
fleets,  the  capture  of  our  islands,  the  danger  of  navigation  from 
the  war,  and  the  increased  price  of  the  commodity.  He  should 
have  calculated  otherwise.  Respecting  the  post-office,  he  never 
proposed  it  as  an  actual  fund :  but  as  an  Irish  post-office  was  then 
in  contemplation,  he  thought  it  better  that  the  kingdom  should 
rest  in  the  hopes  of  such  a  fund,  than  lay  duties  in  the  place  of  it, 
which  might  be  unnecessary. 

What  the  honourable  gentleman  has  said  respecting  the  balance 
of  trade,  would  really  alarm  him  if  it  were  true.  (Mr.  Grattan 
^aid,  he  confined  himself  to  the  articles  of  linen,  cotton,  and  wool.) 
Mr.  Foster  proceeded.  The  balance  of  trade  must  be  taken 
upon  the  whole  of  our  trade.  We  never  have  had  such  large 
exports  of  beef  as  of  late  ;  those  of  pork  had  been  incredible. 
If  their  linen  markets  were  bad  last  year,  the  markets  of  the  pre- 
sent year  were  uncommonly  good ;  and  in  the  first  year  of  our 
free  trade,  they  had  exported  woollen  goods  to  the  value  of 
400,000/.  W^ho  could  think,  that  vmder  these  circumstances, 
the  balance  of  our  trade  had  dechned?  (Mr.  Grattan  here  inter- 
rupted Mr.  Foster,  and  said,  I  admit  that  the  nation  is  rising  fast 
to  prosperity,  if  ministers  do  not  oppress  her.)  Mr.  Foster  gave 
other  advantageous  views  of  the  situation,  both  of  the  expenses 
and  revenues  ;  and  he  concluded  by  saying,  that  as  he  had  re- 
futed every  position  Mr.  Grattan  had  adduced,  as  reasons  for 
going  into  a  committee  ;  and  as  he  saw  no  one  of  any  kind,  which 
could  induce  him  to  think  a  committee  necessary,  he  should  op- 
pose this  motion.  In  asserting  the  necessity  of  economy,  he  said 
he  had  ever  been,  and  ever  should  be,  its  warmest  advocate. 

Mr.  Eden  observed,  that  an  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  pub- 
lic expenses,  would  shew  he  v/as  using  his  best  industry  and  ex- 
ertions to  promote  an  efficient  collection  of  the  revenue,  and  to  pre- 
vent improper  expenditure.  He  would  not  however  admit  a  propo- 
sition resting  upon  assertions  of  public  poverty,  which  was  not  felt, 


260  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

upon  abuses,  which  did  not  exist ;  and  upon  charges  employed 
against  the  late  administration,  which  deserved  and  possessed  the 
grateful  regards  of  that  kingdom.  With  respect  to  the  biennial 
accounts  of  1767,  which  had  been  compared  with  the  biennial 
accounts  for  1781,  in  order  to  shew  an  exceeding  in  the  latter  to 
the  amount  of  520,000/.  he  said,  that  when  proper  deductions 
were  made  for  the  parliamentary  bounties,  the  loan  duties,  the 
vice-treasurer's  salaries,  and  the  absentee  taxes,  the  exceeding  was 
less  than  100,000/.  which  was  matter  of  fact,  not  of  calculation : 
and  it  should  be  also  recollected,  that  the  latter  being  a  period  of 
war,  must  necessarily  be  attended  with  various  expenses,  from 
which  the  former  period  was  exempt.  With  regard  to  the  Portu- 
gal business,  which  had  been  incidently  mentioned  as  decided, 
Mr.  Eden  said,  that  it  was  not  yet  brought  to  a  conclusion,  but 
had  every  appearance  of  ending  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner, 
At  twelve  o'clock  the  house  divided  upon  ]Mr.  Grattan's  motion ; 
when  there  were  65  for  it,  and  143  against  it. 

On  the  nth  of  December,  1781,  *Mr.  Flood  entered  upon  the 
important  subject  of  Poynings'  law,  with  great  erudition  and  elo- 
quence. He  said,  that  it  was  highly  unconstitutional  for  any  of 
the  three  estates,  king,  lords,  or  commons,  to  intrench  upon  the 
privileges  of  either  of  the  other :  that  each  had  its  separate  and 
distinct  province.  The  deliberate  authority  of  the  state  resting 
with  the  houses  of  lords  and  commons,  the  executive  with  the 
king.  That  the  constitution  had  invested  the  two  houses  with 
the  deliberate  authority  of  propounding  and  framing  laws,  by 
which  the  people  were  to  be  governed ;  because  they  themselves 
were  the  people's  representatives,  and  had  given  the  king  only  a 
negative  on  the  laws  when  proposed ;  because  he  was  the  execu- 
tive officer,  and  had  no  occasion  for  any  right  of  interference  in 
the  business  of  legislation,  but  just  so  much  as  was  necessars^  to 
defend  his  own  prerogative  from  the  encroachments  of  the  other 
estates,  which  he  was  sufficiently  enabled  to  do,  from  a  power  of 
negativing  any  law  which  he  thought  might  be  injurious  to  that 
prerogative.  But  this,  which  was  the  beauty  and  strength  of  the 
British  constitution,  and  to  which  the  people  of  Ireland  were  fully 
entitled,  as  participating  in  that  constitution,  had  been  wrested 
from  them,  not  by  the  act  of  the  10th  of  Henry  the  Vllth,  com- 
monly called  Poynings'  law,  nor  by  the  explanatory  acts  of  Philip 
and  Mary,  but  by  the  corrupt  and  vicious  construction  and  inter- 
pretation given  to  those  acts,  by  the  twelve  judges  of  England, 
but  more  especially  by  the  decision  of  nine  judges  of  Ireland, 

*  Pari.  Debates,  p.  153.  Mr.  Flood's  speech  on  this  important  law  to  Ire- 
land, is  a  most  solid  and  explicit  statement  of  the  nature,  spirit  and  operation 
of  it;  and  the  best  historical  clue  to  the  developement  of  the  many  political 
manreuvres  carried  on  under  its  sanction. 


OF  THE   STATE  OF  IRELAND.  261 

whose  names  that  decision  had  consigned  to  everlasting  infamy. 
Yet  corrupi:  and  venal  as  that  decision  was,  there  were  two  sub- 
sequent authorities  generally  urged  in  support  of  this  false  con- 
struction of  the  law,  that  went  further  than  even  the  judges  had 
ventured  to  go.  Here,  he  observed,  that  the  reigns  antecedent 
to  the  coming  of  the  family  of  Stuart,  had  produced  the  worst 
precedents  for  the  English,  and  the  reigns  since,  the  worst  for  the 
Irish  constitution.  The  first  warp  and  perversion  v/as  given  in 
the  reign  of  James  I,  who  came  from  the  throne  of  Scotland  to 
that  of  England  and  Ireland,  filled  with  Scottish  prejudices,  and 
entertaining  a  vtry  exalted  notion,  indeed,  of  royal  prerogative. 
In  very  early  times  the  Scottish  parliaments  enjoyed  the  full  pow- 
er of  enacting  all  laws  ;  the  king  only  put  them  in  execution,  but 
had  not  even  a  negative  on  their  passing.  This  was  much  less 
power  than  a  king  ought  to  have  ;  and  in  time  the  Scottish  kings 
contrived  to  acquire  more  ;  for  at  the  period  that  parliament  en- 
joyed this  plenitude  of  powder,  attendance  on  public  business  was 
thought  a  very  great  hardship.  There  are  many  instances  of 
boroughs,  &c.  praying  to  be  eased  of  the  burden  of  sending  repre- 
sentatives. This  reluctance  and  disinclination  to  attend,  gave 
rise  to  an  alteration  in  the  constitution  ;  for  in  order,  as  much  as 
possible,  to  ease  the  members  of  parliament,  that  their  term  of 
attendance  might  be  shortened,  and  that  they  might  only  have  to 
decide  upon  such  laws  as  were  to  be  passed,  a  committee  was 
selected  under  the  name  of  Lords  of  Articles.  The  office  of  this 
committee,  was  to  prepare  all  the  laws  which  the  parliament  was 
to  pass,  consequently  it  became  an  object  of  great  importance  to 
the  Scottish  kings  to  have  the  selecting  of  the  persons  who  were 
to  sit  in  this  committee  ;  and  this  object  they  found  means  to  at- 
tain. Then  began  that  favourite  doctrine,  *'  that  the  parliament 
"  could  not  take  any  matter  into  consideration  till  it  had  been 
^'  propounded  on  the  part  of  the  crown  ;"  and  though  in  the  worst 
times,  it  was  never  fully  obeyed,  so  as  to  make  the  king  absolute 
master  of  the  parliament,  yet  the  power  acquired  by  the  king  in 
nominating  the  Lords  of  Articles,  put  the  parliament  down  as 
much  below  its  natural  dignity  as  the  king  had  formerly  been. 
King  James  attempted  to  introduce  this  practice  into  Ireland, 
and  with  but  too  much  success  ;  for  when  some  opposition  was 
made  to  it  in  parliament,  he  sent  over  for  a  committee  of  the 
members,  whom  he  ordered  to  attend  him  in  England  ;  and  hav- 
ing lectured  them  upon  the  sublime  authority  of  kings,  and  the 
mysterious  art  of  legislation  ;  and  having  informed  them,  that  it 
was  a  subject  above  the  capacity  of  parliament,  those  gentlemen 
came  home  much  better  courtiers  than  they  went,  and  consented 
to  a  resolution  soon  after  proposed,  "  that  parliaments  were  but 
"  humble  remembrancers  to  his  majesty."    Another  attempt  was 


262  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

made  to  divest  parliament  of  their  authority,  which,  indeed,  had 
no  weight  as  a  precedent,  being  under  the  infamous  administra- 
tion of  Lord  Strafford.  The  Lords  of  Ireland  he  had  reduced 
so  low,  as  to  make  their  own  journals  the  record  of  their  shame  ; 
and  the  Commons,  (whom  at  his  first  coming  he  had  called  to- 
gether, and  from  whom  he  had  demanded  a  suppty)  pleading  the 
poverty  and  inability  of  the  nation ;  he  told  them,  that  he  stood 
there  in  the  person  of  the  king,  not  to  suppHcate,  but  demand  his 
right  J  and  if  it  were  refused,  he  would  think  himself  bound  to 
use  the  army  to  enforce  it.  Mr.  Flood  then  went  bcick  to  an 
early  period  of  the  English  history,  and  proved  the  manner  of 
originating  laws  in  parliament,  on  which  the  king  had  only  a  ne- 
gative, and  that  even  during  the  most  despotic  reigns,  till  the  per- 
nicious principles  brought  in  by  the  Stuarts,  were  attempted  to 
be  enforced  against  the  people's  rights  ;  and  the  unfortunate 
Charles  fell  a  victim  to  his  own  ambition ;  as  did  Lord  Strafford 
to  the  corrupt  and  tyrannic  disposition  which  influenced  his  con^ 
duct  in  Ireland. 

He  then  returned  to  the  law  of  Poynings  itself,  part  of  which 
he  read,  to  shev^  that  it  was  never  intended  to  take  away  the 
right  of  the  parliament,  but  merely  to  prevent  the  governors  of 
Ireland  from  giving  the  royal  assent  to  laws,  that  might  be  injur- 
ious to  the  king.  That  during  the  civil  wars  of  York  and  Lan- 
caster, this  had  frequently  happened :  that  the  adherents  of  the 
York  family  were  numerous  in  Ireland,  having  been  planted  there 
chiefly  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  who  sent  the  Duke  of  York, 
with  great  power  and  great  revenue,  to  govern  the  kingdom  for 
no  less  than  ten  years,  during  which  time,  and  afterwards,  it  be- 
came an  asylum  to  the  partizans  of  that  house.  That  Lord 
Gormanstown,  who  preceded  Poynings,  had  given  great  cause  for 
suspicion  ;  nay,  it  was  even  thought,  that  when  Symnel  was  crown- 
ed in  Dublin,  if  there  had  been  a  parliament  sitting,  that  parliament 
v/ould  have  acknowledged  him  as  rightful  king.  That  voyages 
betvreen  England  and  Ireland  in  those  days,  were  much  less  fre- 
quent than  between  Europe  and  America  at  present,  consequently 
many  things  happened  there  that  were  not  known  till  long  after 
in  England,  for  which  reason,  Henry  VII.  who  derived  his  right 
from  the  house  of  Lancaster,  when  he  chose  that  trusty  servant, 
Poynings,  to  be  his  deputy  in  Ireland,  though  he  had  the  utmost 
reliance  on  his  fidelity,  yet  would  not  entrust  even  him  with  the 
power  of  giving  the  royal  assent  to  laws,  till  they  had  been  noti- 
fied to  the  king  himself  in  England,  under  the  sanction  of  the 
great  seal  of  Ireland  ;  but,  that  this  v/as  considered  only  as  a  re- 
straint on  the  governor,  not  on  the  parliament  of  Ireland  ;  which, 
by  making  authentic  records,  he  proved  had  been  the  constant 
practice  of  originating  such  bills  as  they  thought  proper,  and  send- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  26$ 

ing  them  engrossed  on  parchment,  sometimes  through  the  vice- 
roy, sometimes  by  special  messengers  of  their  own,  to  receive 
the  royal  assent.  He  also  produced  the  evidence  of  the  par- 
liamentary roll,  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  to  confirm  this  opinion, 
and  to  shew  the  sentiments  the  parliament  then  entertained  of 
the  law  of  Poynings',  by  the  reluctance  with  which  they  consented 
to  a  temporary  suspension  of  its  effects  in  favour  of  Lord  Sydney, 
and  the  great  compliment  they  paid  that  nobleman  in  the  words 
of  that  consent.  From  this  he  inferred,  that  parliament  had  con- 
sidered this  as  a  popular  law,  guarding  the  nation  against  evil 
governors,  but  in  no  wise  restraining  the  power  of  either  house 
of  parliament.  He  said,  that  a  very  unjust  stigma  had,  there- 
fore, been  affixed  to  the  name  of  Poynings,  who  was  an  able  and 
upright  governor,  and  from  whose  administration  that  kingdom 
had  derived  the  greatest  advantages,  and  whose  laws  were  intend- 
ed for  its  defence,  till  perverted  by  the  corrupt  opinions  of  the 
judges.  It  was  no  wonder,  that  people  had  received  an  ill  im- 
pression of  the  law  of  Poynings',  as  the  very  text  of  that  law  had 
been  falsified,  by  those  who  had  the  charge  of  its  publication : 
for  instead  of  saying  that  the  imperial  crown  of  Ireland  was  in- 
separably annexed,  and  appmdant  to  the  imperial  crown  of  Eng- 
land ;  they  had  used  the  words,  dependant  on^  the  most  invidious 
perversion  that  could  possibly  be  introduced.  Lord  Bacon,  w^ho 
wrote  the  history  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  and  who  particu- 
larly mentioned  Poynings,  would  not  have  let  so  great  a  matter, 
as  a  total  inversion  of  our  constitution,  pass  by  the  accuracy  of 
his  penetrating  genius.  He  mentions  the  law  of  Poynings',  in- 
deed, but  not  this  law.  He  says  of  Poynings,  "  But  in  parliament 
"  he  did  endeavour  to  make  amends  for  the  meagreness  of  his 
"  service  in  the  war,  for  there  w^as  made  that  memorable  act, 
"  called  Poynings'  Act,"  (not  the  act  they  were  then  debating 
on)  but  that  "  whereby  all  the  statutes  of  England  were  made  to 
*'  be  of  force  in  Ireland,  for  before  (says  Lord  Bacon)  they  were 
"  not,  neither  were  any  so,  that  had  been  made  in  England 
"  since." 

It  was  astonishing,  that  the  law  of  Poynings'  should  ever  have 
received  such  a  false  and  vicious  interpretation.  Its  meaning 
could  not  be  understood  at  the  distance  of  three  hundred  years, 
better  than  by  the  people  in  whose  days  it  was  passed,  or  those 
who  succeeded  for  an  hundred  years  after.  By  them  it  was  con- 
sidered as  a  boon  and  a  favour  ;  but  its  operation  now  destroyed 
the  constitution  of  Ireland :  that  constitution,  v/hich  growing  on 
the  same  stem  with  the  constitution  of  Britain,  it  was  formed  to 
protect.  I'he  law  was  not  in  fault :  the  vile  interpreter  only  was 
to  blame.  An  interpreter  placed  between  the  king  and  people  : 
a  monster  unknown  to  the  constitution,  whose  office  was  to  stifle 


264  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  voice  of  the  people,  and  to  prevent  the  king  from  hearing  ;  to 
render  the  people  dumb,  and  the  king  deaf.  He  would  there- 
fore, in  order  to  restore  the  constitution  to  ics  native  vigour,  and 
to  obviate  the  evil  effects  of  misinterpretation,  move  two  resolu- 
tions, the  first  of  which  he  then  proposed,  viz 

"  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  examine  the  precedents 
"  and  records  that  day  produced,  and  such  others  as  might  be 
"  necessary  to  explain  the  law  of  Poynings'." 

If  this  were  granted,  he  would  follow  it  with  another,  to  declare 
from  the  report  of  that  committee,  what  the  law  of  Poynings',  and 
what  the  constitution  of  that  country  actually  were. 

The  Provost  answered  Mr.  Flood  in  a  very  learned  and  tem- 
perate speech,  but  insisted  chiefly  on  the  advantages  of  that  law 
having  been  so  long  practised,  not  only  without  abuse  on  the  part 
,of  England,  but  infinitely  to  the  benefit  of  Ireland.  He  consid- 
ered it  a  great  blessing  to  his  country,  to  be  united  to  England  by 
three  bands  ;  the  law  of  Poynings',  as  explained  by  the  statute  of 
Philip  and  Maiy,  united  the  constitution  of  both  realms :  the 
statute  of  Henry  VIII.  united  the  regal  crowns  of  both  realms  : 
and  the  practice  of  appeals,  united  the  jurisprudence  of  both 
realms.  The  attorney  general  opposed  the  resolution  wi..h  more 
than  his  usual  vehemence.  At  a  late  hour  Mr.  Flood's  resolu- 
tion vras  negatived,  by  a  majority  of  139  against  67. 

It  may  be  observed,  that  from  the  time  the  public  mind  had 
expanded  itself  so  largely  to  the  contemplation  of  civil  freedom, 
little  had  been  attempted  to  be  done  for  the  great  mass  of  the  Irish 
people,  who  were  Roman  Catholics.  The  necessary  eff'ect  of  the 
Protestants  and  Catholics  uniting  in  the  common  pursuit  of  na- 
tional freedom  and  independence,  was,  that  ancient  prejudices* 

*  It  may  be  imagined  by  some,  that  relig-ioiis  prejudices  had  long  ere  this 
time  been  eradicated  from  Ireland,  as  well  as  from  most  other  countries  of 
Europe.  The  existence  of  the  unnatural  and  ferocious  code  of  popery  laws, 
at  this  time  almost  in  their  whole  extent,  proves  the  reverse  :  and  althoug-h  the 
increasing-  liberality  of  the  hifrlicr  orders  had  for  some  time,  paiticularly  under 
the  happy  reigii  of  a  most  mild  and  induigcr.t  monarch,  greatly  discountenanced 
the  rigorous  execution  of  those  laws  :  yet  the  general  habits  of  education, 
and  the  still  more  powerful  workings  of  self  interest,  had,  for  more  than  a 
centur)',  sown,  fed,  and  fostered,  fear  and  hatred,  rather  than  unanimity,  affec- 
tion, and  charity,  amongst  the  inhabitants  of  that  unfortunate  country.  I'he 
legislative  code  of  laws,  religious  and  civil  institutions,  annual  exhortations 
from  the  pulpits,  daily  catechistical  instructions  at  school  and  at  home,  taught 
Protestants  of  every  denomination  from  their  eai'liest  youth,  to  understand  the 
terms  Popery  and  Papists,  as  terms  of  enmity,  reproach,  contempt,  guilt,  horror 
and  detestation.  The  wonder  is,  that  these  first  impressions,  inculcated  into 
the  pliancy  of  youth,  as  civil  and  religious  duties,  should,  at  any  period  of  life, 
wear  out  or  be  laid  aside  ;  more  especially  in  a  country  where  it  is  painful  to 
avov/  the  slightest  elevation  above  tlie  lower  order  of  tlie  community,  lias  at 
£.11  times  been  attended  with  an  unwarrantable  spirit  of  tyrannical  domination 
and  despotic  rule  over  their  fellow  creatures.  It  is  the  keenest  policy  of  per- 
verted man,  from  Muhomst  to  Machiavel,  to  render  sacred  the  maxims,  thai 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  265 

wore  out,  familiarity  bred  confidence,  and  patriotism  diffused  a 
general  ardour  for  the  emancipation  of  every  loyal  Irishman,  that 
suffered  hardship,  oppression,  or  servitude.  A  spirit  of  religious 
toleration  pervaded  every  rank  of  those  who  had  enlisted  under 
the  banners  of  civil  freedom  and  Irish  independence ;  and  as 
many  had  engaged  in  that  cause  as  commanded  the  means  of 
arming  and  equipping  themselves  for  the  rank  of  volunteers. 

Mr.  Luke  Gardiner,  (afterwards  Lord  Mountjoy)  who  had 
lately  returned  from  his  travels  on  the  continent,  had  often  lament- 
ed, that  Ireland  v/as  the  most  intolerant  country  in  all  Europe, 
which  he  considered  as  a  high  disgrace  to  the  reformed  religion. 
^On  the  loth  of  December,  1781,  a  conversation  took  place  on 
the  heads  of  a  bill  for  giving  further  relief  to  his  majesty's  sub- 
jects of  Ireland  professing  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  when 
Mr.  Gardiner  said  that  he  was  taking  the  utmost  pains  to  bring 
it  forward  in  such  a  shape  as  he  hoped  would  render  it  acceptable^ 
to  every  gentleman  in  the  house,  as  in  a  case  of  such  great  im- 
portance unanimity  was  earnestly  to  be  desired. 

Sir  Richard  Johnson  declared  he  would  oppose  any  bill  by 
which  Papists  were  permitted  to  carry  arms.  It  was  a  matter 
in  which  the  nation  was  deeply  concerned,  and  it  was  too  late  in 
the  session  properly  to  consider  it. 

The  attorney  general  (Scott)  found  the  subject  so  connected 
with  religion,  with  interest,  with  prejudice,  with  all  the  most  in- 
flammable passions  of  the  human  breast,  that  it  ought  to  be  spoken 
of  with  the  utmost  coolness  and  moderation  ;  that  it  was  neces- 
sary, in  the  present  temper  of  afl'airs,  to  use  such  means  as  would 
conciliate  and  draw  together  in  closest  union,  the  minds  of  all 

avc  most  congenial  with  the  vicious  inclHiations  of  those,  on  whom  they  are 
meant  to  operate,  as  meritorious  services,  or  oblig-atory  duties.  Through  the 
greatest  part  of  Ireland,  the  lowest  class  of  the  people  were  Catholics ;  they 
were  therefore  not  only  subject  to  the  native  despotism  of  their  superiors  in 
rank,  but  the  privileges  of  the  Protestant  ascendancy  bore  heavy  upon  them, 
from  the  peer  to  the  squire,  and  down  through  every  gradation  of  trade  and 
mechanics  to  the  forty  shilling  freeholder  or  common  soldier.  The  national 
lust  for  rule  was  shamefully  encouraged  by  abuse ;  and  impunity,  for  most 
misdemeanors  and  assaults  against  Papists,  was  generally  and  in  practice  con- 
sidered as  a  part  of  the  privilege  of  the  ascendancy.  Long  after  the  senate 
had  ceased  to  call  and  treat  the  Catholic  as  a  common  enemy,  was  the  term 
Popish  retained  in  the  country  by  the  squirearchy  and  other  abusers  of  their 
rank  and  fortune  in  society  as  the  head  of  the  climax  of  contempt,  contumely, 
and  indignation.  This  is  not  said  ad  invidiam,  but  to  convince  the  most  numer- 
ous ])art  of  the  Irish  nation,  that  they  receive  by  the  Union  the  incalculable 
blessing  of  seeing  that  much  abused  ascendancy  removed,  and  themselves 
raised  to  a  level  with  their  neighbours  in  social  life.  The  historian  is  not 
entitled  to  claim  credit  for  general  assertion  upon  long  past  facts :  and  to 
prove  modern  abuses  by  particular  charges  is  too  ungracious  a  task  for  him  to 
attempt.     Experientia  doceat. 

*  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  175. 

VOL.    II.  L   1 


266  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

their  fellow  subjects,  and  therefore  he  hoped  the  house  would 
manifest  the  grc;atest  unanimity  on  the  subject. 

Mr,  Fitzgibbon  animadverted  upon  the  inconsistency  of  the 
laws,  and  recommended  one  well-digested  law  on  the  subject, 
adding,  that  something  ought  to  be  done  for  the  relief  of  so  great 
a  part  of  their  fellow  subjects,  whose  dutiful  and  loyal  behaviour 
had  rendered  them  deserving  objects  of  attention. 

Mr.  Daly  declared  the  same  sentiments,  but  he  thought  it  in 
vain  to  hope  for  unanimity  in  any  thing  for  the  relief  of  Roman 
Catholics ;  for  there  was  a  spirit  which  actuated  some  members 
in  that  house,  and  which  never  would  coincide  in  any  thing  that 
could  be  proposed  to  their  advantage. 

Mr.  Gardiner  said,  that  he  would  not  offer  to  the  house,  in  the 
heads  of  a  bill  which  he  was  preparing,  any  clause  permitting 
Roman  Catholics  to  carry  arms.  His  first  intention,  he  said,  was 
to  attach  a  right  of  carrying  arms  to  a  certain  possession  in  land ; 
but  for  his  own  part,  if  he  thought  it  would  tend  to  produce 
unanimity,  he  would  relinquish  that  idea. 

Mr.  Holmes  said,  the  penal  laws  of  Ireland  were  a  disgrace  to 
the  legislature,  and  a  reproach  to  humanity;  that  now  when  the 
liberal  spirit  of  toleration  had  spread  itself  over  almost  all  Europe, 
was  the  proper  time  to  transplant  it  into  this  country,  where  he 
hoped  to  see  it  take  root  and  flourish.  Every  author  of  great 
and  manl}^  genius  who  had  considered  the  subject,  had  reprobated 
religious  persecution  as  the  scourge  and  bane  of  the  human  race. 
Every  enlightened  politician  had  endeavoured  to  destroy  it.  The 
Emperor  of  Germany,  that  friend  to  mankind  and  father  to  his 
people,  had  set  an  example  of  toleration  fit  for  the  imitation  of  the 
world.  Throughout  the  extent  of  his  vast  dominions,  Protestants, 
who  through  the  narrow  prejudices  of  former  times,  lay  under 
many  incapacities  (though  by  no  means  to  be  compared  with  those 
suffered  by  Irish  Roman  CathoUcs,)  were  now  raised  to  the  en- 
joyment of  every  right  possessed  by  their  fellow  subjects ;  and  it 
would  well  become  the  wisdom  and  generosity  of  that  house  to 
grant  such  relief  to  their  fellow  subjects,  who  differed  from  them 
only  in  points  of  faith,  but  by  no  means  in  loyalty  and  love  of 
their  country,  as  would  be  a  reward  for  long  suffering  merit. 

On  several  other  days*  did  Mr.  Flood  bring  forward  the  ques- 

*  On  one  of  these,  viz.  the  18th  of  December,  he  used  the  following  strong 
language  :  **  As  nine  tenths  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  this  kingdom  are  al- 
"  lowed  to  be  descendants  from  those  English  settlers,  and  the  natives  who 
•'  from  time  to  time  were  permitted  the  use  of  the  Eng-lisli  laws,  it  is  clear  be- 
*'  yond  contradiction,  that  v/e  were  as  free  as  the  EngUsh  during  500  years. 
"  Our  liberties  were  lirst  infringed  by  the  detestable  Straiibrd,  but  the  cries 
'*  of  this  oppressed  country  had  pvu-sued  and  oveilaken  him:  and  he  earnestly 
*'  prayed,  that  a  like  vengeance  might  light  upon  the  head  of  every  future 
'*  tyrant  who  should  attack  the  constitution  witli  the  high  hand  of  prerogative, 
'*  or  the  slower  sap  of  corruption."     1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  184. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  26r 

tion  of  Poynings'  law,  in  which  he  insisted  the  very  vitals  of  the 
constitution  were  concerned.  He  expressed  his  astonishment, 
that  this  opinion  was  combated  by  the  whole  bar,  though  they  al- 
ways professed  themselves  ready  to  support  the  constitution. 
He  complained  with  some  soreness,  that  this  question  had  been 
wrested  out  of  his  hands,  after  he  had  made  it  his  study  for  twenty- 
years  ;  but  as  the  honourable  gentleman  ( Mr.  Yelverton)  was 
erecting  a  temple  to  liberty,  he  hoped  at  least  he  should  be  allow- 
ed a  niche  in  the  fane.  Notwithstanding  the  extension  of  trade, 
and  the  new  additional  duties  granted  in  the  last  session,  the  ex- 
penses of  the  establishment,  &c.  for  the  two  years  ending  at  Lady- 
day,  1781,  exceeded  the  produce  of  the  revenue  by  above  480,000/. 
It  \yas  therefore  ordered  that  300,000/.  should  be  raised  as  follows : 
260,000/.  at  4/.  per  cent,  and  the  remaing  400,000/.  upon  trea- 
sury bills  as  before.  The  debt  of  the  nation  amounted  now  to 
1,551,704/.  7s,  8d.  and  the  pension  hst  to  183,745/.  10^.  2U.  On 
presenting  the  money  bills  the  22d  of  December,  1781,  the  speak- 
er delivered  his  sentiments  as  follows: 

"  MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY, 

"  Though  no  material  change  in  the  circum- 
"  stances  of  this  kingdom  has  taken  place  since  the  conclusion 
"  of  the  last  session,  it  ought  to  be,  and  I  am  persuaded  is,  a  sub- 
"  ject  of  general  satisfaction  to  reflect,  that  amidst  the  horrors  of 
"  war,  it  has  shared  none  of  its  calamities ;  that  the  public  tran- 
"  quillity  has  been  preserved  within,  and  that  the  dangers,  with 
"  which  it  was  threatened  from  without,  have  been  averted  by 
"  his  majesty's  paternal  care,  by  your  excellency's  vigilance  and 
"  judicious  conduct,  and  by  the  voluntary  and  virtuous  exertions 
"  of  its  own  loyal  and  brave  inhabitants :  nor  is  the  future  pros- 
**  pect  less  pleasing  than  the  view  of  what  is  past.  Several  at- 
**  tempts  have  been  lately  made,  and  with  some  success,  to  estab- 
*'  lish  in  this  kingdom  new  manufactures,  to  revive  and  improve 
"  the  old  and  to  extend  its  commerce  ;  the  lower  orders  of  the 
"  people  are  recovering  from  their  former  indolence  and  igno* 
"  ranee,  and  the  spirit  of  enterprize  and  industry,  the  great  spring 
*'  of  national  happiness,'begins  to  diffuse  itself  through  the  nation. 
"  From  these  dispositions  in  the  people,  and  the  generous  en- 
*'  couragement  given  to  every  useful  undertaking  by  those  of 
"  higher  condition,  it  seems  not  too  much  confidence  to  hope, 
^'  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant,  when  this  kingdom  will  emerge 
"  from  that  state  of  inaction  and  languor  into  which  it  was  sunk, 
"  and  that  it  will  assume  that  rank  in  the  empire  M^hich  belongs 
'•  to  it,  and  become  one  of  its  principal  pillars.  The  commons, 
"  sensible  of  the  benefits  they  enjoy  under  your  excellency's  just 
*'  and  wise  administration,  have,  with  unusual  despatch,  granted 
"  all  the  supplies  which  were  required,  and  have  also  made  pro- 


268  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

*'  vision  for  the  discharge  of  an  arrear  of  300,000/.  incurred  since 
*'  the  last  session  ;  and  though  they  have  not  imposed  on  the 
"  subject  any  new  or  additional  tax,  except  for  the  purposes  of 
*'  regulation,  they  are  not  without  hopes,  that  the  revenue  will 
"  hereafter  prove  adequate  to  the  public  service,  and  that  the 
"  augmentation  made  by  such  regulation,  and  the  reformation 
"  already  commenced  in  the  collection  and  management  of  it, 
"  will  prevent  any  future  deficiency." 

The  House  of  Commons  met  for  the  last  time  before  their 
adjournment  on  Christmas-day,  when  Mr.  Gardiner  observing, 
that  many  members  had  expressed  their  anxiety  to  know  the  pur- 
port of  his  intended  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Roman  Catholics, 
and  as  the  house  had  given  no  orders  for  printing  it,  he  would 
have  it  printed  and  distributed  at  his  own  expense,  that  gentle- 
men might  have  an  opportunity  of  maturely  considering  it  during 
the  recess.  On  which  occasion  Mr.  Grattan  said,  he  did  not  rise 
to  oppose  the  going  into  a  committee,  or  to  promote  it,  he  only 
intended  to  observe,  that  it  was  granted  on  all  sides  that  some 
indulgence  should  be  granted  to  the  Roman  Catholics ;  the  only 
difficulty  was,  how  that  indulgence  should  be  granted ;  for  his 
part,  he  wished  the  house  to  do  it  handsomely,  for  the  merits  and 
sufferings  of  the  Roman  Catholics  claimed  it  from  them.  They 
were  not  to  be  judged  by  their  creed,  as  understood  by  their  ad- 
versaries, their  actions  proved  them  dutiful  and  loyal.  They 
were  for  a  long  time  not  supposed  attached  to  the  constitution, 
and  with  good  reason,  because  they  were  known  not  to  enjoy  its 
benefits  ;  yet  that  Roman  Catholics  might  be  attached  to  a  con- 
stitution they  could  enjoy,  was  obvious  ;  Catholics  had  formerly 
wrested  Magna  Charta  from  King  John ;  and  recently  on  two 
trying  occasions,  when  the  country  was  threatened  with  invasion, 
and  when  last  session  she  was  struggling  for  a  free  trade  and  con- 
stitution, their  behaviour  then  w^as  in  the  highest  degree  praise- 
worthy ;  they  did  not  catch  the  opportunity  to  make  terms,  but 
liberally  and  unconditionally  joined  with  their  Protestant  fellow- 
subjects  in  every  effort  to  serve  their  countiy ;  by  these,  and  by 
a  continual  course  of  good  behaviour,  they  had  merited  the  fav^our 
of  parliament.  But  this  favour  ought  to  be  granted  with  some 
regard  to  the  prejudices  of  Protestants ;  for  even  Protestants  (he 
spoke  with  respect  and  reverence  of  the  faith  which  he  professed) 
had  their  prejudices.  With  some  regard  to  the  prejudices  of 
Presbyterians,  whose  political  principles  he  preferred  before  all 
others,  parliament  should  endeavour  to  make  the  indulgence 
agreeable  to  every  party,  and  beneficial  not  only  to  the  Cathohcs, 
but  to  the  nation ;  it  should  be  the  business  of  parliament  to  unite 
eveiy  denomination  of  Irishmen  in  brotherly  affection  and  regard 
to  the  constitution.     It  had  been  well  observed,  by  a  gentleman 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  269 

of  first-rate  understanding,  (a  member  of  the  British  parliament,) 
that  Ireland  could  never  prosper  till  its  inhabitants  were  a  people ; 
and  though  the  assertion  might  seem  strange,  that  three  millions 
of  inhabitants  in  that  island  should  not  be  called  a  people,  3"et  the 
truth  was  so,  and  so  would  continue  till  the  wisdom  of  parliament 
should  unite  them  by  all  the  bonds  of  social  affection.  Then,  and 
not  till  then,  the  country  might  hope  to  prosper. 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
viz.  on  the  31st  of  January,  1782,  Mr.  Gardiner  gave  notice  of 
his  intention  to  bring  in  heads  of  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  his  majes- 
ty's subjects  in  Ireland  professing  the  Roman  Catholic  religion: 
and  as  no  part  of  the  modern  history  of  Ireland  is  more  interest- 
ing or  curious,  than  the  progress,  variations,  shiftings,  and  con- 
clusions of  the  public  mind  upon  the  rights  and  franchises  of  the 
Roman  Catholics  of  that  kingdom,  I  shall  endeavour  to  trace  it 
as  fairly,  as  the  public  documents  and  records  of  the  nation  will 
admit  of.*  The  hon.  John  Burke  said,  he  would  ever  oppose 
the  introduction  of  a  bill,  that  with  a  single  dash  of  a  pen,  abolish- 
ed all  the  restraints  which  the  v^isdom  of  their  ancestors  had  laid 
upon  that  people;  that  he  wished  to  grant  them  some  indulgence, 
but  that  the  clause  which  gave  them  power  to  obtain  perpetuities 
in  land,  was,  in  his  opinion,  much  too  extensive. 

Mr.  St.  George  also  conceived  it  necessary,  that  the  Protest- 
ants, who  were  so  much  inferior  to  the  Papists  in  numbers,  should 
have  some  check  over  them,  which  would  be  entirely  taken  oif, 
if  the  clause  granting  perpetuities  to  Papists  were  to  pass. 

Mr.  Conolly  ga^'e  his  firmest  and  most  zealous  support  to  the 
bill,  as  being  founded  in  justice,  good  policy,  and  true  religion. 
God  forbid!  that  after  having  proved  the  loyalty  of  the  Irish 
Catholics  for  an  hundred  years,  they  should  fear  to  emancipate 
them  from  the  oppression  of  laws,  which  the  humanity  of  their 
countrymen  disdained  to  enforce.  No  law  should  stand  on  the 
Statute  Book,  but  such  as  every  friend  of  his  country  Vv-ould  assist 
to  enforce. 

Sir  H.  Langrishe  did  not  suppose,  that  the  house  would  for  a 
moment  hesitate  to  receive  a  bill,  v/hose  object  was  to  liberate 
one  million  and  a  half  of  loyal  Irish  subjects,  suffering  under 
laws,  that  presented  the  highest  picture  of  excessive  malice.  He 
asked,  did  the  conduct  of  the  Irish  Catholics  deserve  such  treat- 
ment ?  If  not,  said  he,  in  the  name  of  God,  let  the  bill  come  for- 
ward :  let  us  consider  what  is  due  to  our  own  dignity,  what  is 
due  to  the  merits  of  our  suffering  countrymen  ;  they  are  a  people, 
that  deserve  our  favour,  and  therefore  let  us  not  shew  an  unwil- 
lingness to  naturalize  such  a  multitude,  who  are  aliens  in  their 
own  countr}'. 

*  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  199. 


270  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Mr.  Ponsonby  thought  it  would  be  extremely  wrong  to  shew 
any  unwillingness  to  receive  the  bill.  A  people  of  such  exem- 
plary loyalty  had  his  best  wishes. 

Mr.  Brownlow  said,  that  whatever  could  tend  to  unite  the 
people  of  the  country,  and  strengthen  their  attachment  to  it,  de- 
served the  most  serious  attention  of  the  legislature.  The  most 
free  and  unrestrained  toleration  in  all  religious  matters  ought  to 
be  granted  to  every  man  ;  a  good  subject  should  never  be  ques- 
tioned as  to  his  articles  of  faith,  but  should  enjoy  the  full  benefit 
and  protection  of  the  law.  There  was  no  other  country  on  the 
face  of  the  earth,  where  seven  tenths  of  the  whole  people  were 
excluded  from  the  benefits  of  the  law,  and  the  privileges  of  their 
fellow  subjects,  merely  because  they  differed  in  religious  opinions ; 
yet,  under  this  oppression,  the  Roman  Catholics  had  retained  their 
loyalty  and  love  to  their  country,  and  it  was  but  justice  to  grant 
them  relief.  Leave  was  given  to  bring  in  the  heads  of  the  bill 
without  any  opposition. 

On  the  5th  of  February,  Mr.  Gardiner  being  indisposed,  Mr. 
Dillon  presented  heads  of  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics, which  brought  on  a  debate,  in  which  several  other  lead- 
ing members  of  the  house  declared  their  sentiments  and  disposi- 
tions upon  the  subject.     Sir  Hercules  Langrishe  and  the  provost 
were  strongly  for  the  measure.    Mr.  John  Burke  finding  that  he 
could  not  effectually  oppose  the  bill,  moved,  that  it  should  be  an 
instruction  to  the  committee,  to  introduce  into  the  bill  a  full  re- 
cital of  all  the  acts  or  clauses  of  acts  intended  to  be  repealed  ;  in 
which  he  was  supported  by  Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Parnell,  and  op- 
posed by  Mr.  Fitzgibbon  and  the  rest  of  the  house.     Sir  Boyle 
Roche  said,  that  whenever  the  subject  was  mentioned,  he  was 
always  struck  with  the  greatness  of  the  object,  no  less  than  the 
dehvering  millions  of  his  fellow  subjects,  who  for  a  hundred 
years  had  groaned  in  bondage,  and  restoring  them  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  liberty  in  their  native  country.     He  said,  that  no  man  in 
the  nation  denied,  that  upon  every  piinciple   of  justice,  honour, 
tmth,  and  public  good,  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  ought  to 
be  set  free,  and  asked  whether  they  could  ever  be  a  great  and 
happy  people  till  it  were  accomplished.  He  hoped  no  man  would 
think  himself  interested  in  still  fomenting  division  and  dispute ; 
and  though  allowance  must  be  made  for  prejudice,  yet  he  hoped 
no  man  in  the  nation  was  malignant  enough  to  gratify  his  spleen 
by  the  ruin  of  his  country.  The  poor  unhappy  Roman  Catholics, 
for  a  hundred  years  had  laboured  under  the  most  cruel  hard- 
ships that  prejudice  could  impose ;  yet  such  was  their  love  of 
their  country,  that  even  oppression  could  not  shake  their  fideli* 
ty ;  they  scarcely  uttered  their  distress,  or  if  a  sigh  escaped,  it 
was  directed  to  the  compassion  of  their  generous  countrymen, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  271 

whose  love  of  liberty,  they  hoped,  would  at  last  impart  that  bles- 
sing to  them. 

Mr.  Hussey  Burgh  protested,  that  when  the  house  was  about 
to  repeal  all  the  laws  that  oppressed  Roman  Catholics,  he  should 
never  chuse  to  look  back  upon  that  cruel  code  which  would  stand 
as  an  impeachment  to  die  Protestant  name,  whose  greatest  glory 
was  universal  toleration  and  benevolence. 

On  the  15th  of  February,  the  order  of  the  day  for  going  into 
the  Catholic  bill  having  been  called,  a  conversatioM  took  place 
upon  the  propriety  of  its  being  then  committed,  when  the  house, 
which  was  uncommonly  crowded  with  strangers,  was  appalled  by 
Mr.  Fitzgibbon's  apprizing  them,*  that  till  that  morning  he  had 
never  considered  the  bill  as  dangerous  ;  but  on  reading  it  over 
carefully,  the  first  clause  had  struck  him  as  a  repeal  of  the  Act 
of  Settlement,  the  Act  of  Forfeiture,  and  the  Act  of  Reassump- 
tion  ;  that  if  so,  it  must  destroy  the  new  titles  under  the  Popery 
laws,  and  entangle  the  whole  kingdom  in  a  maze  of  confusion. 
He  therefore  entreated  the  friends  of  the  bill  to  agree  with  him 
in  putting  it  off,  till  those  doubts,  which  had  arisen  from  the  first 
clause  were  done  away ;  or  till  that  clause  could  be  modified,  so 
as  to  grant  relief  to  the  Catholics  without  injuring  the  persons 
holding  under  the  new  titles.  He  declared  himself  a  firm  friend 
to  toleration,  and  he  wished  to  allow  the  Catholics  a  power  of 
obtaining  perpetuities,  but  thought  that  three  or  four  days  delay 
could  not  injure  their  prospect  of  relief;  though  by  allowing  time 
to  make  the  bill  more  perfect,  it  might  save  the  nation  from  much 
distress. 

Mr.  Metge  expressed  the  same  opinion ;  upon  which  Mr. 
Grattan  observed,  that  though  the  bill  were  incomplete,  it  was 
no  cause  for  not  going  into  a  committee  ;  it  was  that  very  cause 
that  rendered  a  committee  necessary.  He  then  went  into  a  de- 
tail of  the  sundry  delays  and  interruptions  the  bill  had  met  with 
in  its  progress  to  maturity,  and  finished  with  declaring,  that  if  it 
were  not  ripe  then,  it  never  would  be  so.  Mr.  Grattan  disclaim- 
ed every  intention  of  disturbing  property,  and  was  willing  to  al- 
ter the  clause  complained  of,  in  any  way  that  the  learned  gentle- 
men of  the  bai'  might  think  would  make  it  safe. 

The  attorney  general,  adverting  to  the  importance  of  the 
subject  before  the  house,  said,  that  the  opinion  expressed  by  Mr. 
Fitzgibbon,  of  the  dangerous  tendency  of  the  sweeping  clause, 
had  struck  the  house  with  a  panic,  and  if  the  bill  were  then  to 
come  forward,  it  would  inevitably  fail  of  success.  Many  liberal 
and  generous  sentiments  had  been  expressed  on  the  subject  of 
giving  toleration  to  Roman  Catholics.  He  heartily  subscribed  to 
the  wisdom  and  humanity,  from  whence  those  sentiments  arose. 
•  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  241, 


2/2  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

He  was  particularly  happy  in  hearing  those  sentiments  front 
gentlemen  who  represented  the  northern  counties  ;  on  that  sub- 
ject, their  opinions  should  have  the  greatest  weight,  and  as  there 
were  no  men  who  valued  liberty  higher,  there  were  none  would 
be  more  forward  to  bestow  it  on  their  countrymen.  He  had  him- 
self been  a  witness  of  their  wisdom  and  the  spirit  of  toleration 
that  reigned  amongst  them.  He  had  seen  in  Monaghan,  at  the 
same  moment,  three  prodigious  large  congregations  flowing  out 
from  a  meeting-house,  a  church,  and  a  mass-house  ;  and  as  the 
individuals  that  composed  them  had  joined  in  the  street,  they 
have  blended  and  united  into  one  body,  with  every  mark  of  affec- 
tion and  good  will :  that  was  true  religious  toleration  ;  and  the 
most  striking  examples  of  it  were  to  be  found  in  the  north.  He 
would  not  then  proceed  further  than  merely  to  commit  the  bill, 
to  shev/  the  people  that  the  house  was  sincere,  and  fully  resolved 
to  give  them  the  utmost  that  could  safely  be  granted. 

The  house  then  went  into  a  committee  on  the  bill,  when  it  was 
read,  and  the  further  consideration  of  it  adjourned  to  a  near  day. 

On  the  18th  of  the  month,  Mr.  Gardiner,  who  had  been  ab- 
sent on  the  16th,  stated  in  the  house,  that  the  objection  taken  by 
his  friend,  (Mr.  Fitzgibbon)  which  had  prevented  the  business 
from,  going  on,  had  been  examined  by  the  most  eminent  gentle- 
men at  the  bar,  both  in  and  out  of  the  house,  who  were  unani- 
mously of  opinion,  that  it  did  not  contain  any  of  that  mischief  an- 
nounced by  Pvlr.  Fitzgibbon,  vvhich  had  spread  so  much  alarm. 
Mr.  Walsh,  a  barrister,  and  Messrs.  Dillon,  Grattan  and  Mason, 
expressed  their  satisfaction,  that  the  objection  to  the  progress  of 
the  bill  had  been  happily  done  away.  Even  Mr.  Fitzgibbon 
abandoned  his  own  opinion. 

The  awful  and  critical  situation  of  the  great  body  of  the  Irish 
people  with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  freedom  in  their  hearts, 
calls  our  attention  to  what  was  going  forward  out  of  parliament. 
We  have  traced  the  volunteers  rising  gradually  into  the  use  of 
arms,  organized  into  discipline,  aacl  alaiost  united  in  one  common 
object,  which  had  now  resolved  itself  into  the  simple  determina- 
tion of  attaining  an  unequivocal  legislative  independence.  In 
this  situation,  the  officers  of  the  southern  battalion  of  Lord 
Charlemont's  Armagh  regiment,  took  the  lead,  and  gav^e  move- 
ment to  the  important  measures  of  the  volunteer  army  :  they  met, 
and  came  to  the  follov/ing  resolutions  : 

FIRST    ULSTER     REGIMENT,     COMMANDED    BY    THE    EARL    OF 
CHARLEMONT. 

"  At  a  full  meeting,  holden  at  Armagh,  on  Friday,  the  28th 
"  day  of  December,  1781,  of  the  officers  and  delegates,  of  the 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  273 

*^  southern  battalion  of  the  said  regiment,  consisting  of  eleven 
"  companies,  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

"  Francis  Evans,  Esq.  in  the  chair.  The  following  resolutions 
"  were  unanimously  agreed  to,  and  ordered  to  be  printed  in  all 
*'  the  newspapers  published  within  the  province  of  Ulster,  and  in 
"  the  Volunteer  Journal  of  the  city  of  Dublin. 

"  Resolved^  That  with  the  utmost  concern,  we  behold  the  lit- 
"  tie  attention  paid  to  the  constitutional  rights  of  this  kingdom, 
"  by  the  majority  of  those,  whose  duty  it  is  to  establish  and  pre- 
"  serve  the  same. 

"  Resolved^  That  to  avert  the  impending  danger  from  the  na- 
"  tion,  and  to  restore  the  constitution  to  its  original  purity,  the 
"  most  vigorous  and  effectual  methods,  must  be  pursued,  to  root 
"  out  corruption  and  court  influence  from  the  legislative  body. 

"  Resolved^  That  to  open  a  path  towards  the  attaining  of  this 
"  desirable  point,  it  is  absolutely  requisite  that  a  meeting  be  held 
"  in  the  most  central  town  of  the  province  of  Ulster,  which  we 
''  conceive  to  be  Dungannon,  to  which  said  meeting  every  volun- 
''  teer  association  of  the  said  province  is  most  eaniesdy  requested 
"  to  send  delegates,  then  and  there  to  deliberate  on  the  present 
*'  alarming  situation  of  public  affairs,  and  to  determine  on,  and 
"  publish  to  their  country,  what  may  be  the  result  of  said  meeting* 

"  Resolved^  That  as  many  real  and  lasting  advantages  may 
"  arise  to  this  kingdom,  from  said  intended  meeting  being  held 
"  before  the  present  session  of  parliament  is  much  farther  ad- 
"  vanced,  Friday  the  1 5th  day  of  February  next,  at  ten  o'clock 
"  in  the  forenoon,  is  hereby  appointed  for  said  meeting,  at  Dun- 
"  gannon  as  aforesaid, 

"  Resolved^  That  as  at  said  meeting  it  is  highly  probable  the 
"  idea  of  forming  brigades  will  be  agitated  and  considered,  the 
"  several  corps  of  volunteers  who  send  delegates  to  said  meeting 
"  are  requested  to  vest  in  them  a  power  to  associate  with  some 
"  one  of  such  brigades  as  may  be  then  formed. 

"  FRANCIS  EVANS,  Chairman:' 

The  meeting,  in  consequence  of  this  requisition,  was  one  of 
the  most  important  transactions  in  the  modern  annals  of  Ireland. 
As  soon  as  this  bold  call  appeared,  the  Castle  took  the  alarm. 
Captain  Evans  was  the  ostensible  man,  but  to  take  him  up  might 
bring  things  to  immediate  extremities  ;  to  take  no  notice  of  it 
might  also  be  dangerous  ;  a  middle  course  was  determined^  on, 
and  every  possible  means  were  used  to  suppress  the  meeting ; 
the  words  of  the  requisition  were  animadverted  on  ;  and  many, 
even  of  the  best  friends  of  their  country,  wished  no  meeting  had 
been  called. 

VOL.  II.  Mm 


274  AN  HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

As  the  awful  15th  day  of  February,  1782,  approached,  doubt 
and  anxiety  appeared  in  every  countenance  ;  men  of  every  de- 
scription were  deeply  concerned  in  the  event ;  and  perhaps  there 
never  was  a  period  more  critical  to  a  nation. 

The  administration  was  considered  by  them  all  to  have  hitherto 
treated  the  demands  of  the  people  with  scorn :  and  they  charged 
the  parliament  with  having  leagued  with  administration  against 
them  :  the  people  with  arms  in  their  hands,  was  bent  upon  one 
object,  but  had  no  chain  of  correspondence. 

Unanimity  among  the  volunteers  could  alone  give  efficacy  to 
their  resolves  ;  and  thus  circumstanced,  a  meeting  was  formed, 
at  which  Lord  Charlemont,  Mr.  Flood,  Mr.  Grattan,  Mr.  Stew- 
art (member  for  Tyrone,)  and  Mr.  Dobbs,  a  barrister,  attended, 
at  which  the  following  resolutions  were  settled  and  arranged,  both 
as  to  the  order  and  the  persons  by  whom  they  should  be  re- 
spectively moved. 

ULSTER    VOLUNTEERS. 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  representatives  of  one  himdred  and  forty- 
"  three  corps  of  volunteers  of  the  province  of  Ulster,  held  at  Dun- 
"  gannon,  on  Friday  the  15th  day  of  February,  1782,  Colonel 
''  William  Irvine  in  the  chair. 

''  Whereas  it  has  been  asserted,  that  volunteers,  as  such,  can- 
"  not  with  propriety  debate  or  publish  their  opinions  on  political 
^  *'  subjects,  or  on  the  conduct  of  parliament,  or  public  men : 

"1.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  a  citizen,  by  learning  the  use 
"  of  arms,  does  not  abandon  any  of  his  civil  rights. 

"  2.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  a  claim  of  any  body  of  men 
"  other  than  the  king,  lords,  and  commons,  of  Ireland,  to  make 
"  laws  to  bind  this  kingdom,  is  unconstitutional,  illegal,  and  a 
*'  grievance. 

*'  3.  Resolved^  (with  one  dissenting  voice  only)  that  the  pow- 
''  ers  exercised  by  the  privy  council  of  both  kingdoms,  or  under 
"  colour,  or  pretence  of  th^  law  of  Poynings',  are  unconstitutional, 
'^  and  a  grievance. 

"  4,  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  ports  of  this  country  are 
"  by  right  open  to  all  foreign  countries  not  at  war  with  the  king  ; 
"  and  that   any  burthen  thereupon,  or  obstruction  thereto,  save 
*'  only  by  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  are  unconstitutional,  illegal, . 
"  and  a  grievance. 

"  5.  Resolved^  (with  one  dissenting  voice  only)  that  a  mutiny 
"  bill  not  limited  in  point  of  duration  from  session  to  session,  is 
"  unconstitutional,  and  a  grievance. 

"  6.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  independence  of  judges 
*'  is  equally  essential  to  the  impartial  administration  of  justice  in 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  2r5 

"  Ireland  as  in  England ;  and  that  the  refusal  or  delay  of  this 
"  right  to  Ireland,  makes  a  distinction  where  there  should  be  no 
"  distinction,  may  excite  jealousy  where  perfect  union  should  pre- 
**  vail ;  and  is  in  itself  unconstitutional,  and  a  grievance. 

"  7,  Resolved^  (w  ith  eleven  dissenting  voices  only)  that  it  is 
"  our  decided  and  unalterable  determination  to  seek  a  redress  of 
*'  these  grievances  ;  and  we  pledge  ourselves  to  each  other  and 
'*  to  our  country,  as  freeholders,  fellovr-citizens,  and  men  of  hon- 
*'  our,  that  we  will  at  every  ensuing  election,  support  those  only 
"  who  have  supported  and  will  support  us  therein  ;  and  that  we 
"  will  use  all  constitutional  means  to  make  such  our  pursuit  of 
"  redress  speedy  and  effectual. 

"  8.  Resolved^  (with  one  dissenting  voice  only)  that  the  right 
"  honourable  and  honourable  the  minority  in  parliament,  who 
*'  have  supported  these  our  constitutional  rights,  are  entitled  to 
"  our  most  grateful  thanks  ;  and  that  the  annexed  address  be 
"  signed  by  the  chairman,  imd  published  w^ith  these  resolutions. 

^'  9.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  four  members  from  each  coun- 
"  ty  of  the  province  of  Ulster,  (eleven  to  be  a  quorum)  be,  and 
''  are  hereby  appointed  a  committee  till  next  general  meeting,  to 
"  act  for  the  volunteer  corps  here  represented,  and,  as  occasion 
"  shall  req^uire,  to  call  general  meetings  of  the  province,  viz. 

"  Lord  Viscount  Enniskiilen,  Colonel  Mer\'yne  Archdall, 
"  Colonel  William  Irvine,  Colonel  Robert  JM'Clintock,  Colonel 
"  John  Ferguson,  Colonel  John  Montgomery,  Colonel  Charles 
"  Leslie,  Colonel  Francis  Lucas,  Colonel  Thomas  Morris  Jones, 
'^  Colonel  James  Hamilton,  Colonel  Andrew  Thompson,  Lieut. 
*'  Colonel  Charles  Nesbitt,  Lieut.  Colonel  Alexander  Stewart, 
*'  Major  James  Paterson,  Major  Francis  Dobbs,  Major  James 
''  M'Clintock,  Major  Charles  Diiffin,  Captain  John  Harvey,  Cap- 
"  tain  Robert  Campbell,  Captain  Joseph  Pollock,  Captain  Wad- 
''  dell  Cunningham,  Captain  Francis  Evans,  Captain  John  Cope, 
"  Captain  James  Dawson,  Captain  James  Acheson,  Captain 
"  Daniel  Eccles,  Captain  Thomas  Dixon,  Captain  David  Bell, 
"  Captain  John  Coalston,  Captain  Robert  Black,  the  Rev.  vVil- 
''  liam  Crawford,  Mr.  Robert  Thompson. 

"  10.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  said  committee  do  appoint 
"  nine  of  their  members  to  be  a  committee  in  Dublin,  in  order 
*'  to  communicate  with  such  other  volunteer  associations  in  the 
'^  other  provinces,  as  may  think  proper  to  come  to  similar  resolu- 
*'  tions,  and  to  deliberate  with  them  on  the  most  constitutional 
*'  means  of  carrying  them  into  effect.* 

*  In  order  to  let  the  reader  into  the  general  spirit  of  the  vokinteers,  and  how 
faithfully  the  patriots  represented  it  to  the  parliament,  and  also  how  fully  aware 
of  what  then  was  the  voice  of  the  people,  several  of  tlie  members  were,  who, 
notwithstanding-,  resisted  it  in  the  senate  ;  several  addresses  and  letters  from 


276  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  In  consequence  of  the  above  resolutions,  the  committee  have 
"  appointed  the  following  gentlemen  for  said  committee,  three  to 
"  be  a  quorum,  viz. 

"  Colonel  Mervyne  Archdall,  Colonel  William  Irvine,  Colonel 
''  John  Montgomery,  Colonel  Thomas  Morris  Jones,  Major 
"  Francis  Dobbs,  Captain  Francis  Evans,  Captain  James  Daw- 
*'  son.  Captain  Joseph  Pollock,  Mr.  Robert  Thompson. 

"  11,  Resolved  \\n2inim.o\is\y,  that  the  committee  be,  and  are  here- 
"  by  instructed  to  call  a  general  meeting  of  the  province,  within 
*'  twelve  months  from  this  day,  or  in  fourteen  days  after  the  dis- 
^'  solution  of  the  present  parliament,  should  such  an  event  sooner 
*'  take  place. 

'^  12,  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  court  of  Portugal  have 
^'  acted  towards  this  kingdom,  being  a  part  of  the  British  empire, 
"  in  such  a  manner  as  to  call  upon  us  to  declare,  and  pledge  our- 
"  selves  to  each  other,  that  we  will  not  consume  any  wine  of  the 
"  growth  of  Portugal ;  and  that  we  will,  to  the  extent  of  our  influ- 
''  ence,  prevent  the  use  of  said  wine,  save  and  except  the  wine  at 
"  present  in  this  kingdom,  until  such  time  as  our  exports  shall  be 
"  received  in  the  kingdom  of  Portugal,  as  the  manufactures  of 
"  part  of  the  British  empire. 

''  13.  Resolved^  (with  two  dissenting  voices  only,  to  this  and  the 
"  following  resolution)  that  we  hold  the  right  of  private  judgment 
"  in  matters  of  religion,  to  be  equally  sacred  in  others  as  in  our- 
''  selves. 

"  14.  Resolved^  therefore,  that  as  men,  and  as  Irishmen,  as 
"  Christians,  and  as  Protestants,  we  rejoice  in  the  relaxation  of 
"  the  penal  laws  against  our  Roman  Catholic  fellow-subjects ; 
"  and  that  we  conceive  the  measure  to  be  fraught  with  the  hap- 
"  piest  consequences  to  the  union  and  prosperity  of  the  inhabit- 
''  ants  of  Ireland. 

"  15.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  Dundalk  Independent 
''  Troop  of  Light  Dragoons,  commanded  by  Captain  Thomas 
"  Reed,  having  joined  a  regiment  of  this  province,  the  First 
'*■  Newry  Regiment,  or  Newry  Legion,  and  petitioning  to  be  re- 
"  ceived  as  part  of  this  body,  and  under  its  protection,  is  accord- 
"  ingly  hereby  received. 

"  16.  W^hereas  a  letter  has  been  received  by  the  chairman  of 
"  this  meeting,  from  the  united  corps  of  the  county  of  Cavan, 
"  Colonel  Ennery  in  the  chair,  declaring  their  readiness  to  co- 
different  volunteer  corps,  to  the  minority  in  parliament,  and  other  individual 
members,  with  their  answers,  may  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  No.  LXVII.  They 
are  authentic  documents  of  the  then  prevailing-  spirit  of  the  Irish  nation.  A 
pomplete  collection  of  the  resolutions  of  the  volunteers,  grand  juries,  Sec.  of 
Ireland,  which  followed  the  celebrated  resolves  of  the  first  Dungannon  Diet, 
was  publislied  at  Dublin  in  1782,  by  Mr.  C.  H.  Wilson,  a  gentleman  univer- 
sally esteemed  for  his  liberality,  wit,  humour,  information,  and  learning. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  277 

"  operate  with  their  brother  vokmteers  in  every  constitutional 
"  support  of  their  rights  : 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  be 
*'  presented  to  the  said  united  corps  of  the  county  of  Cavan,  for 
"  their  spirited  resolution  ;  and  that  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of 
"  this  meeting  be  inclosed  by  the  chairman  to  Colonel  Ennery,  to 
"  be  by  him  communicated  to  the  said  united  corps  ;  and  that 
"  they  shall  have  a  right,  if  they  choose,  to  associate  Vv'ith  the 
"  corps  represented  at  this  meeting,  to  nominate  four  members 
"  to  act  with  those  already  appointed  as  a  committee,  by  the  de- 
*'  legates  at  this  meeting. 

"  17.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  thanks  of  this  meeting 
"  be  presented  to  Captain  Richardson,  and  the  Dungannon  Light 
"  Company,  for  their  politeness  in  mounting  guard  tliis  day. 

"  18.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  thanks  of  this  meeting 
^'  be  presented  to  the  southern  battalion  of  the  First  Ulster  Regi- 
"  ment,  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Charlemont,  for  that  patriotic 
"  zeal  which  we  are  convinced  induced  them  to  call  this  meet- 
"  ing. 

"  19.  i?e.?o/z;<?^  unanimously,  that  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  be 
"  presented  to  Colonel  William  Irvine,  for  his  particular  propri- 
"  ety  and  politeness  of  conduct  in  the  chair.  , 

*-'-  20.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  thanks  of  this  meeting 
*'  be  presented  to  Captain  James  Dawson,  for  his  readiness  in 
*'  undertaking  the  office  of  secretary  to  this  meeting,  and  lor  his 
"  particular  attention  and  ability  in  the  laborious  duty  thereof. 

"21.  Resolved  unanimously,  that  these  resolutions  be  pub- 
"  lished. 

"  To  the  Right  Honourable  and  Honourable  the  Jllinorhy  in  both 
"  Houses  of  Parliament, 

^'  MY  LORDS  AND  GENTLEMEN, 

"  WE  thank  you  for  your  noble  and  spirited,  though 
"  hitherto  ineffectual  efforts,  in  defence  of  the  great  constitutional 
"  and  commercial  rights  of  your  country.  Go  on !  the  almost 
"  unanimous  voice  of  the  people  is  with  you  ;  and,  in  a  free  coun- 
"  try,  the  voice  of  the  people  must  prevail.  We  know  our  duty 
"  to  our  sovereign,  and  are  loyal.  We  know  our  duty  to  our- 
"  selves,  and  are  resolved  to  be  free.  We  seek  for  our  rights, 
"  and  no  more  than  our  rights  ;  and,  in  so  just  a  pursuit,  we 
"  should  doubt  the  being  of  a  Providence,  if  we  doubted  of  suc- 
"  cess. 

"  Signed  by  order, 

"  WILLIAM  IRVINE,  Chairman. 


srs  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  In  co7nmittee. 

'*  Resolved  unanimously,  that  the  corps  of  this  province,  not 
"  represented  at  the  meeting  held  this  day,  be,  and  they  are 
"  hereby  invited  to  join  in  the  resolutions  of  said  meeting,  and  to 
"  become  members  of  the  said  association  on  the  most  equal 
"  footing. 

"  Resolved  unanimously,  that  such  corps  as  may  choose  to  join 
"  the  said  association,  be,  and  diey  are  hereby  requested  to  com- 
"  municate  their  intentions  to  our  secretary,  Captain  Dawson, 
*'  Union  Lodge,  Loughbrickland,  who  will  lay  the  same  before 
"  the  chairman  and  committee. 

"  WILLIAM  IRVINE,  Chairman." 

Thus  ended  the  business  of  that  ever  memorable  day.  The 
place  they  met  in  was  the  church ;  and  vv^ien  the  account  of  it 
reached  Dublin,  the  friends  of  their  country  rejoiced  at  the  tem- 
per and  firmness  of  the  proceedings :  their  enemies  were  disap- 
pointed in  ever}-  expectation;  none  of  that  violence  appeared 
which  distinguishes  faction  from  real  public  spirit:  they  were 
astonished  and  confounded  with  that  noble  benevolence  and  tol- 
eration, which  must  at  once  convince  the  Roman  Catholics,  that 
the  supposed  hatred  of  the  Protestants  of  the  north,  existed  only 
in  the  minds  of  the  malevolent.  To  divide  and  conquer,  had 
been  too  long  the  odious  pohcy  of  that  country :  that  of  Dun- 
gannon,  was  to  unite  and  be  victorious. 

As  these  resolutions  made  their  public  appearance,  they  were 
admired  even  by  their  enemies.  The  volunteers  from  every 
quarter  paid  their  tribute  of  applause,  and  erected  them  as  the 
standard,  to  which  all  repaired:  from  east,  west, nordi,  and  south, 
they  v/ere  re-echoed.  Committees  of  correspondence  were  form- 
ed, and  the  national  committee  crowned  the  business. 

Within  five  days  after  the  passing  of  the  Dungannon  resolu- 
tions, when  the  Roman  Catholic  Bill  was  in  the  committee,"*"  Mr. 
Gardiner  said,  that  he  v/as  happy  to  find  that  liberal  spirit  of 
toleration  which  had  originated  in  that  house,  had  so  universally 
diffused  itself  through  the  whole  kingdom;  and  he  rejoiced,  that 
where  ill-nature  had  supposed  that  prejudice  would  prevail,  be- 
nevolence was  seen  to  flourish.  The  delegates  at  Dungannon 
had  manifested  that  the  people  of  the  north  were  as  fonvard  to 
grant  toleration  as  the  Cadioiics  could  be  to  receive  it.  An  ob- 
jection, he  said,  had  been  started  to  the  bill,  as  originally  intro- 
duced, v\'hich  had  so  much  v/eight  with  the  house  as  induced 
him  to  postpone  it  to  that  day.     He  hoped,  by  an  amendment, 

*  Viz.  on  the  20th  of  February,  1782,     1  Pari.  Debates,  p.  148. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  279 

which  he  now  intended  to  make,  to  obtain  the  unanimous  appro- 
bation of  the  house ;  and  though  he  did  not  in  it  recite  all  that 
multifarious  code,  through  the  long  and  dark  labyrinth  of  which, 
unenlightened  by  any  ray  of  mercy,  he  deemed  it  impossible  to 
find  his  way;  yet,  by  simplif}ing  the  clause  objected  to,  he  con- 
ceived that  the  wishes  of  every  gentleman  would  be  gratified ; 
they  would  clearly  see  what  was  granted  to  Catholics,  and  he 
hoped  would  think  the  grant  but  reasonable. 

It  was  further  urged,  that  if  this  law  should  pass,  there  would 
be  no  longer  any  restraint  on  Roman  Catholics.  But  was  it  not 
a  restraint  upon  a  man,  that  he  could  hold  no  trust  or  office  in 
the  state?  That  he  could  not  be  a  member  of  parliament,  a  justice, 
or  a  grand  juror  of  the  peace  ?  That  he  could  not  serve  in  the 
army  of  his  country  ;  have  a  place  in  the  revenue  ;  be  an  advo- 
cate or  attorney  ;  or  even  become  a  freeman  of  the  smallest  cor- 
poration ?  If  gentlemen  laboured  under  these  incapacities  them- 
selves, would  they  think  them  no  restraints?  He  had  divided  the 
indulgencies,  which  he  thought  ought  to  be  granted  to  Roman 
Catholics,  into  five  heads,  four  of  which  he-  intended  to  move  as 
amendments  to  the  clause.  The  first,  and  that  which  he  then 
intended  to  propose  to  the  committee,  respected  their  enjoyment 
of  property  :  the  second,  the  free  exercise  of  religion  ;  the  third, 
education :  the  fourth,  marriage :  and  the  fifth,  which,  from  the 
disposition  of  the  committee,  he  did  not  then  think  expedient  to 
agitate,  regarded  self-defence. 

Mr.  Fitzgibbon  exerted  himself  in  supporting  the  cause;  he 
explained  the  nature  of  the  privileges  which  were  going  to  be 
granted ;  and  concluded,  that  though  it  would  be  improper  to 
allow  Papists  to  become  proprietors  of  boroughs,  there  was  no 
good  reason  why  they  should  not  possess  estates  in  countries,  or 
why  Protestant  tenants  holding  under  them,  should  not  enjoy  a 
right  of  voting  for  members  of  parliament.  The  attonie}'  general. 
Sir  Hercules  Langrishe,  Sir  Henry  Cavendish,  Mr.  Ogle,  the 
Provost,  Mr.  Walsh,  Mr.  D.  Daly,  Sir  Boyle  Roche,  and  Mr. 
Bagnal,  spoke  warmly  for  the  bill:  Mr.  St.  George,  Mr.  Wynne, 
and  Colonel  Wynne  opposed  it.  ]Mr.  Flood  said,  that  he  always 
wished  to  embosom  the  Roman  Catholics  in  the  i)ody  of  the 
state;  yet  without  courting  praise  on  one  hnnd,or  fearing  censure 
on  the  other,  he  would  deliver  his  free  opinion  on  this  great  sub- 
ject. About  five  years  ago,  said  he,  a  law  was  passed,  granting 
the  Roman  Catholics  infinitely  less  than  was  then  proposed:  the 
day  was  celebrated  with  rejoicing,  and  it  v/as  thought  they  had 
reconciled  every  paity.  He  was  sorry  to  hear  gentlemen  speak 
as  if  nothing  had  been  done  for  them.  In  the  former  laws,  kases 
for  years  were  granted  to  them  upon  the  avov^^ed  principle  of  re- 
straining them  from  any  influence  in  elections.     This  la'.v  went 


280  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

beyond  toleration,  it  gave  them  a  power,  and  tended  to  make  a 
change  in  the  state.  If  they  gave  them  equal  power  with  the 
Protestants,  the  present  constitution  could  not  survive.  Though 
they  wished  to  extend  toleration  to  Roman  Catholics,  they  did 
not  wish  to  shake  the  government;  they  should  allow  them  to 
purchase  lands,  but  should  carefully  guard  against  their  possess- 
ing any  power  in  the  state. 

Mr.  Grattan  said,  "  I  object  to  any  delay  which  can  be  given 
to  this  clause ;  we  have  already  considered  the  subject  on  a  larger 
scale,  and  this  is  but  a  part  of  what  the  clause  originally  contained. 
We  have  before  us  the  example  of  England,  who  four  years  ago 
granted  Catholics  a  right  of  taking  land  in  fee;  the  question  is 
merely,  whether  we  shall  give  this  right  or  not,  and  if  we  give 
it,  whether  it  shall  be  accompanied  by  all  its  natural  advantages  ? 
Three  years  ago,  when  this  question  was  debated  in  this  house, 
there  was  a  majority  of  three  against  granting  Catholics  estates  in 
fee,  and  they  were  only  allowed  to  take  leases  of  999  years.  The 
argument  then  used  against  granting  them  the  fee  was,  that  they 
might  influence  elections.  It  has  this  day  been  shewn,  that  they 
.may  have  as  effectual  an  influence  by  possessing  leases  of  999 
years,  as  they  can  have  by  possessing  the  fee ;  at  that  time,  I  do 
declare  I  v/as  somewhat  prejudiced  against  granting  Roman 
Catholics  estates  in  fee,  but  their  conduct  since  that  period  has 
fully  convinced  me  of  their  true  attachment  to  this  country. 
When  this  country  had  resolved  no  longer  to  crouch  beneath  the 
burthen  of  oppression  that  England  had  laid  upon  her;  when  she 
.armed  in  defence  of  her  rights,  and  a  high-spirited  people  demand- 
ed a  free  trade,  did  the  Roman  Catholics  desert  their  country- 
men? No:  they  were  found  amongst  the  foremost.  When  it 
was  afterwards  thought  necessary  to  assert  a  free  constitution, 
the  Roman  Catholics  displayed  their  public  virtue ;  they  did  not 
endeavour  to  take  advantage^  of  your  situation ;  they  did  not 
endeavour  to  make  terms  for  themselves,  but  they  entered  frankly 
and  heartily  into  the  cause  of  the  counti-y;  judging  by  their  own 
virtue,  that  they  might  depend  upon  your  generosity  for  their 
rev/ard.  But  now,  after  you'have  obtained  a  free  trade,  after  the 
voice  of  the  nation  has  asserted  her  independence,  they  approach 
this  house  as  humble  suppliants,  and  beg  to  be  admitted  to  the 
common  rights  of  men.  Upon  the  occasions  I  have  mentioned, 
I  did  carefully  observe  their  actions,  and  did  then  determine  to 
support  their  cause  whenever  it  came  before  this  house,  and  to 
bear  a  strong  testimony  of  the  constitutional  principles  of  the 
Catholic  body.  Nor  should  it  be  mentioned  as  a  reproach  to 
them,  that  tliey  fought  under  the  banner  of  King  James,  when 
we  recollect  that  before  they  entered  the  field,  they  extorted  from 
him  a  Magna  Charta,  a  British  constitution.     In  1779,  when  the 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  281 

fleets  of  Bourbon  hovered  on  our  coasts,  and  the  Irish  nation 
roused  herself  to  arms,  did  the  Roman  Catholics  stand  aloof? 
Or  did  they,  as  might  be  expected  from  their  oppressed  situation, 
offer  assistance  to  the  enemy  ?  No :  they  poured  in  subscriptions 
for  the  service  of  their  country,  or  they  pressed  into  the  ranks 
of  her  glorious  volunteers. 

"  It  has  been  shewn  that  this  clause  grants  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics no  new  power  in  the  state ;  every  argument,  therefore,  which 
goes  against  this  clause  goes  against  their  having  leases  for  999 
years:  every  argument  v/hich  goes  against  their  having  leases 
for  999  years,  goes  against  their  having  any  leases  at  all:  and 
every  argument  which  goes  against  their  having  property,  goes 
against  their  having  existence  in  this  land.  The  question  is  now, 
whether  we  shall  grant  Roman  Catholics  a  power  of  enjoying 
estates,  or  whether  we  shall  be  a  Protestant  settlement  or  an  Irish 
nation?  Whether  we  shall  throw  open  the  gates  of  the  temple  of 
liberty  to  all  our  countrymen,  or  whether  we  shall  confine  them 
in  bondage  by  penal  laws  ?  So  long  as  the  penal  code  remains, 
we  never  can  be  a  great  nation ;  the  penal  code  is  the  shell  in 
which  the  Protestant  power  has  been  hatched,  and  now  it  is  be- 
come a  bird,  it  must  burst  the  shell  asunder,  or  perish  in  it.  I 
give  my  consent  to  the  clause  in  its  principle,  extent,  and  bold- 
ness, and  give  my  consent  to  it  as  the  most  likely  means  of  obtain- 
ing a  victory  over  the  prejudices  of  Catholics,  and  over  our  own. 
I  give  my  consent  to  it,  because  I  would  not  keep  two  millions 
of  my  fellow  subjects  in  a  state  of  slavery;  and  because,  as  the 
mover  of  the  declaration  of  rights,  I  should  be  ashamed  of  giving 
freedom  to  but  six  hundred  thousand  of  my  countrymen,  when  I 
could  extend  it  to  two  millions  more." 

Fortunately  for  the  Catholics,  Mr.  Gardiner's  bill  was  not  made 
a  government  question,  or  otherwise  it  would  probably  have 
fallen  before  the  same  majority  that  had  uniformly  opposed  every 
constitutional  question  that  had  been  brought  before  them  since 
the  commencement  of  the  American  war.  The  nearer  that  fatal 
ministry  drew  to  its  dissolution,  the  more  violent  were  its  agoniz- 
ing struggles  against  the  patriotic  efforts  of  Ireland  to  obtain  a 
free  and  independent  constitution.  Within  the  octave  of  the 
great  civic  festival  at  Dungannon,  Mr.  Grattan,  as  the  herald  and 
oracle  of  his  armed  countrymen,  once  more  addressed  the  House 
of  Commons.^  ^'  After  the  ample  discussion,"  said  he,  "  in  this 
house,  of  the  present  question  of  right  on  the  19th  of  April,  1780, 
and  the  universal  reprobation  of  the  assumption  of  the  British 
parliament,  to  bind  this  kingdom,  then  received,  I  had  been  silent 
on  that  subject,  if  that  parliament  had  not  since  that  time  conti- 

*  On  the  22d  of  February,  1782.     1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  266. 
VOL.  II.  N  n 


282  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

nued  its  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  assumption,  by  enacting 
several  laws  to  bind  Ireland,  which  I  have  in  my  hand,  as  also  a 
proclamation  in  the  Irish  Gazette,  where  the  execution  of  a  Brit- 
ish statute  is  enforced  :  measures  that  evidently  shew,  that  the 
British  nation,  so  far  from  relinquishing  the  claim  of  usurped 
authority  in  this  kingdom,  have  still  the  same  spirit  of  making 
laws  for  us,  which  they  keep  alive  by  renewing  their  claim  on 
every  occasion.  These  fresh  instances  of  British  usurpation, 
added  to  that  disgraceful  and  unrepealed  act  of  the  6th  of  Geo* 
I.  which  declares  Ireland  bound  at  all  times  by  the  legislature  of 
Great  Britain,  makes  it  necessary  at  this  time  for  the  parliament 
of  Ireland  to  come  to  an  explanation  concerning  its  privileges, 
and  the  injured  rights  of  the  nation.  And  what  are  the  boasted 
relaxations  Britain  has  granted  to  us?  The  first  was  in  1778,  as 
contemptible  in  principle  as  in  effect ;  for  after  a  bar  of  lawyers 
had  been  brought  to  plead  against  Ireland  in  the  English  House 
of  Commons,  we  are  permitted  to  export  every  thing  except  our 
manufactures.  I'heir  favour  was  an  insult  and  aggravation  to 
our  misery.  The  minister  sends  over  to  knov/  the  causes  of  our 
distresses,  and  he  is  answered  from  his  agents  here,  that  it  was 
done  away,  and  that  we  were  satisfied,  by  being  permitted  to 
cultivate  tobacco.  I'he  second  period  was  in  1779,  when  govern- 
ment abdicated  the  defence  of  Ireland,  and  Ireland  appeared  in 
arms  ;  the  minister  now  changed  his  tone,  he  glanced  a  tempo- 
rary gleam  of  hope  upon  our  shields;  he  gave  us  every  thing, but 
kept  the  power  of  taking  it  back  ;  he  retained  a  mutiny  bill  and 
the  post-office  act.  The  third  period  was  a  ministerial  address 
of  thanks,  evidently  calculated  to  dissolve  the  union  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  it  had  its  effect  in  a  paroxysm  of  ease,  and  when  it  was 
known,  that  the  strength  of  this  house  vr as  dissolved,  and  that  the 
glory  of  1779  \vas  no  more,  an  order  comes  over  to  oppose  on 
every  occasion  the  latent  claims  of  Ireland  ;  to  oppose  an  Irish 
mutiny  bill,  to  alter  the  sugar  bill ;  and  when  Lord  Hillsborough 
found  you  had  lost  all  veneration  for  yourselves,  he  lost  it  for  you 
likewise.  The  reprobated  measure  of  a  perpetual  mutiny  bill 
followed  ;  but  you  have  not  done  with  it  yet,  you  have  stabbed 
your  country,  and  the  wound  is  festering.  Emboldened  by  your 
dissolution,  English  acts  binding  Ireland  were  passed  last  winter. 
Is  the  claim  of  the  British  parliament  to  legislate  for  this  king- 
dom given  up,  as  I  have  heard  some  gentlemen  say  in  this  house  ? 
How  futile  and  ridiculous  now  do  these  arguments  appear,  that 
declared  the  return  of  the  Irish  mutiny  bill  was  a  renunciation 
of  legislation  on  the  part  of  England.  How  futile  and  absurd 
are  all  the  arguments  that  teemed  on  that  occasion  from  the  gov- 
ernment press  ?  I  am  for  tranquillity  ;  it  is  for  honourable  tran- 
quillity ;  but  when  I   see  an  administration,  unable   to   make  a 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  283 

blow  against  an  enemy,  tyrannize  over  Ireland,  I  am  bound  to 
exert  every  power  to  oppose  it. 

"  Ireland  is  in  strength  ;  she  lias  acquired  that  strength  by  the 
weakness  of  Britain,  for  Ireland  was  saved  when  America  was 
lost :  when  England  conquered,  Ireland  was  coerced  ;  when  she 
was  defeated,  Ireland  was  relieved ;  and  when  Charleston  was 
taken,  the  mutiny  and  sugar  bills  were  altered.  Have  you  not 
all  of  you,  when  you  heard  of  a  defeat,  at  the  same  instant  con- 
doled with  England,  and  congratulated  Ireland? 

'-'-  If  England  were  for  a  moment  awake  to  her  own  interests, 
she  would  come  forward,  and  invite  us  to  her  arms,  by  doing 
away  every  cause  of  jealousy.  How,  but  by  the  strictest  domes- 
tic union,  can  Great  Britain,  with  only  eight  millions  of  people, 
oppose  the  dreadful  combination  of  seven  miilions  in  Spain,  with 
twenty-four  millions  in  France,  and  two  in  Holland  ?  Will  she 
cast  off  three  millions  of  brave  and  lo)'al  subjects  in  Ireland,  at  so 
critical  and  eventual  a  time  ? 

"  An  Irish  army,'  the  v.  onder  of  the  world,  has  now  existed 
for  three  years,  where  every  soldier  is  a  freeman,  determined  to 
shed  the  last  drop  of  ijlood  to  defend  his  country,  to  support  the 
execution  of  its  laws,  and  give  vigour  to  its  police.  The  enemy 
threaten  an  invasion,  the  Irish  army  comes  forward,  administra-^ 
tion  is  struck  dumJo  with  wonder,  their  deputies  in  their  military 
dress  go  up  to  the  Castle,  not  as  a  servile  crowd  of  courtiers  at- 
tending the  lord  lieutenant's  levee,  but  as  his  protectors,  while  the 
cringing  crowd  of  sycophants  swarm  about  the  treasury,  and, 
after  having  thrown  away  their  arms,  offer  nothing  but  naked 
servitude. 

"  You  are  now  losing  the  British  constitution,  which  by  com- 
pact you  were  to  possess  ;  two  councils,  with  more  than  parlia- 
mentary power ;  dependent  judges,  a  mutiny  bill  lost,  and  gov- 
ernors like  the  Roman  pro-consuls  in  distant  provinces  are  sent 
over  to  fleece  you. 

"  A  general  election  is  shortly  to  take  place  ;  what  will  be  your 
answer  to  those  v/ho  have  sent  you  hither,  when  you  resign  your 
delegated  trust,  and  they  ask  you.  Where  are  our  rights  ?  Where 
is  our  sugar  bill  ?  Where  our  mutiny  bill  ? 

"  What  will  be  the  consequence  of  your  not  explaining  your 
rights  now  ?  When  a  peace  happens  it  will  then  be  too  late  ;  your 
island  will  be  drained  of  its  people,  the  emigrants  will  say,  let  us 
prefer  freedom  in  America  to  slavery  at  home,  and  cease  to  be 
his  majesty's  subjects  here,  to  become  his  equals  there.  Let  us 
not  therefore  suffer  the  same  men,  whose  infamous  arts  were  re- 
probated in  America,  to  succeed  here."  He  then  made  his  mo- 
tion for  an  address  to  his  majesty. 


284  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  To  assure  his  majesty,  of  their  most  sincere  and  unfeigned 
"  attachment  to  his  majesty's  person  and  government. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty  that  the  people  of  Ireland  were  a  free 
"  people  ;  that  the  crown  of  Ireland  was  a  distinct  kingdom,  with 
"  a  parliament  of  her  own,  the  sole  legislature  thereof. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  by  their  fundamental  laws  and 
"  franchises,  which  they  on  the  part  of  this  nation  claimed  and 
"  challenged  as  their  birth-right,  the  subjects  of  that  kingdom 
"  could  not  be  bound,  affected,  or  obliged,  by  any  legislature,  save 
"  only  the  King,  Lords,  and  Commons,  of  that  his  majesty's 
"  realm  of  Ireland  ;  nor  was  there  any  other  body  of  men,  who 
"  had  pov\rer  or  authority  to  make  laws  for  the  same. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  his  majesty's  subjects  of  Ireland 
"  conceived,  that  in  that  privilege  was  contained  the  very  essence 
"  of  their  liberty,  and  that  they  tendered  it  as  they  did  their  lives, 
"  and  accordingly  had  with  one  voice  declared  and  protested 
"  against  the  interposition  of  any  other  parliament  in  the  legisla- 
"  tion  of  that  country. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  they  had  seen  with  concern,  the 
"  parliament  of  Great  Britain  advance  a  claim  to  make  lav/  for 
"  Ireland,  and  their  anxiety  was  kept  alive,  when  they  perceived 
"  the  same  parliament  still  persist  in  that  claim,  as  might  appear 
"  by  recent  British  acts,  wdiich  affected  to  bind  Ireland,  but  to 
''  which  the  subjects  of  Ireland  could  pay  no  attention. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  next  to  their  liberties,  they  va- 
"  lued  their  connexion  with  Great  Britain,  on  which  they  con- 
"  ceived,  at  that  time  most  particularly,  the  happiness  of  both 
"  kingdoms  did  depend,  and  vv'hich,  as  it  w^as  their  most  sincere 
"  wish,  so  should  it  be  their  principal  study  to  cultivate  and  ren- 
"  der  perpetual.  That  under  that  impression,  they  could  not 
"  suggest  any  means,  whereby  such  connexion  could  so  much 
"  be  improved  or  strengthened,  as  by  a  renunciation  of  the  claim 
*'  of  the  British  parliament,  to  make  law  for  Ireland,  a  claim 
''  useless  to  England,  cruel  to  Ireland,  and  without  any  founda- 
"  tion  in  law. 

"  That  impressed  v/ith  an  high  sense  of  the  unanimity  and 
"  justice  of  the  British  character,  and  in  the  most  entire  reliance 
"  on  his  majesty's  paternal  care,  they  had  set  forth  their  right 
"  and  sentiments,  and  without  prescribing  any  mode  to  his  ma- 
*'  jesty,  throw  themselves  on  his  royal  wisdom." 

Mr.  Brownlow  seconded  the  motion,  and  said,  the  people 
know  their  rights,  and  it  is  needless  for  government  to  pretend 
to  oppose  what  must  at  last  be  obtained. 

Mr  Hussey  Burgh  spoke  also  in  favour  of  the  address. 

The  attorney  general  rose  to  oppose  the  address :  he  observed, 
that  they  vrere  desired  to  address  the  king,  that  he  would  interfere 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELANl!).  285 

with  his  parliament  of  Britain,  to  renounce  any  claim  of  autho- 
rity over  Ireland.  I'he  time  was  most  improperly  chosen  to 
agitate  that  question,  and  the  object  of  the  motion  utterly  im- 
practicable. He  said,  he  did  not  mean  to  agitate  the  question  of 
right;  the  act  of  the  6th  of  George  the  First  was  certainly  of  lit- 
tle ornament  upon  the  statute  book,  and  of  still  less  use  ;  yet  if 
it  gave  nothing  to  England,  it  certainly  took  away  nothing  from 
Ireland.  The  question  answered  itself.  Were  they  to  agree  to 
the  address,  and  the  British  parliament  should  declare,  that  they 
never  had  any  right  to  bind  Ireland,  in  what  a  miserable  situa- 
tion would  that  countr^/  be  placed.  He  had  looked  over  the 
papers  of  the  forfeited  estates,  and  found  that  there  was  scarcety 
a  man  in  the  house,  that  did  not  enjoy  some  portion  of  them,  nor 
a  county  in  Ireland,  of  which  they  did  not  make  a  considerable 
part.  A  worthy  representative  of  the  county  of  Cavan  holds  a 
large  property,  formerly  forfeited,  and  afterwards  granted  by  an 
English  law.  Would  he  doubt  the  validity  of  his  title  ?  many 
gentlemen  v/ho  heard  him  were  in  the  same  situation.  Some 
days  ago  the  observation  of  a  learned  friend  of  his  (Mr.  Fitz- 
gibbon)  electrified  the  house,  when  he  toid  them,  that  they  were 
about  to  disturb  all  property  derived  under  the  lav/s  of  forfeiture, 
&c.  &c.  What  then  must  be  their  feehngs,  when  desired  to 
loose  all  the  bands  which  unite  society,  and  leave  almost  the  whole 
property  of  the  kingdom  to  be  grappled  for  by  the  descendants 
of  the  ancient  proprietors. 

The  honourable  gentleman  had  said,  that  now  when  Great 
Britain  was  hemmed  in  by  enemies  on  every  side,  when  sinking 
under  a  load  of  debt,  and  the  repeated  strokes  of  ill  fortunes,  no 
resistance  could  be  feared  from  her,  when  Ireland  was  in  full 

vigour,  expert  in  arms,  and  almost  certain  of  success now  was 

the  proper  time  for  demanding  from  Britain  the  relinquishment 
of  what  their  ancestors  had  handed  down  from  age  to  age  ;  to 
make  the  British  parliament  eat  up  their  words  and  humble  them- 
selves ;  to  make  them  disclaim  a  power  which  they  had  exercised 
for  the  benefit  of  Ireland,  and  to  plunge  the  nation  into  an  armed 
anarchy.  If  an  ambassador  from  France  or  Spain,  or  if  the 
boldest  agents  for  the  rebels  of  America  were  at  the  bar  to  urge 
the  house  in  language  such  as  that,  he  should  not  be  much  sur- 
prised; for  it  ill  accorded  with  the  loyal  and  Uberal  feelings  of 
Irishmen,  who  scorn  to  take  advantage  of  an  enemy  in  distress, 
but  ahvays  remember  acts  of  friendship  with  gratitude ;  he  was 
therefore  against  the  address,  because  it  would  give  the  world, 
an  opportunity  of  saying,  Ireland  had  made  demands  on  Great 
Britain,  and  was  in  arms  to  enforce  them.  He  was  against  it 
because  it  was  a  challenge,  though  couched  in  terms  of  civility ; 
because  it  tended  to  anarchv  and  misrule ;  because  the  thing  con- 


§86  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tended  for  could  never  gain  strength  but  by  struggle ;  and  because, 
if  obtained,  it  would  shake  all  the  property  in  the  nation.  Upon 
those  principles  he  thought  it  an  honour  to  oppose  the  address  in 
any  way ;  but  from  respect  to  the  honourable  mover,  he  would 
not  give  it  a  direct  negative,  but  move  to  have  it  put  off  to  the 
first  of  August;  upon  which  motion  the  house  divided,  137  for 
the  attorney  general's  motion,  and  68  against  it* 

As  government  affected,  that  the  late  division  against  the  ad- 
dress did  not  involve  the  question  of  right  in  Great  Britain  to 
bind  Ireland  by  legislative  acts,  the  patriots  resolved  to  return  to 
the  charge,  and  force,  if  they  possibly  could,  an  acknowledgment 
from  a  majority  of  that  house,  of  the  independence  of  Ireland 
upon  the  British  legislature.  On  the  26th  of  February,  1782, 
*Mr.  Flood,  in  a  short  but  elegant  speech  of  about  fifteen  mi- 
nutes, stated  the  rights  of  Ireland,  and  then  moved  the  two  fol- 
lowing resolutions  : 

1st.  "  That  the  members  of  this  house  are  the  only  represent- 
*'  atives  of  the  people  of  Ireland." 

2d.  "  That  the  consent  of  the  commons  is  indispensably  neces- 
*'  sary  to  render  any  statute  binding." 

The  second,  he  said,  he  would  not  move  till  the  first  was  de- 
termined upon. 

The  solicitor  general  opposed  the  motion  as  unnecessary,  and 
what  every  man  allowed.  He  moved  an  amendment  after  the 
word  resolved,  "  That  it  was  not  now  necessary  to  declare." 
This  brought  on  a  debate,  as  he  declared  the  amendment  was 
proposed  in  order  to  negative  the  motion  if  the  amendment 
passed. 

The  amendment  was  supported  by  Mr.  Fitzgibbon,  Mr.  Ma- 
son, Sir  Boyle  Roche,  and  other  gentlemen.  The  resolution  was 
supported  by  Mr.  Ogle,  Mr.  Grattan,  Mr.  Brownlow,  Mr. 
Forbes,  &c. 

Mr.  Yelverton  openly  challenged  any  man.  The  attorney 
general  repeated  his  former  opinion.  He  observed,  that  he  had 
before  declared  he  would  not  go  into  the  question  of  right,  and 
that,  therefore,  it  was  unfair  and  uncandid  in  any  gentleman  to 
extort  his  expression,  or  assume  for  granted  positions  not  under 
debate.  He  then  rose  to  deliver  his  political  creed.  England 
had  assumed  and  exercised  a  power  of  making  laws  to  bind  Ire- 
land ;  she  had  repealed  some  of  them  that  were  oppressive,  and 
that  house  had  returned  thanks  for  the  repeal;  but  he  should 
shake  all  the  property  of  the  land  by  declaring  that  the  laws 
under  which  it  was  holden  had  no  authority  ;  and,  therefore,  it 
Avas  best  to  leave  those  statutes  as  they  were:  yet,  as  an  Irish- 

*  1  Pari.  Debates,  p.  279. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  287 

man,  and  a  friend  to  Great  Britain,  he  would  say,  that  if  Great 
Britain  should  attempt  to  make  any  new  laws,  they  would  not  be 
obeyed.  He  was  the  depositary  of  the  laws  of  Ireland,  not  of 
England;  and  it  is  absurd  to  suppose,  that  an  officer  delivering 
his  opinion,  could  give  away  any  right  that  did  exist :  the  legis- 
lature alone,  that  made  laws,  had  power  to  repeal  them. 

Sir  Hercules  Langrishe  said,  that  universal  coincidence  of 
opinion  on  this  subject,  and  the  universal  acknowledgment  of  the 
great  truth  which  was  the  substance  of  the  resolution,  made  the 
motion  unnecessary,  and  if  it  were  necessar}',  it  was  unadvisable. 
The  honourable  member  knew  there  was  but  one  opinion  on  that 
subject  through  the  nation:  the  nation  to  a  man,  from  the  ma- 
gistrate v/ho  was  to  enforce,  to  the  people  who  were  to  obey  the 
laws :  they  had  all  declared  it ;  and  that  conviction  impressed  on 
the  minds  of  a  spirited  people,  was  a  security  an  hundred  times  as 
strong  as  any  parliamentary  declaration  of  their  own,  which  could 
give  no  strength  to  the  great  charter  v/hich  they  read  in  their 
statute  book,  or  the  great  enforcement  they  felt  in  themselves. 
If  they  complained  of  the  laws,  they  seemed  to  feel  them.  If 
they  neither  acknowledged  nor  obeyed  them,  they  could  not  feel 
them.  He  concluded  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  make  that 
declaration. 

Mr.  Daly  and  the  Provost  spoke  in  support  of  the  independence 
of  Ireland,  but  did  not  see  the  necessity  of  making  a  declaration 
at  that  time  on  a  subject  which  was  not  contested;  so  when  the 
house  divided  there  appeared  for  the  declaration  only  76,  and 
against  it  137. 

The  heads  of  the  Roman  Catholic  bill  in  their  progress  through 
the  committee  occasioned  several  debates,  in  which  most  of  the 
speakers  in  the  house  delivered  their  sentiments :  all  unexception- 
ably  avowed  principles  of  toleration,  but  many  differed  upon  par- 
ticular topics  arising  out  of  the  general  subject.  Mr.  Flood, 
professing  himself  a  friend  to  the  bill,  and  declaring  that  he  loved 
and  admired  the  Roman  Catholics,  wished  them  to  have  perma- 
nent property,  but  not  political  power ;  but  conceived  that  the 
possession  of  the  fee  simple  would  give  political  power,  by  com- 
manding influence  in  elections.  Mr.  Montgomery  supported 
Mr.  Flood's  objection,  as  did  also  Mr.  Warburton,  Mr.  Rowley, 
Mr.  John  Burke,  Mr.  Coote,  and  particularly  Mr.  St.  George. 
Mr.  Fitzgibbon,  Mr.  Mason,  Mr.  Bushe,  and  several  others, 
were  strenuous  against  Catholics  receiving  foreign  education, 
and  were  for  their  being  admitted  to  the  University.  Several 
members  objected  against  their  being  permitted,  the  open  and 
public  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  still  more  against  allowing 
the  same  toleration  to  the  regular  clergy,  as  to  the  secular  priests. 
Mr.  Yelverton,  the  Provost,  General  Cunningham,  Mr.  Grattan, 


288  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Mr.  Forbes,  IMr.  D.  Daly,  Mr.  Hussey  Burgh,  Mr.  Dillon, 
Captain  Hall,  Sir  Lucius  O'Bryan,  and  Mr.  Mossom,  declared 
themselves  warm  advocates  for  removing  the  whole  penal  code 
from  the  Catholics,  and  zealously  espoused  their  cause,  not  only 
in  justice  to  them,  but  for  the  general  benefit  and  welfare  of  the 
country.  Mr.  Gardiner,  wishing  to  avail  himself  of  the  general 
disposition  of  the  house  to  grant  some  relief  to  the  Catholics, 
moulded  the  matter  he  had  brought  before  the  house  into  the 
form  of  three  separate  bills,  the  first  of  which  afterwards  passed 
into  an  act,  entitled  An  Act  for  the  further  Relief  of  his  Majestifs 
Subjects  of  this  Kingdom  professing  the  Roraan  Catholic  Religion*^ 
The  act  recites,  "  that  all  such  subjects  as  had  taken  the  oath  of 
allegiance  prescribed  by  the  13th  and  14th  of  Geo.  III.  c.  34. 
ought  to  be  considered  as  good  and  loyal  subjects,  and  that  the 
continuance  of  several  of  the  Poper}-  laws  affecting  them,  was  un- 
necessary, and  injurious  to  the  real  welfare  and  prosperity  of 
Ireland."  It  then  enables  Catholics  to  take,  hold,  and  dispose  of, 
lands  and  hereditaments  in  the  same  manner  as  Protestants: 
except  advowsons  and  manors,  or  boroughs  returning  members 
for  parliament.  It  removes  several  penalties  from  such  of  the 
clergy  as  shall  have  taken  the  oath  and  been  registered;  it  con- 
fines its  operation  to  the  regular  clergy  then  within  that  kingdom, 
(by  which  the  succession  of  other  regulars  from  abroad  might  be 
prevented)  it  deprives  any  clergyncian  officiating  in  a  church  or 
chapel  with  a  steeple  or  bell  of  the  benefit  of  the  act,  and  repeals 
several  of  the  most  noxious  parts  of  the  acts  of  Ann  and  Geo.  I. 
and  Geo.  \\:\ 

*  21  and  22  Geo.  III.  c.  24. 

t  Such  as  the  power  g-iven  to  a  Tnagistrate  to  fine  and  imprison  every  Papist 
refusing-  to  appear  and  declare  upon  oath  when  and  where  he  had  last  lieard 
mass,  wlio  celebrated  and  assisted  at  it,  and  the  residence  of  any  Popish  eccle- 
siastic :  such  as  prohibited  a  Papist  to  have  a  horse  of  the  value  of  51.  under 
certain  penalties,  and  which  enabled  tlie  chief  governor  to  seize  all  their  horses 
upon  any  invasion  or  intestine  war  likely  to  ha])pen :  siicli  as  enabled  the  g-rand 
jury  to  present  the  reimbursing-  of  all  robberies  and  depredations  of  privateers 
in  time  of  war  upon  the  real  and  personal  estate  of  the  Catholics  Vv'ithin  the 
county:  such  as  subjected  every  Catholic  to  certain  penalties,  who  did  not 
provide  a  Protestant  watchman  to  watch  in  his  turn:  and  such  as  subjected 
to  certain  penalties  every  Catholic,'  v.'ho  should  take  or  purchase  a  house  in 
Limerick  or  Galwaj^  or  the  suburbs  thicreof. 

In  the  courseof  these  debates  (1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  311.)  Mr.  Bushe  expressed  a 
desire,  that  a  clause  should  be  inserted  in  the  bill  to  ease  the  Roman  Catholics 
from  a  most  oppressive  law  then  in  being-,  which  compelled  them  to  make  gx)od 
the  depredations  committed  by  robbers  in  tliC  country  in  M'hich  they  resided. 
He  instanced  a  transaction  v/hich  happened  within  his  own  knowledg-e,  in  the 
county  of  Kilkenny:  a  number  of  villains,  imder  tlie  denomination  of  White 
Boys,  assembled  a  few  years  since,  and  did  considerable  m.ischief ;  the  grand 
jury,  from  the  affidavits  of  the  sufferers,  g-ranted  a  presentment  according-ly ; 
a  short  time  after,  one  of  the  offenders  was  apprehended,  v/lio  proved  to  be  a 
Protestant,  and  was  executed  for  the  offence.     He  said,  there  was  no  other 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  2^9 

The  second  bill  was  for  providing  for  the  education  of  the 
Catholics,  which  afterwards  passed  into  a  law,  entitled*  An 
Act  to  allow  Persons  professing  the  Popish  Religion  to  teach 
School  in  this  Kingdom^  and  for  the  regulating  the  Education  of 
Papists^  and  also  to  repeal  Parts  of  certain  Laxvs  relative  to  the 
Guardianship  of  their  Children,  The  act  repeals  as  much  of  the 
acts  of  William  and  Ann  as  imposed  on  Catholics  teaching  school, 
or  privately  instructing  youth  in  learning,  the  same  pains,  penal- 
ties, and  forfeitures  as  any  Popish  regular  convict  was  subject  to; 
but  excepts  out  of  its  benefit,  any  person  who  should  uot  have 
taken  the  late  oath  of  allegiance,  who  should  receive  a  Protestant 
scholar,  or  who  should  become  an  usher  to  a  Protestant  school- 
master. The  act  also  enables  Catholics  (not  being  ecclesiastics) 
to  be  guardians  to  their  own  or  any  Popish  child.  When  Mr. 
Gardiner  proposed  his  third  bill,  which  was  for  establishing  inter- 
marriages between  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics,  the  house 
divided  upon  it,  and  the  bill  was  negatived  by  a  majority  of 
eight,  f 

Mr.  Gardiner's  bill,  which  in  its  original  form  was  one,  had 
been  long  drawn  and  considered  by  men  of  eminence  on  both 
sides  of  the  water,  before  it  was  brought  forward  in  the  Irish 
House  of  Commons.  Much  previous  negociation  was  requisite 
ere  Mr.  Gardiner  dared  venture  to  the  discretion  of  the  house. 
The  great  opposition  to  it  was  given  from  the  Archbishop  of 
Cashell's  interest:  several  others,  who  held  places  under  govenir 
ment,  were  also  adverse.  Certain  it  is,  that  government  gave  no 
direct  countenance  or  support  to  it,  though  several  supporters  of 
government  cordially  favoured  the  measure.  These  bills  were 
viewed  in  very  opposite  lights  by  different  descriptions  of  per* 
sons.  Some  considered  them  as  ruinous  to  the  Protestant  as- 
cendancy in  Ireland,  and  therefore  opposed  them  in  every  stage : 
others  considered  them  too  liberal,  although  some  cncourags- 
ment  ought  to  be  given  to  the  long  tried  and  then  much  wanted 
fidelity  of  the  Catholic  body ;  a  third  was  disposed  to  grant  even 
more  than  these  bills  imported;  though  they  still  maintained, 
that  the  gi-eat  body  of  the  Irish  Catholics  were  to  be  kept  in  a 

proof  required  by  this  iniquitous  act,  to  obtain  a  presentment  on  the  Roman 
Catholic  inhabitants,  than  to  swear  that  the  plunderers  spoke  with  the  Irisli 
accent. 

Another  hardship  that  the  people  of  that  persuasion  laboured  under  from 
that  oppressive  law,  was,  that  an  individual  could  be  compelled  to  pay  the 
whole  sum,  notwithstanding  he  lived  in  a  distant  part  of  the  country  from  the 
place  where  the  offence  w^as  committed. 

One  of  the  members  instanced  a  gentleman  who  resided  within  a  mile  of  hLs 
own  liouse,  and  near  thirty  miles  from  where  the  offence  was  committed,  on 
whom  they  levied  the  amount,  by  virtue  of  an  execution  taken  out  of  the  Crown 
office,  and  that  he  and  his  family  were  beggars  about  the  country  ever  after. 
•  21  and  22  Geo.  III.  c.  62.  t  10  Journ.  Com.  p.  317. 

VOL.    II.  O   O 


290  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

civil  subordination  to  the  privileged  order  of  Protestants.  And 
a  fourth  openly  and  unequivocally  declared,  that  national  justice 
and  national  policy  demanded  the  complete  emancipation  of  the 
Catholics,  and  a  perfect  civil  amalgamation  of  the  whole  Irish  peo- 
ple. There  is  no  question,  but  that  the  slightest  interference 
of  government  would  have  procured  at  that  time  much  larger 
concessions  than  those  which  the  bills  imported.  The  public 
mind  had  not  as  yet  shaken  off  its  old  trammels  of  prejudice.* 

*  The  enllg-htened  mind  of  Mr.  Burke  saw  things  as  thej'  really  were  throuj^h 
the  mists  and  clouds  of  inveterate  habit,  prejudice  and  bigotry,  whicli  disfi- 
gured them  to  others.  In  a  letter  he  wrote  to  a  noble  peer  of  Ireland  upon  this 
bill  (printed  in  London  1785)  he  says,  "  To  look  at  the  bill,  in  the  abstract,  it 
*'  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  renewed  act  of  universal,  vinmitigated,  in- 
*'  dispensable,  exceptionless  disqualification.  One  would  imagine  that  a  bill 
*'  inflicting  such  a  multitude  of  incapacities,  had  followed  on  the  heels  of  a 
**  conquest,  made  by  a  very  fierce  enemy,  under  the  impression  of  recent  ani- 
*'  mosity  and  resentment.  No  man,  on  reading  that  bill,  could  imagine  he  was 
'*  reading  an  act  of  amnesty  and  indulgence.  This  I  say  on  memory.  It  re^ 
"  cites  the  oath,  and  that  Catholics  ought  to  be  considered  as  good  and  loyal 
"  subjects  to  his  majesty,  his  crov/n  and  government:  then  follows  an  universal 
*'  exclusion  of  those  good  and  loyal  subjects  from  every,  even  the  loM'est  office 
"  of  trust  and  profit,  or  from  any  vote  at  an  election;  from  any  privilege  in  a 
'*  town  corporate ;  from  being  even  a  freeman  of  such  corporations ;  from 
**  serving  on  grand  juries;  from  a  vote  at  a  vestry;  from  having  a  gun  in  his 
"  house,  from  being  a  barrister,  attorney,  solicitor,  or  &,c.  &c.  &c. 

"  This  has  surely  more  of  the  air  of  a  table  of  proscriptions,  than  an  act  of 
*'  grace  What  must  we  suppose  the  laws  concerning  those  good  subjects  to 
*'  have  been,  of  which  this  is  a  relaxation  ?  When  a  very  great  portion  of  the 
*'  labour  of  individuals  goes  to  the  state,  and  is  by  the  slate  again  refunded  to 
"  individuals  through  tlie  medium  of  offices,  and  in  this  circuitous  progress 
*'  from  the  public  to  the  private  fund,  indemnifies  the  families  from  ^vhom  it  is 
**  taken,  an  equitable  balance  between  the  government  and  the  subject  is  es- 
**  tablished.  But  if  a  great  body  of  the  peo{)le  who  contribute  to  this  state 
"  lottery,  are  excluded  from  all  the  prizes,  the  stopping  the  circulation  witli 
**  regard  to  them  must  be  a  most  cruel  hardship,  amounting  in  effect  to  being 
*'  double  and  treble  taxed,  and  will  be  felt  as  such  to  the  very  quick  by  all  the 
"  families  high  and  low,  of  those  hundreds  of  tliousands,  who  are  denied  their 
*'  chance  in  the  retin-ned  fruits  of  tlieir  own  industry.  This  is  the  thing  meant 
**  by  tliose  who  look  on  the  public  revenue  only  as  a  spoil;  and  Avill  naturally 
*'  wish  to  have  as  few  as  possible  concerned  in  the  division  of  the  booty.  If  a 
**  state  should  be  so  vmhai)py  as  to  think  it  cannot  subsist  without  such  a  bar- 
**  barous  proscription,  the  persons  so  proscribed  ought  to  be  indemnified 
'*  by  the  remission  of  a  large  part  of  their  taxes,  by  an  immunity  from  the 
"  offices  of  public  burden,  and  by  an  exemption  from  being  pressed  into  any 
^'  military  or  naval  service.  Why  are  Catholics  excluded  from  the  law?  Do 
'*  not  they  expend  money  in  their  suits  ?  Why  may  not  they  indemnify  them- 
*'  selves  by  profiting  in  the  persoiiS  of  some  for  the  losses  incurred  by  otliers  ? 
*'  Why  may  they  notl^ave  persons  of  confidence,  whom  they  may  if  they  please, 
**  employ  in  the  agency  of  their  afiairs  ?  The  exclusion  from  the  law,  from 
**  grand  juries,  from  sheriffships,  umler-sherifiships,  as  well  as  from  freedom  in 
"  any  corporation,  may  subject  tliem  to  dreadful  hardsliips,  as  it  may  exclude 
"  them  wholly  from  all  that  is  beneficial,  and  expose  them  to  all  that  is  mis- 
"  chievous  in  a  trial  by  jury.  This  was  manifestly  within  my  own  observation, 
"  for  I  was  tliree  times  in  Ireland  since  the  year  1/60  to  tlieyear  1767,  where  I 
'*  had  sufficient  means  of  information,  concerning  the  inhuman  proceedings, 
"  among  which  were  many  cruel  murders,  besides  an  infinity  of  outj-ages  and 


OF  THE   STATE  OF  IRELAND.  291 

Many  cried  loudly  against  persecutipn,  who  still  voted  for  the 
disabilities,  pains,  penalties,  and  forfeitures  of  their  fellow  sub- 
jects. The  rejection  of  the  ^intermarriage  bill,  by  the  commons 
of  that  day,  evidently  demonstrates  the  wishes  and  determination 
of  the  majority  of  their  house  to  keep  Ireland  a  divided  people, 
in  order  to  support  the  oligarchy  of  a  privileged  order  over  the 
rest  of  the  community,  as  a  vilified  and  degraded  cast. 

Although  these,  and  some  other  bills  did  not  receive  the  royal 
assent  during  the  vice-royalty  of  Lord  Carlisle,  yet  having  been 
brought  forward  under  him,  they  may  be  considered  as  acts  of 
his  administration.     Such  also  was  the  billj"  for  establishing  a 

*'  oppressions  unknowni  before  in  a  civilized  ag-e,  which  prevailed  during  that 
*'  period  in  consequence  of  a  pretended  conspiracy  among"  the  Roman  Catholics 
'^  ag-ainst  the  kingr's  government.  I  could  dilate  upon  the  mischiefs  that,  may 
**  happen,  from  those  which  have  happened  upon  this  head  of  disqualification,  if 
"  it  were  at  all  necessary. 

'*  The  head  of  exclusion  from  votes  for  members  of  parliament  is  closely 
"  connected  with  the  former.  When  you  cast  your  eye  on  the  Statute  Book, 
**  you  vdll  see,  that  no  Catholic,  even  in  the  ferocious  act  of  Qiieen  Anne,  was 
*■'  disabled  from  voting  on  account  of  his  religion  ;  the  only  conditions  required 
"  for  that  privilege  were  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  abjuration,  both  relative 
"  to  a  civil  concern.  Parliament  has  since  added  another  oath  of  the  same 
"  kind;  and  yet  an  House  of  Commons  adding  to  the  securities  of  government 
"  in  proportion  as  its  danger  is  confessedly  lessened,  and  ])rofes.sing  both  con- 
*'  fidence  and  indulgence,  takes  away,  in  eflect,  the  piivilege  left  by  an  act  full 
*■*  of  jealousy,  and  professing  persecution. 

"  The  taking  away  of  a  vote  is  the  taking  av.ay  the  shield  which  the  sub- 
*'*  ject  has,  not  only  against  the  oppression  of  power,  but  that  worst  of  all  op- 
"'  pressions,  the  persecution  of  private  society  and  private  manners.  No  can- 
"  didate  for  parliamentary  influence  is  obhged  to  the  least  attention  tovv'ards 
'•*  them,  either  in  cities  or  counties.  On  the  contrary,  if  they  should  become 
"  obnoxious  to  any  bigottcd  or  malignant  people,  amongst  whom  they  live,  it 
*'  will  become  the  interest  of  those  who  court  popular  favour,  to  use  the  num- 
"  berless  means  which  always  reside  in  magistracy  and  influence,  to  oppress 
*■*  them.  The  proceedings  in  a  certain  county  in  Munster  during  the  unfortu- 
**  nate  period  I  have  mentioned,  read  a  sti'ong  lecture  on  the  cruelty  of  depriy- 
"  ing  men  of  that  shield,  on  account  of  their  speculative  opinions." 

*  Mr.  Burke  has  also  spoken  strongly  of  the  act  prohibiting  the  intermar- 
riage of  Protestants  and  Catholics,  wiiich  was  passed  in  the  short  administra- 
tion of  Lord  Chestcrneld.  "  Mr.  Gardiner's  humanity  (says  he,  p.  25)  was 
*'  shocked  at  it,  as  one  of  the  worst  ))arts  of  that  truly  barbarous  system,  if 
"  one  could  well  settle  the  preference,  where  almost  all  the  parts  were  out- 
*^  rageous  on  the  laws  of  humanity,  and  the  law  of  nature.  This  man,  (Lord 
**  Ciiesterfield)  while  he  v,  as  duping  the  credulity  of  Papists  with  fine  words 
"  in  private,  and  commending  their  good  behaviour  during  a  rebellion  ui  Great 
"  Britain,  as  it  well  deserved  to  be  commended  and  rewarded,  was  capable  of 
•'  urging  penal  laws  against  them  in  a  speech  from  the  throne,  and  stimulating 
**  with  provocatives  the  weai'ied  and  half  exhausted  bigotry  of  the  titen  purUa- 
**  ment  of  Ireland.  They  sat  to  work,  but  were  at  a  loss  what  to  do ;  for  they 
**  had  already  almost  gone  through  every  contrivance,  which  could  waste  the 
*'  vigour  of  their  country  :  but,  after  mucli  struggle,  they  produced  a  child  of 
"  their  old  age,  the  shocking  and  unnatural  act  about  marriages,  which  tended 
*-*  to  finish  the  scheme  for  making  the  people  not  only  two  distinct  parties  for 
t*  ever,  but  keeping  them  as  two  distinct  species  in  the  same  land." 
t  21  &  22  Geo.  IlL  c.  xvi. 


292  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

national  bank  of  Ireland,  with  some  other  beneficial  bills  of  regu- 
lation. As  the  Irish  administration  was  but  a  subordinate  part 
of  that  of  Great  Britain,  it  was  natural,  that  the  lord  lieutenant 
and  his  secretary  should  carry  on  matters  with  a  less  high  hand, 
when  once  they  perceived  the  opposition  in  Great  Britain  daily 
gaining  ground,  and  hastening  the  downfal  of  that  ill-fated^  min- 
istry, which  had  weakened  the  British  empire  by  the  loss  of  her 
American  colonies,  the  useless  sacrifice  of  one  hundred  thousand 
lives,  and  the  accumulation  of  above  a  hundred  millions  of  na- 
tional debt. 

*  The  first  unequivocal  symptom  of  the  downfal  of  Lord  North's  adminis- 
tration, was  the  resig'nation  of  Lord  George  Germaine  (3  Bels,  Menn.  Geo. 
in.  p.  244).  The  unpopularity  of  the  American  secretary  was  so  gi'eat  and 
manifest,  that  he  now  thoug-ht  it  expedient,  seeing  parliamentary  censures 
likely  to  become  again  in  fashion,  to  resign  the  seals  of  that  department,  and 
for  his  eminent  services,  he  was,  by  his  majesty,  raised  to  the  dignity  of  the 
peerage.  But  before  the  great  seal  was  affixed  to  the  patent,  the  Marquis  of 
Carmarthen  moved  in  the  house  of  peers,  "  That  it  was  highly  derogatory  to 
•*  the  honour  of  that  house,  that  any  person  labouring  under  the  sentence  of  a 
**  court-martial,  styled  in  the  public  orders  issued  by  his  late  majesty,  a  cen^ 
'•  sure  much  ivorse  than  death,  and  adjudged  unfit  to  serve  his  majesty  in  any 
*'  military  capacity,  should  be  recommended  to  the  crown  as  a  proper  person 
"  to  sit  in  tliat  house.'* 

The  motion  was  evaded  by  the  question  of  adjournment ;  but  Lord  George 
Germaine  having  actually  taken  his  seat  in  the  house  under  the  title  of  Lord 
Viscoimt  Sackville,  the  Marquis  of  Carmarthen  renewed  his  attack,  and  urged, 
*•  That  the  house  of  peers  being  a  court  of  honour,  it  behoved  them  to  preserve 
'*  that  honour  uncontaminated,  and  to  mark  in  the  most  forcible  manner  their 
*'  disapprobation  of  the  introduction  of  a  person  into  that  assembly  who  was 
**  stigmatized  in  the  orderly  books  of  every  regiment  in  the  sei'vice." 

Lord  Abingdon,  wlio  seconded  the  motion,  styled  the  admission  of  Lord 
George  Germaine  to  a  peerage,  "  An  insufferable  indignity  to  that  house,  and 
"  an  outrageous  insult  to  the  public." 

The  motion  was  powerfully  supported  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  Lord  South- 
ampton, the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  and  other  distin- 
guished peers.  On  the  division,  nevertheless,  it  was  rejected  by  a  majority  of 
93  to  28  voices:  a  protest,  however,  was  entered  on  the  journals  of  the  house, 
declaring  the  promotion  of  liis  lordship  to  be  "  A  measure  fatal  to  the  interests 
"  of  the  crown,  insulting  to  the  memory  of  the  late  sovereign,  and  highly  de- 
*■*  rogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the  house." 

Mr.  Fox,  on  the  20th  of  Februarj^,  1782,  again  brought  forward  his  motion 
of  censure,  somewhat  varied,  on  Lord  Sandwich,  which  was  negatived  by  a 
majority  of  19  voices  only,  in  a  house  consisting  of  453  members  ;  but  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  nation,  the  noble  lord  still  daringly  kept  possession  of  his 
office,  although  217  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  had  pronounced  him 
*'  Guilty  of  a  shameful  mismanajjement  of  the  naval  aflTairs  of  Great  Britain." 
And  on  the  22d  of  February,  General  Conway  moved  "  For  an  address  to  the 
«*  king  earnestly  imploring  his  majesty  that  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
"  listen  to  the  humble  prayer  and  advice  of  his  faithful  Commons,  that  the  war 
*•  on  the  continent  of  Nortli  America  might  no  longer  be  pursued,  for  the  im- 
•*  practicable  purpose  of  reducing  that  country  to  obedience  by  force."  This  was 
opposed  in  a  long  speech  by  Mr.  Welbore  Ellis,  (now  Lord  Mendip)  the  rew 
secretary  for  tlie  American  department ;  and  on  the  division,  the  minister  had 
the  fearful  majority  of  one  voice  only.  On  Mr.  W.  Ellis  Mr.  Burke  was  pow- 
erfully severe  in  his  an-swer.       "  Tliis  a-ar,"  said  he,  "had  been   am.a2dngly 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  293 

One  of  the  last  acts  of  Mr.  Eden's,  in  the  commons,  was  the 
communication  of  his  majesty's  gracious  answer  to  their  address 
Velative  to  the*  affairs  of  Portugal,  on  the  5th  of  March,  17S2. 
Lord  Carlisle  now  foreseeing  in  the  change  of  ministry  a  total 
change  of  principles  and  measures  with  reference  to  Ireland,  and 

"  fertile  in  the  growth  of  new  statesmen  ;  the  rig-ht  honourable  gentleman  was 
"  indeed  an  old  member,  but  a  young  secretary.  Having,  howevr.r,  studied  at 
*'  the  feet  of  Gamaliel,  he  liad  entered  into  fall  possession  of  all  the  parliamen- 
"  tary  qualifications,  by  which  his  predecessor  had  been  so  conspicuously  dis- 
*'  tinguished  ;  the  same  attachments,  the  same  antipathies,  the  same  extrava- 
'*  gant  delusion,  the  same  wild  phantoms  of  the  brain,  marked  the  right  hon- 
**  ourable  gentleman  as  the  true  ministeria.1  heir  and  residuary  legatee  of  the 
*' noble  A-iscount:  and  notwithstanding  the  metamorphosis  he  had  recently 
**  undergone,  he  was  so  truly  the  same  thing  in  the  same  place,  that  justly 
"  might  it  be  said  of  him,  *  alter  et  idem  nascitur,*  being  of  the  catterpillar 
"  species,  he  had  remained  the  destined  time  within  the  soft  and  silken  folds 
"  of  a  lucrative  employm.ent,  till  having  burst  his  ligaments,  he  fluttered  forth, 
*'  the  butterfly  minister  of  the  day," 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1782,  a  resolution  was  made  by  Sir  Jolm  (now  Lord) 
Rous,  a  man  once  zealously  attached  to  Lord  North's  administration,  that  the 
house,  taking  into  consideration  tlie  debt  incurred,  and  the  losses  sustained  in 
the  present  war,  could  place  no  further  ccrfidence  in  the  ministers,  who  had 
the  direction  of  public  aflairs.  A  violent  debate  ensued  ;  on  the  division,  the 
numbers  were,  227  for,  and  T36  against  the  motion.  And  on  the  19th,  the 
Earl  of  Surrey  (now  Duke  of  Norfolk)  had  proposed  to  move  a  similar  reso- 
lution ;  but  when  his  lordship  Was  about  to  rise,  Lord  North  addressed  him- 
self to  the  speaker,  and  said,  "  That  as  he  understood  the  object  of  the  noble 
"  lord's  motion  to  Ije  the  removal  of  ministers,  he  wished  to  prevent  the  neces- 
*'  sity  of  giving  the  house  fiuther  trouble,  by  an  explicit  declaration,  that  his 
"  majesty  had  come  to  a  determination,  to  make  an  entire  change  of  adminis- 
"  tration  ;  and  he  and  his  colleagues,  only  retained  their  official  situation  till 
**  other  ministers  were  appointed  to  occupy  their  places.'* 

*  The  answer  was  to  the  following  eflTect : "  His  majesty  has  received  the 

"  address  of  the  House  of  Com.mons  with  that  afiectionate  satisfaction  which 
"  their  professions  of  duty,  loyalty,  and  zealous  attachment  to  his  person  and 
"  royal  family,  never  fail  to  excite  in  his  majesty's  breast ;  and  his  majesty 
"  does  not  admit  a  doubt,  that  those  principles  will  continue  to  constitute,  as 
"  they  have  hitherto  invariably  done,  a  most  distin^ished  part  of  the  charac- 
<*  ter  of  his  people  of  Ireland. 

*'  His  majesty  gives  his  faithful  commons  the  strongest  assurances,  that  the 
"  confidence  they  so  dutifully  repose  in  his  paternal  protection,  which  has  been 
<*  constantly  exerted  during  the  course  of  his  reign,  in  promoting  and  estab- 
"  lishlng  the  prosperity  of  his  kingdom  of  Ireland,  is  most  justly  founded,  as 
*'  no  purpose  is  nearer  his  majesty's  heart  than  to  aftbrd  them  every  solid  proof 
**  of  that  protection. 

"  His  majesty  is  not  surprised,  that  his  faithful  commons,  always  attentive 
*'  to  the  true  interest  of  this  country,  should  have  observed  with  alarm  and 
"  concern,  the  obstruction  given  in  the  ports  of  Portugal  to  the  importation  of 
*'  Irish  woollen  and  printed  linen  manufactures  into  that  kingdom  ;  and  the  full 
**  satisfaction,  which  the  House  of  Commons  express  in  his  majesty's  solicitude 
**  upon  this  important  subject,  and  in  his  imremmitted  endeavours  to  open  the 
"  eyes  of  Portugal,  not  only  to  the  true  sense  of  the  treaties  between  the  two 
"  crowns,  but  to  a  just  understanding  of  her  own  real  interests,  is  g-raciously 
**  accepted  by  his  majesty. 

*'  IJis  majesty  applauds  tlie  temper  and  moderation  of  his  commons  upon 
"'  this  occasion  ;  such  a  condurt  is  always  becomings  of  their  prudence  and  wis- 


2S4  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

having  received  no  fresh  instructions  or  support  from  the  British 
cabinet,  wished  only  to  carry  some  of  the  then  pending  bills  up 
to  the  lords,  on  the  14th  of  March,  1782,  adjourned  the  parlia- 
ment to  the  16th  of  April.  By  that  time  a  general  change  having 
taken  place  in  the  British  ministry,  Mr.  £den  went  to  London 
with  Lord  Carlisle's  resignation  of  the  lieutenancy  of  that  king- 
dom, desiring  only  time  to  make  some  necessary  arrangements, 
and  to  close  the  session  of  parliament.  On  the  14th  of  April, 
his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Portland  arrived  in  Dublin,  and  imme- 
diately took  upon  him  the  chief  government  of  Ireland.  Mr. 
Eden,  very  speedily  after  his  arrival  in  England,  laid  before 
the  British  parliament,^  a  view  of  the  political  history  of  Ireland 
during  the  two  last  years  ;  acquainted  the  house  with  the  mea- 
sures which  (he  said)  w^ere  then  forming  for  rendering  it  totally 
independent  of  the  British  legislature  ;  and  concluded  with  mov- 
ing for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  repeal  so  much  of  the  act  of  the 
6th  of  George  I.  as  asserted  a  right  in  the  king  and  parliament 
of  Great  Britain  to  make  laws  to  bind  that  kingdom.  The  pre- 
cipitation, with  which  a  business  of  such  magnitude  and  import- 
ance  was  thus  attempted  to  be  forced  on  the  house,  without  pre- 
vious communication  from  any  of  his  majesty's  ministers,  or 
knowledge  of  their  intentions,  was  severely  censured,  and  the 
more  especially  as  it  appeared,  that  the  right  honourable  gentle- 
man had  refused  to  give  any  official  information  to  government 
relative  to  the  state  of  the  country  he  had  just  left.  Mr.  Eden, 
though  loudly  called  on  to  withdraw  his  motion,  persisted  in 
urging  its  necessity  ;  and  in  vindication  of  his  own  conduct,  stated, 
that  the  reason  of  his  refusing  to  have  any  communication  with 
his  majesty's  present  servants,  was  the  great  want  of  attention  to 
the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  w^hich  they  hnd  shewn  in  the  mode  of  ap- 
pointing his  successor,  and  in  his  removal  from  the  lord  lieute- 
nancy of  the  East  Riding  of  Yorkshire.  This  apology  served 
rather  to  increase  the  displeasure  of  the  house  ;  a  motion  of  cen- 
sure on  his  conduct  v/as  threatened  ;  and  it  was  with  great  diffi- 
culty he  was  at  last  brought  to  comply  with  the  general  wish  of 

*'  dom,  but  particularly  so  in  the  present  instance,  as  it  affords  time  for  fiM*- 
*'  ther  exertions  towards  bringing-  this  business  to  a  happy  conclusion  ;  and  the 
**  House  of  Commons  "may  rest  assured,  that  his  majesty  will  persevere  in 
"  every  possible  effort  for  the  attainment  of  that  desirable  end." 

*  The  debate  on  the  situation  of  Ireland  on  the  8th  of  April,  1782,  in  the 
British  House  of  Commons,  is  so  illustrative  of  the  ancient  system  of  govern- 
ing Ireland  ;  so  explanatory  of  the  views  and  motives  of  the  different  measures 
imposed  upon  that  kingdom  by  the  British  cabinet ;  so  demonstrative  of  prin- 
ciples opposite  to  those  of  the  Union  and  mutual  prosperity  of  both  kingdoms, 
that  the  reader  will  be  happy  to  learn  from  the  mouths  of  the  actors  themselves 
a^ complete  narrative  of  this  great  revolution  in  the  kingdom  of  Ireland:  ibr 
wJiich,  vide  Appendix,  No.  LXVIII.  where  the  whole  debate  is  given.  * 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  295 

the  house  in  withdrawing  his  motion.  Mr.  Fox  informed  the 
house  in  the  course  of  this  debate,  that  the  ministers  of  the  crown, 
during  the  short  time  they  had  been  in  office,  had  actually  holden 
three  or  four  councils,  solely  on  the  affairs  of  Ireland  :  and  that 
he  hoped  very  soon,  perhaps  within  the  next  four-and-twenty 
hours,  to  lay  some  preparatoiy  measure  before  them. 

On  the  the  very  next  day,  viz.  April  9th,  1782,-*  Mr.  Secretary 
Fox  communicated  the  following  message  to  the  house  : 

"  GEORGE  R. 

"  His  majesty  being  concerned  to  find,  that  dis- 
•'  contents  and  jealousies  are  prevailing  among  his  loyal  subjects 
"  in  Ireland,  upon  matters  of  great  weight  and  importance,  ear- 
"  nestly  recommends  to  this  house,  to  take  the  same  into  their 
"  most  serious  consideration,  in  order  to  such  a  final  adjustment 
"  as  may  give  mutual  satisfaction  to  both  kingdoms.     G.  R." 

Mr.  Secretary  Fox  said,  that  he  hoped  the  house  would  give 
credit  to  his  majesty's  ministers  on  the  subject  of  Ireland,  and 
believed  that  they  had  not,  during  the  short  interval  they  had  been 
in  office,  in  any  shape  neglected  to  take  into  their  consideration 
the  very  serious  and  alarming  condition  of  that  country ;  nor 
should  they  suspect,  that  the  present  message  from  the  throne 
was  brought  down  in  consequence  of  the  very  singular  motion 
made  in  that  house  the  day  before.  His  majesty  was  most  ear- 
nestly desirous  of  settling  the  discontents  and  jealousies  that  sub- 
sisted in  the  minds  of  his  subjects  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland; 
and  surely  they  deserved  the  name  of  discontents  and  jealousies, 
for  they  had  risen  to  be  very  dangerous  and  alarming.  The 
measures,  which  his  majesty's  ministers  conceived  necessary  to 
be  taken  in  the  present  instance,  and  which  he  was  to  propose  to 
the  house,  would  require  a  great  deal  of  most  serious  discussion. 
He  intended  to  move  for  an  humble  address  to  his  majesty,  to 
assure  his  majesty  that  they  would,  without  delay,  take  into  their 
most  serious  consideration  this  important  subject;  and  endeavour 
to  assist  his  majesty's  earnest  and  most  gracious  wishes  to  restore 
confidence  and  harmony  between  the  tv.o  kingdoms.  The  right 
honourable  gentleman  said,  that  though  the  words  "  without  de- 
lay," were  introduced  into  the  motion  for  the  address,  it  was  by 
no  means  his  intention  to  urge  the  house  to  any  hasty  or  prema- 
ture measure,  which  might  heal  the  differences  for  a  time,  with- 
out putting  a  final  stay  and  conclusion  to  the  business.  The 
house  would  perceive,  that  in  the  pretensions  of  the  Irish,  ex- 
pressed by  the  parliament  and  people,  the  matter  contained  no 

*  7  Pari.  Debates,  p.  24.  And  on  the  same  day,  a  message  to  the  same 
effect  was  delivered  to  the  lords,  the  first  day  of  their  meeting",  and  addresses 
were  unanimouslv  voted  by  both  houses. 


296  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

less  than  the  constitution  of  the  kingdom ;  that  it  comprehended 
not  only  the  commercial  rights  and  privileges  of  the  kingdom, 
but  also  the  legislative  powers  and  royalty.  The  most  important 
objects  were  therefore  embraced,  and  both  nations  were  most 
materially  concerned  in  the  discussion  and  settlement  of  the  mat- 
ter. They  were  topics,  upon  which  the  house  would  see  his 
majesty  could  not  decide,  without  the  assistance  of  his  parlia- 
ment ;  nor,  indeed,  could  it  be  done  without  the  concurrence  and 
operation  of  both  parliaments.  To  come  to  the  business,  there- 
fore, with  propriety,  and  in  a  manner  which  would  give  effect  to 
their  proceedings,  they  must  have  full  and  authentic  information ; 
and  both  parliaments  must  take  time  in  their  deliberations,  and 
assist  each  other  in  the  progress  and  conclusion  of  the  business. 
The  hasty  step  promised  yesterday  by  a  right  honourable  gentle- 
man, would  have  been  most  unwise  and  impolitic.  It  was  the 
duty  of  government  to  come  to  the  matter  for  posterity,  as  well 
as  for  the  present  day,  and  in  quieting  the  existing  jealousies,  to 
establish  such  a  principle  of  relation  and  constitution  as  should 
prevent  future  discontents  from  arising.  He  believed  it  would 
be  easy  for  the  king's  ministers  to  do  as  their  predecessors  had 
done,  to  patch  up  a  temporary  cessation  of  claims,  and  leave  to 
those  who  were  to  come  after  them,  all  the  dangers  of  an  unset- 
tled constitution,  for  the  mean  advantage  of  clearing  themselves 
from  difficulties  which  they  had  not  the  courage  to  meet  vrith 
fairness ;  but  they  considered  it  as  their  duty  to  come  with  deter- 
mined minds  to  the  main  question,  and  settle  the  true  quality 
and  nature  of  the  relationship  which  subsisted  between  the  two 
countries,  to  ascertain  their  distinct  constitutions,  and  to  establish 
such  an  union  between  them  as  should  endure  for  ages.  He 
hoped,  from  what  passed  yesterday,  from  the  message  of  his  ma- 
jesty this  day,  and  from  the  address  to  the  throne  in  consequence 
thereof,  declaring,  that  they  were  determined  to  enter  seriously 
and  without  delay  into  the  discussion  of  this  business,  it  would 
be  clearly  understood,  that  his  majesty's  ministers,  and,  what  was 
much  more  essential,  the  parliament,  were  disposed  to  settle  tliis 
business.  This  being  carried  over  to  the  people  of  Ireland  by  the 
new  lord  lieutenant,  and  communicated  to  that  parliament,  under 
the  most  sacred  assurances  from  the  throne,  would,  as  it  ought, 
have  its  effects  upon  our  sister  kingdom,  and  incline  them  to  meet 
this  country  with  the  same  disposition  to  an  amicable  settlement 
of  the  differences.  When  the  lord  lieutenant  was  settled  in  his 
administration,  the  government  of  this  country  would  not  be  de- 
nied that  information  which  v/as  essential  to  the  knowledge  and 
discussion  of  the  subject;  and  he  assured  the  house,  that  when- 
ever his  majesty's  ministers  should  be  in  possession  of  that  infor- 
mation, they  would  lay  it  before  parliament,  to  assist  them  in 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  297 

their  deliberations  on  the  important  point.  This  was  the  plan 
which  they  intended  to  pursue  in  the  settlement  of  this  business ; 
and  they  hoped  to  have  the  assistance  of  all  the  ability,  zeal,  af- 
fection, and  honesty  of  both  kingdoms,  in  bringing  it  to  a  happy, 
a  speedy,  and  a  permanent  conclusion.  He  then  moved,  that  an 
humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  to  return  his  majesty 
the  thanks  of  that  house,  for  his  most  gracious  message  ;  and  to 
assure  his  majesty,  that  the  house,  feeling  with  his  majesty  the 
deepest  concern,  that  discontents  and  jealousies  should  have 
arisen  among  his  majesty's  loyal  subjects  in  Ireland,  would,  with- 
out delay,  take  the  same  into  their  most  serious  consideration,  in 
order  to  such  a  final  adjustment  as  might  give  mutual  satisfac- 
tion to  both  kingdoms. 

The  honourable  Colonel  Fitzpatrick  begged  leave  to  say  a  few 
words  upon  his  leaving  this  country  to  take  upon  himself  a  most 
important  office,  for  which,  he  said,  he  felt  himself  very  unquali- 
fied, that  of  secretary  to  the  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland.  He  de- 
clared, that  he  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  accept  of  that  office, 
in  the  firm  persuasion  and  confidence,  that  his  majesty's  present 
ministers  were  sincere  in  their  professions,  and  that  they  were 
earnestly  disposed  to  make  such  concessions  to  Ireland  as  should 
quiet  their  jealousies,  and  give  satisfaction  to  their  minds.  If 
he  had  not  had  this  opinion  of  the  king's  ministers,  no  circum- 
stance upon  earth  could  have  induced  him  to  take  a  situation, 
which,  at  any  time,  he  would  not  have  coveted,  and  which  only 
such  opinion  and  confidence  could  make  him  endure.  He  thought 
and  believed,  that  it  was  the  wise  policy  of  this  country  to  make 
those  concessions,  as  from  the  establishment  of  a  firm  and  friendly 
relation,  founded  upon  a  clear  and  known  constitution,  the  most 
happy  consequences  would  be  derived  to  both  countries.  He  was 
just  on  the  point,  he  said,  of  leaving  England,  and  he  thought  it 
incumbent  upon  him  to  say  thus  much,  that  it  might  be  known 
upon  what  ground  he  was  going  to  Ireland ;  and  it  gave  him 
great  pleasure  to  have  it  in  his  power,  to  communicate  to  the 
House  of  Commons  of  that  country,  that  this  house  expressed 
the  most  zealous  desire  of  coming  to  an  amicable  settlement  of 
all  diflFerences. 

The  Duke  of  Pordand,  on  his  arrival  in  Dublin,  was  received 
with  demonstrations  of  the  most  enraptured  joy.  When  the  par- 
liament met  according  to  adjournment,  on  the  16th  of  April,  the 
galleries  and  bar  of  the  House  of  Commons  were  crowded,  and 
expectation  was  raised  to  enthusiasm.  As  soon  as  the  speaker 
had  taken  the  chair,  Mr.  John  Hely  Hutchinson,  his  majesty's 
principal  secretary  of  state,  arose,  and  announced  to  the  house, 
that  he  was  charged  by  the  lord  lieutLuant  to  communicate  to 
them  a  message  from  his  majesty,  of  the  same  tenour  as  that 

TOL.  II.  p   p 


298  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  had  been  communicated  to  both  houses  of  the  British  par* 
liament.  He  begged  to  say  a  few  words,  not  as  an  officer  of  the 
crown,  but  as  a  gentleman  of  the  country.  As  to  the  right  of 
that  kingdom  to  be  bounden  by  no  other  laws,  but  those  made  by 
the  King,  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ireland,  he  had  always  asserted 
it  from  the  seat  of  judicature  as  a  judge,  and  in  that  house  as  a 
representative  of  the  people.  He  should  be  glad  that  every  man 
in  Great  Britain  understood,  that  the  claim  was  not  new,  it  was 
as  old  as  the  invasion  of  the  right ;  the  principal  Lords  and  Com- 
mons of  Ireland,  in  the  year  1641,  complained  of  it  as  an  innova- 
tion unknown  to  their  ancestors.  Soon  after  the  restoration,  the 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons,  in  an  address  to  the  lord 
lieutenant,  and  in  the  presence  of  both  houses,  stated  the  right  of 
Ireland  to  be  governed  only  by  laws  made  by  her  own  parlia- 
ment ;  and  soon  after  the  revolution,  this  question  was  placed  out 
of  the  reach  of  controvers}^,  by  the  work  of  a  great  scholar  and 
philosopher. 

He  then  mentioned  Mr.  Grattan  in  terms  of  the  highest  re- 
spect, and  said,  he  must  ever  live  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen ; 
but  the  present  age  and  posterity  w^ould  be  indebted  to  him  for 
the  greatest  of  all  obligations,  and  would,  but  he  hoped  at  a  great 
distance  of  time,  inscribe  on  his  tomb,  that  he  had  redeemed  the 
liberties  of  his  country.  He  said,  that  whatever  mode  should  be 
proposed  for  the  declaration  of  this  right,  in  terms  the  most  un- 
equivocal and  explicit,  whether  by  vote,  address,  or  bill,  should 
receive  his  strongest  support,  provided  it  contained  such  senti- 
ments of  duty  and  loyalty  to  the  king,  and  affection  to  our  fellow- 
subjects  of  Great  Britain,  as  every  man  in  that  nation  felt.  When 
this  point  was  fully  established,  it  would  let  in  new  light  on  other 
parts  of  the  constitution.  He  had  considered  those  statutes 
called  Poynings'  law,  as  containing  strong  arguments  in  support 
of  the  independence  of  the  Irish  legislature  ;  but  this  indepen- 
dence being  established,  or  at  the  tve  of  being  so,  he  should 
agree  to  a  bill  for  the  modification  of  Poynings'  law,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent the  stopping  or  altering  their  bills  in  their  privy  council,  or 
the  alteration  of  them  elsewhere  ;  for  he  never  could  agree  to  give 
any  other  privy  council  a  power,  which  was  taken  from  their 
own. 

He  thought  it  necessary,  that  the  mutiny  bill  should  be  made 
triennial.  He  voted  for  it  as  such  on  its  first  introduction.  The 
consequence  was,  his  having  been  represented  very  unjusdy,  as 
inimical  to  the  government,  which  he  had  so  long  served  with 
zeal  and  constancy.  He  voted  for  the  present  act  to  prevent  that 
disturbance  of  the  public  tranquillity,  which  the  rejection  of  it 
v<^ould  have  immediately  and  unavoidably  occasioned  :  but  had 
declared,  at  the  same  time,  his  opinion  in  favour  of  a  limited  bilL 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  299 

He  observed,  that  there  were  objects  of  such  national  concern,  as 
eould  only  be  obtained  by  the  spirit  of  the  people ;  that  spirit 
was  now  become  universal,  and  it  was  the  duty  of  the  represent- 
atives of  the  people,  to  repeat  the  public  voice,  and  to  conform 
their  conduct  to  the  determined  spirit  of  the  nation.  He  recom- 
mended to  proceed  with  unanimity  and  firmness,  with  that  duty, 
loyalty,  and  attachment,  v/hich  they  owed  to  their  sovereign,  and 
with  that  regard  to  the  inseparable  connexion  between  the  two 
idngdoms,  which  the  constitution  of  Ireland  and  the  mutual  in- 
terest of  both  kingdoms  required. 

Mr.  George  Ponsonby  moved,  that  a  dutiful  and  loyal  address 
should  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  thanking  him  for  his  most 
gracious  message,  and  assuring  him,  that  his  faithful  commons 
v.'ould  immediately  proceed  upon  the  great  objects  he  had  re- 
commended to  their  consideration. 

Mr.  Grattan  said,  he  would  state  to  the  house  his  reasons  for 
changing,  in  some  measure,  the  form  of  the  address  proposed  by 
the  honourable  gentleman,  and  hoped  to  induce  the  house,  rather 
to  declare  that  they  had  considered  the  causes  of  jealousy,  and 
that  they  were  contained  in  his  original  motion  for  a  declaration 
of  rights,  which  he  would  then  move  as  an  amendment  to  the 
address.  He  said  he  had  nothing  to  add,  but  to  admire  by  what 
steady  virtue,  the  people  had  asserted  their  own  rights.  He  was 
not  very  old,  and  yet  he  remembered  Ireland  a  child.  He  had 
watched  her  growth;  from  infancy  she  grew  to  arms;  from  arms 
to  liberty.  She  was  not  now  afraid  of  the  French ;  she  was  not 
now  afraid  of  the  English;  she  was  not  now  afraid  of  herself. 
Her  sons  were  no  longer  an  arbitrary  gentry;  a  ruined  common- 
alty ;  Protestants  oppressing  Catholics ;  Catholics  groaning  under 
oppression:  but  she  was  now  an  united  land. 

This  house  agreeing  with  the  voice  of  the  nation,  passed  the 
popery  bill,  and  by  so  doing  got  more  than  it  gave,  yet  found  ad- 
vantages from  generosity^,  and  grew  rich  in  the  very  act  of  charity. 
Ye  gave  not,  but  ye  formed  an  alliance  between  the  Protestant 
and  the  Catholic  powers,  for  the  security  of  Ireland.  What  sig- 
nifies it,  that  three  hundred  men  in  the  House  of  Commons : 
what  signifies  it  that  one  hundred  men  in  the  House  of  Peers 
assert  their  country's  liberty,  if  unsupported  by  the  people?  But 
there  is  not  a  man  in  Ireland  ;  there  is  not  a  grand  jury ;  there  is 
not  an  association ;  there  is  not  a  corps  of  volimteers ;  there  is 
not  a  meeting  of  their  delegates,  which  does  not  maintain  the  in- 
dependence of  the  Irish  constitution,  and  pledge  themselves  to 
support  the  parliament  in  fixing  that  constitution  on  its  rightful 
basis.  Gentlemen  will  perceive,  that  I  allude  to  the  transaction 
at  Dungannon:  not  long  ago  the  meeting  at  Dungannon  was  con- 
sidered as  a  very  alarming  measure,  but  I  thought  otherwise ;  I 


30O  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

approved  of  it,  and  considered  the  meeting  of  Dungannon  as  ub 
original  transaction.  As  such  only  it  was  matter  of  surprise. 
What  more  extraordinary  transaction  than  the  attainment  of 
Magna  Charta?  It  was  not  attained  in  parliament,  but  by  the 
barons,  armed,  and  in  the  field.  A  great  original  transaction  is 
not  founded  in  precedent,  it  contains  in  itself  both  reason  and 
precedent;  the  revolution  had  no  precedent. 

In  this  country  every  man  has  his  sh^u'e  in  the  government; 
and  in  order  to  act  or  speak,  they  must  confer.  Now,  did  not 
necessity  compel  them  to  act?  Did  not  necessity  compel  them 
to  speak?  And  will  not  their  resolutions  tend  to  restore  the 
rights  of  their  country  ?  They  resolve,  "  that  a  claim  of  any  body 
"  of  men,  other  than  the  King,  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ireland,  to 
"  make  laws  to  bind  this  kingdom,  is  unconstitutional  and  a 
"  grievance." 

Is  there  any  man  who  will  deny  it,  for  what  were  volunteer 
associations  formed,  but  for  the  maintenance  of  the  lav/  ?  What 
is  Poynings'  law,  and  the  unconstitutional  power  of  the  Irish  or 
English  privy  council,  but  a  grievance?  What  is  a  perpetual 
mutiny  bill,  but  a  grievance  ?  Is  there  any  man  who  will  deny  it, 
or  say  that  we  have  not  cause  to  complain  of  this  execrated  stat- 
ute? And  if  you  feel  the  injury,  the  people  are  ready  to  support 
you.  They  protest  against  an  independent  army ;  against  a  de- 
pendent legislature ;  against  the  abomination  of  a  foreign  legisla- 
ture ;  against  the  assumed  authority  of  council,  they  were  more 
constitutional  than  more  formal  assemblies ;  they  have  protested 
only  against  what  parliament  ought  to  redress ;  and  pray,  sir,  have 
not  the  constituents  a  right  to  inform  their  representatives?  If 
England  wishes  well  to  Ireland,  she  has  nothing  to  fear  from  her 
strength.  The  volunteers  of  Ireland  would  die  in  support  of 
England,  This  nation  is  connected  with  England,  not  by  allegi- 
ance only,  but  by  liberty.  The  crown  is  one  great  point  of  union, 
but  Magna  Charta  is  a  greater.  We  could  get  a  king  any  where, 
but  England  is  the  only  country  from  which  we  could  get  a  con- 
stitution. We  are  not  united  with  England,  as  Judge  Blackstone 
has  foolishly  said,  by  conquest,  but  by  charter.  Ireland  has  British 
privileges,  and  is  by  them  connected  with  Britain:  both  countries 
are  united  in  liberty.  This  being  the  decided  sense  of  the  na- 
tion, the  men  who  endeavoured  to  make  our  connexion  with 
England  quadrate  with  this  sense,  are  friends  to  England.  We 
are  friends  to  England  on  perfect  political  equality.  This  house 
of  parliament  knows  no  superior;  the  men  of  Ireland  acknow- 
ledge no  superiors ;  they  have  claimed  laws  under  the  constitu- 
tion, and  the  independence  of  parliament  under  every  law  of  God 
and  man.  He  then  spoke  upon  the  appellant  jurisdiction  of  the 
House  of  Lords ;  and  he  thought  that  in  order  to  eradicate  every 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  SOI 

cause  of  jealousy,  the  final  judicature  should  reside  in  the  peers 
of  Ireland. 

He  again  returned  to  the  mutiny  bill  and  Poynings'  law,  which 
he  condemned  in  the  most  forcible  manner.  He  said,  that  he 
wished  to  become  the  decided  friend  of  the  Duke  of  Portland, 
for  removing  every  cause  of  complaint  from  Ireland,  and  that  these 
were  the  terms  on  which  he  was  ready  to  support  his  govern- 
ment: 

A  repeal  of  the  6th  of  George  I.  including  a  restoration  of  the 
appellant  jurisdiction  to  the  lords  of  Ireland. 

An  abolition  of  the  unconstitutional  power  of  privy  councils. 

And  a  repeal  of  the  mutiny  bill. 

A  judge's  bill  he  refrained  from  mentioning,  as  he  had  heard 
it  was  returned. 

"  I  cannot  imagine  (continued  he)  that  the  present  ministers  of 
England  will  oppose  those  rights  of  the  Irish  nation ;  they  have 
been  for  many  years  advocates  for  the  liberties  of  England  and 
of  the  colonies ;  it  was  the  great  rule  of  their  opposition,  and  it  is 
impossible  that  men  who  are  ready  to  grant  independence  to 
America,  can  oppose  the  independence  of  Ireland." 

Mr.  Grattan  then  moved,  which  was  resolved  Nem,  Con, 

"  That  an  humble  address  should  be  presented  to  his  majesty, 
"  to  return  his  majesty  the  thanks  of  that  house  for  his  most 
*'  gracious  message. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty  of  their  "unshaken  attachment  to  his 
"  majesty's  person  and  government,  and  of  their  lively  sense  of  his 
"  paternal  care,  in  thus  taking  the  lead  to  administer  content  to 
*'  his  subjects. 

"  That  thus  encouraged  by  his  royal  interposition,  they  should 
"  beg  leave,  with  all  duty  and  affection,  to  lay  before  his  majesty 
"  the  cause  of  their  discontents  and  jealousies.  To  assure  his 
"  majesty,  that  his  subjects  of  Ireland  were  a  free  people ;  that 
"  the  crown  of  Ireland  was  an  imperial  crown,  inseparably  an- 
"  nexed  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  on  which  connexion  the 
"  interests  and  happiness  of  both  nations  essentially  depended: 
''  but  that  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  was  a  distinct  kingdom,  with  a 
"  parliament  of  her  own,  the  sole  legislature  thereof;  that  there 
"  was  no  bodv  of  men  competent  to  make  laws  to  bind  this 
"  nation  except  the  King,  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ireland ;  nor 
"  any  other  parliament,  which  had  any  authority  or  power,  of 
"  any  sort  whatsoever,  in  that  country,  save  only  the  parliament 
*'  of  Ireland.  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  they  humbly  conceived 
"  that  in  that  right  the  very  essence  of  their  liberties  existed :  a 
"  right  which,  on  the  part  of  all  the  people  of  Ireland,  they  claim- 
"  ed  as  their  birth-right,  and  which  they  could  not  yield  up  but 
"  with  their  lives.     To  assure  his  majesty,  that  they  had  seen 


20t  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"with  concern  certain  claims  advanced  by  the  parliament  of 
"  Great  Britain,  in  an  act,  entitled  An  Act  for  the  better  securing 
*'  the  Dependency  of  Ireland;  an  act  containing  matter  entirely 
"  irreconcileable  to  the  fundamental  rights  of  that  nation.  That 
*'  they  conceived  that  act,  and  the  claims  it  advanced,  to  be 
*'  the  great  and  principal  cause  of  the  discontents  and  jealousies 
*'  in  that  kingdom.  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  his  majesty's 
''  commons  oi  Ireland  did  most  sincerely  wish,  that  all  the  bills 
"  which  became  law  in  Ireland,  should  receive  the  approbation  of 
*'  his  majesty  under  the  great  seal  of  Great  Britain  ;  but  that  yet 
''  they  considered  the  practice  of  suppressing  their  bills  in  the 
*'  council  of  Ireland,  or  altering  the  same  any  where,  to  be  ano- 
*'  ther  just  cause  ot  discontent  and  jealousy.  To  assure  his  ma- 
"  jest}',  that  an  act,  entitled  An  Act  for  the  better  Accommodation 
*■'•  of  his  Majestifs  Forces^  being  unlimited  in  duration,  and  dcfect- 
"  ive  in  other  instances,  but  passed  in  that  shape  from  the  parti- 
"  cular  circumstances  of  the  times,  was  another  just  cause  or  dis- 
"  content  and  jealousy  in  that  kingdom.  That  they  had  submit- 
"  ted  these  the  principle  causes  oi:  the  present  discontent  and  jea* 
"  lousy  of  Ireland,  and  remain  in  humble  expectation  of  redress. 
"  That  they  had  the  greatest  reliance  on  his  majesty's  wisdom^. 
"  the  most  sanguine  expectations  from  his  viituous  choice  of  a 
'^  chief  governor,  and  great  confidence  in  the  wise,  auspicious, 
"  and  constitutional  councils,  which  they  sav/,  with  satisfaction, 
"  his  majesty  had  adopted.  That  they  had,  moreover,  a  high 
"  sense  and  veneration  for  the  British  character,  and  did  there- 
"  fore  conceive,  that  the  proceedings  of  that  countr}',  founded  as 
"  they  were  in  right,  and  tempered  by  duty,  must  have  excited 
*'  the  approbation  and  esteem,  instead  of  wounding  the  pride  of 
"  the  British  nation.  And  they  begged  leave  to  assure  his  ma- 
*'  jesty,  that  they  were  the  more  confirmed  in  this  hope,  inasmuch 
"  as  the  people  of  that  kingdom  had  never  expressed  a  desire  to 
"  share  the  freedom  of  England,  without  declaring  a  determina- 
"  tion  to  share  her  fate  likewise,  standing  and  falling  with  the 
"  British  nation." 

Although  the  short  space  of  six  weeks  had  scarcely  elapsed 
since  the  House  of  Commons  had  triumphantly  boasted  of  their 
steady  adherence  to  the  dictates  of  the  Castle  in  rejecting  every 
effort  of  the  patriots  to  attain  that  constitutional  liberty  which 
they  had  been  labouring  at  for  years  ;  although  no  change  had 
taken  place  during  that  short  interval  in  the  internal  policy  or  sit- 
uation of  the  countr}',  unless  the  love  and  desire  of  liberty  wpre 
increased  by  resistance  ;  although  the  prevalence  of  example  in 
the  recognition  and  successful  establishment  of  American  inde- 
pendence iiad  added  to  the  enthusiasm  for  Irish  freedom,  the 
ductile  and  instantaneous  versatility  of  that  very  majority  in  sup- 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  3Ca 

porting  the  propositions  which  they  had  before  rejected,  is  a  politi- 
cal phsenomenon,  worthy  of  the  most  serious  observation.  All 
the  ministerial  members  of  independent  fortune  started  up  in  ra- 
pid succession  to  purify  their  past  conduct  by  disclaiming  the  in- 
fluence of  place  or  emolument :  the  chastest  motives  of  patriot- 
ism had  induced  them  hitherto  to  oppose  that  very  system,  on 
which  by  the  magic  of  new  appointments  they  now  discovered 
the  salvation  of  their  country  depended :  they  even  professed, 
that  they  held  and  believed  those  constitutional  questions  which 
they  had  so  steadily  and  uniformly  opposed  when  they  were  re- 
peatedly brought  forward  by  the  patriots.  On  the  delivery  of 
this  message,  and  after  Mr.  Giattan's  speech  to  the  house,  Mr. 
Fitzgibbon  defied  the  house  to  charge  him  with  ever  having  as- 
serted the  supreincicij  of  the  British  parliament ;  though  he  con- 
fessed he  had  voted  with  ministers  against  the  declaration  of  rights^ 
as  judging  it  then  improper  to  be  moved;  and  more  especially 
as  he  knew  Lord  Carlisle  was  then  labouring  with  his  utmost 
interest  and  influence  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  6th  of  Geo.  I. 
This  gentleman  spoke  the  language  of  his  friends,  and  boldly 
declared  in  the  house,*  that  as  the  nation  was  then  committed  to 
obtain  a  restoration  of  their  rights^  it  beho'oed  every  man  to  stand 
firm.  A  congratulatory-  address  to  the  Duke  of  Portland  was 
proposed  by  ]Mr.  O'Neil,  and  unanimously  voted ;  which  had  no 
sooner  passed,  than  Mr.  Fitzgibbon  observed,  that  as  the  sudden- 
ness of  Lord  Carlisle's  departure  had  rendered  it  impossible  to 
convey  to  him  the  opinion  entertained  of  his  administration  in  the 
way  of  address,  he  should  move  a  resolution  of  that  tendency  ;  f 
which  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Daly. 

•  1  Pari.  Debates,  p.  342. 

f  Lord  Cai'lisle  returned  thanks  to  the  speaker  of  the  House  of  ComiTions  in 
the  following  letter : 

"  SIR,  Dublin,  17th  April,  1782. 

"  I  have  received  your  letter,  communicating  a  vote  of  the  House  of  Com- 
♦'  mons,  acknowledging  in  terms  highly  flattering  to  me,  the  imiform  and  un- 
♦«  remitted  attentioTi  with  wliich  I  have  endeavoured  duriiig  my  administration, 
"  to  promote  the  welfare  ot  tliis  kingdom  :  I  request  \<,\i  to  offer  to  that  house, 
"  where  you  so  worthily  preside,  my  most  sincere  thanks,  for  this  mark  of 
'*  national  approbation.'  It  is  with  cordial  pleastire,  that  I  shall  ever  reflect  en 
♦'  the  fortunate  combination  of  circumstances,  if  by  them  I  have  been  enabled 
"  to  encourage  tlie  commercial  interests  of  the  kingdom,  to  promote  the  great 
•'  improvemi?nts  of  this  metropolis,  to  give  a  new  spring  to  the  public  credit, 
"  to  see  the  liberty  of  the  subject  secured  by  law,  to  add  weight  and  dignity  to 
*'  the  administration  of  justice,  conciliate  to  his  majesty's  government  every 
"  persuasion  and  description  of  men,  and  finally  to  mature  the  measures  of  unit- 
*'  ing  a  loyal  people  in  general  harmony  and  happiness.  Permit  me  to  offer 
*•'  you  my  best  thanks,  for  the  veiw  obliging  expressions  with  which  you  have 
"  accompanied  this  communication.     1  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 


3,04  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Mr.  O'Neil  said,  he  was  happy  in  paying  his  tribute  to  the 
late  lord  lieutenant :  he  had  acted  in  his  support,  he  admired  his 
character,  he  approved  his  government. 

Mr.  Grattan  could  not  agree  to  the  motion,  however  Lord 
Carlisle  might  be  respectable  in  character.  Many  of  his  measures 
he  had  disapproved  and  opposed ;  and  as  he  could  not  support 
the  motion  without  implying  an  approbation  of  the  government, 
he  felt  himself  bounden  to  resist  it ;  as  did  Mr.  Forbes  and  some 
other  members. 

Mr.  Toler,  Mr.  John  Beresford,  the  attorney  general,  Mr. 
Clements,  the  recorder,  Mr.  Gardiner,  the  provost,  and  most 
of  the  leading  members  of  the  late  administration,  spoke  in  the 
highest  strain  of  panegyric  upon  Lord  Carlisle's  administration ; 
and  the  resolution  was  carried  without  a  division,  there  being 
about  five  noes. 

The  first  division  which  took  place  in  the  commons  under  the 
administration  of  the  Duke  of  Portland,  was  on  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholic bills,  when  there  appeared  57  for  and  1 1  against  them.* 
On  the  4th  of  May,  1782,  the  house  adjourned  for  three  weeks, 
in  order  to  give  time  to  the  determination  of  the  British  ministry 
in  respect  to  the  claim  made  by  the  parliament  of  that  kingdom 
for  a  declaration  of  rights.  The  length  of  adjournment  was  ra- 
ther opposed  by  Mr.  Martin,  which  brought  on  an  interesting 
conversation,  in  which  Mr.  Fitzgibbon  and  Mr.  Scott,  the  at- 
torney general,  spoke  on  the  independent  rights  of  Ireland  with 
as  much  enthusiasm  as  the  highest  flying  patriot  under  the  late 
administration.  They  both  pointedly  reprobated  the  appellant 
jurisdiction  to  the  House  of  Lords  in  Great  Britain,  and  follow- 
ed Mr.  Grattan  in  calling  upon  their  countrymen  to  renounce  it 
for  ever.  It  is  but  justice  to  those  noble  patriots,  by  whose  per- 
severing and  undaunted  efforts  Ireland  regained  her  rights,  to 
hand  down  to  posterity  some  of  the  avowals  and  honourable  tes- 
timonials of  those  very  persons  who  marshalled  the  ranks,  who 
stimulated  the  spirit,  who  led  on  the  charge  of  their  opponents  in 
the  long  unavailing  struggle  for  liberty. 

Mr.  Fitzgibbon,  referring  to  his  former  declaration,  "  that  as 
he  had  been  cautious  in  committing  his  country,  so  now  that  it 
was  committed,  he  would  be  firm  in  supporting  its  rights  ;"  said, 
that  as  the  right  of  making  laws  to  bind  Ireland  lay  in  their  King, 
Lords,  and  Commons,  to  the  total  exclusion  of  all  foreign  inter- 
ference, it  was  idle  to  suppose  that  any  appeal  ought  to  lie  from 
the  law  courts  there :  and  the  attorney  general  said,  he  was  per- 
suaded, that  if  after  what  had  passed  and  been  pressed  by  so  many 
gentleman  of  consideration  and  distinction  he  should  remain  si- 

*  1  Pari.  Deb.  p.  35, 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  205 

lent,  there  was  not  a  man  in  that  house  who  would  not  attribute 
it  to  fear,  paltry  fear  of  losing  his  office  and  situation ;  he  had,  he 
confessed,  heretofore  protracted,  postponed,  palliated,  and  en- 
deavoured to  sooth  that  countr\'  from  declarations  or  acts  of  ex- 
tremity; his  sentiments  hid  been  much  misrepresented  to  his  dis- 
advantage ;  but  he  was  not  surprised  or  offended,  that  the  nation, 
eager  in  the  pursuit  of  a  great  and  favourite  object,  should  have 
considered  any  man  who  seemed  to  differ  from  them  in  senti- 
ment, as  an  object  of  detestation  and  resentment.  He  thought  it 
better,  that  every  object  of  those  British  laws  should  be  doomed 
to  destruction,  than  that  his  country  should  longer  even  be  sup- 
posed to  be  in  a  state  of  slavery;  he  therefore  called  the  attention 
of  the  house  to  bear  witness,  that  by  holding  a  mysterious  or  equi- 
vocal silence  longer  upon  the  subject  of  right,  he  should  do  equal 
injury  to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  He  did  conse- 
quenth',  as  a  lawyer,  a  faithful  servant  to  the  crown,  a  well-wisher 
to  both  countries,  and  an  honest  Irishman,  in  the  most  unqualified, 
unlimited,  and  explicit  manner,  declare  his  opinion,  that  Great 
Britain  had  no  right  whatsoever  to  bind  that  country  by  any  law; 
and  that  such  acts  as  had  been  passed  for  that  purpose  in  Great 
Britain,  were  founded  in  usurpation  or  the  necessity  and  confu- 
sion of  the  times ;  that  he  never  had  a  doubt  upon  the  question  of 
right,  though  from  motives  of  prudence  and  a  desire  of  peace,  he 
had  heretofore  thought  it  necessary  not  to  declare  any  opinion 
upon  the  question  of  right.  Their  conduct  during  the  present 
American  war,  entitles  them,  he  said,  to  more  than  they  asked. 
Another  event  which  had  lately  happened,  and  made  it  necessary 
for  him  to  speak  out,  was  Mr.  Wallace's  bill,  offering  freedom  to 
America.  This  act  operated  as  an  act  of  pains  and  penalties  to 
the  loyalty  of  Ireland;  for  if  America  be  declared  free,  and  Ire- 
land left  in  slavery,  no  man  of  either  spirit,  sentiment,  or  proper- 
ty, would  remain  in  the  country  an  hour  after  America  should 
have  been  declared  independent.  Ireland  would  become  the  ab- 
solute sink  of  the  universe,  the  only  part  of  the  British  dominions, 
which  could  not  boast  the  freedom  of  the  Bridsh  constitution. 
As  the  friend  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  he  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  express  these  sentiments  boldly;  for  if  in  his  situation  he 
were  longer  to  continue  siltnt,  it  might  be  thought  in  Great 
Britain,  that  there  was  yet  a  diversity  of  opinion  in  Ireland. 

The  situation  of  Ireland  was  now  fairly  brought  under  the  full 
consideration  of  his  majesty's  servants;*  and  the  necessary  con- 

•  We  are  informed  by  Lord  Clare  (Sp.  33)  that  on  tJie  6*h  of  Mav  the  Duke 
of  Portland  wrote  to  Lord  Shelburne,  ''recommending'  to  the  B  itish  cabinet 
**  concession  of  all  the  points  demanded  by  the  Irisli  addresses."  but  "  stating 
"  his  pei-fect  confidence  in  the  readiness  of  tlie  Irish  pailirment  to  co-opei  ate 
"  in  the  most  effectual  measu3'es  e'lrher  with  the  king's  confidential  servants,  or 
"  by  commissioners  to  be  appointed,  or  through  the  medium  of  the  chi^f  gov- 
VOL.  II.  q^q 


,30e  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sequence  of  it,  was  a  proper  sense  of  the  spirit,  strength,  and 
importance  of  Ireland,  and  of  the  necessity  of  a  cordial  co-opera- 
tion of  the  two  countries  for  the  prosperity  of  the  British  empire. 
By  accord  the  whole  powers  of  the  state  were  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  point  on  the  same  day  (17th  May,  1782)  in  the  houses  of 
both  parliaments.  The  Earl  of  Shelburne  (now  Marquis  of 
Lansdown)  in  the  British  House  of  Peers  moved  to  have  the 
king's  message,  the  addresses  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ire- 
land in  return  to  it,  and  the  6th  of  George  I.  for  the  better  secur- 
ing the  dependence  of  Ireland  on  the  crown  of  Great  Britain, 
read ;  and  when  they  had  been  read,  in  a  most  liberal,  instruc- 
tive, and  constitutional  speech,  he  displayed  the  powers  of  the 
accomplished  orator  and  statesman.  He  proposed  to  lay  before 
their  lordships  his  sentiments  without  the  least  reser\^e,  to  make 
a  full  discussion  of  one  of  the  most  important  subjects  that  ever 
came  before  them,  and  to  observe  in  that  stage  of  the  business 
that  same  open,  frank,  and  strict  conduct  v/hich  he  had  ever  ob- 
served in  his  communication  with  Ireland.  It  always  had  been, 
and  it  always  should  be  the  line  of  his  conduct,  to  act  openly  and 
without  disguise,  trusting  that  as  he  spoke  his  own  sentiments 
freely,  and  never  should  attempt  to  deceive  parliament,  other 
lords  would  express  theirs  with  as  little  reserve;  for  he  wished 
to  invite  an  open  discussion  of  great  national  questions.  Ireland 
had  demanded  by  the  papers  on  the  table,  four  things;  the  first 
and  the  most  essential  to  them  was  a  free  constitution,  which 
they  would  not  be  said  to  enjoy  while  they  were  subject  ta 
laws  not  made  with  their  own  consent.  But  this  had  long  been 
a  subject  of  complaint;  and  it  was  one  of  the  great  grievances 
required  to  be  redressed  by  every  part  of  the  Irish  in  the  war 
which  began  in  1640. 

The  claim  had  at  all  times  been  made,  and  now  that  Ireland 
was  united,  religious  disputes  all  composed,  growing  in  v.'ealth 
and  strength,  and  fast  improving  in  all  the  arts  of  peace,  it  was 
impolitic,  it  would  be  unjust,  and  he  believed  he  might  appeal  to 
their  lordships'  conviction,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  resist 
the  claim :  he  should  therefore  move  a  repeal  of  the  act  he  had 
desired  to  be  read,  which  would  give  quiet  and  satisfaction  to  the 

'*  ernor;  to  settle  the  precise  limits  of  the  independence  which  was  required, 
*'  the  consideration  which  sliould  be  given  for  the  protection  expected,  and  the 
*'  proportion  which  it  would  be  proper  for  tliem  to  contribute  towards  the 
'*  general  support  of  the  empire;  in  pursuance  of  the  declaration  contained  in 
*'  the  concluding-  paragraph  of  their  own  address.  The  regulation  of  the  trade 
*'  woidd  make  a  very  necessary  article  of  the  treaty."  This  communication 
was  made  by  tlie  Duke  of  Poi'tland  before  the  claims  of  Ireland  were  brought 
into  discussion  in  the  Britisli  parliament:  and  plainly  on  the  faith  of  this  repre- 
sentation made  to  the  Britisli  cabinet,  of  the  readiness  on  the  part  of  Ireland  ta 
settle  every  question  of  imperial  policy  or  regulation  which  might  thereaftc? 
arise,  the  subject  of  the  Irish  claims  was  brought  on  in  the  British  parliament. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  sor 

minds  of  the  Irish,  and  leave  no  cause  to  check  the  affection  and 
zeal  they  felt  for  this  country,  whose  fate  they  had  declared  them- 
selves willing  to  share.  There  was  in  this  act  another  matter, 
the  judicature  of  the  lords,  which  he  was  aware  would  be  thought 
by  some  to  be  distinct  from  the  legislature.  It  happened,  that 
the  two  subjects  were  clearly  connected  in  the  act  he  had  moved 
to  repeal ;  the  history  of  which  he  fully  went  into. 

That  was  all  he  meant  to  propose,  as  matter  of  parliamentary 
decision;  but  there  were  other  points  for  the  executive  power, 
which  he  did  not  mean  to  dissemble,  for  in  all  affairs  he  desired 
to  be  plain,  open,  and  direct.  Ihe  condition  of  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment was  singularly  clogged  by  ancient  statutes,  framed  for  the 
times,  and  which,  though  softened  by  practice,  were  still  a  great 
check  to  their  freedom.  Their  lordships  would  see  he  meant 
Poynings'  law;  of  the  vmreasonableness  and  inconveniency  of 
which  he  spoke  very  fully.  The  people  of  Ireland  wished  to  be 
relieved  from  it,  and  either  by  a  repeal,  or  a  modification,  he 
thought  it  was  sound  wisdom  to  comply  with  their  desires.  The 
perpetuity  of  the  mutiny  act  was  another  subject  of  complaint,  in 
which  he  thought,  as  it  was  a  matter  of  internal  regulation,  it  was 
just  to  comply  with  the  desire  of  Ireland,  that  there  should  be  no 
distinction  between  that  country  and  Great  Britain.  He  conclud- 
ed with  expressing  his  strong  reliance  on  the  affection  and  grati- 
tude, which  such  fair  and  liberal  concessions  would  excite,  and 
strenuously  urged  the  necessity  of  union  at  that  moment  with  our 
sister  kingdom,  and  that  she  might  be  made  to  feel  in  the  language 
of  our  holy  prayers,  that  our  service  is  perfect  freedom. 

He  concluded  with  reading  two  motions : 

First,  ''  That  it  was  the  opinion  of  that  house,  that  the  act  of 
''  the  6th  of  George  I.  entitled  An  Act  for  tlie  better  securing  the 
"  dependency  of  Ireland  upon  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain^  ought  to 
"  be  repealed." 

Second,  "  That  it  was  the  opinion  of  that  house,  that  it  was 
"  indispensable  to  the  interests  and  happiness  of  both  kingdoms, 
"  that  the  connexion  between  them  should  be  established  by  mu- 
"  tual  consent,  upon  a  solid  and  permanent  footing,  and  that  an 
"  humble  address  should  be  presented  to  his  mpvjest}^,  that  his 
'*  majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  take  such  measures  as 
"  his  majesty  in  his  royal  wisdom  should  think  most  conducive 
''  to  that  important  end." 

When  he  had  moved  the  second. 

The  Earl  of  Carlisle,  in  an  elegant  speech,  expressed  his  appro- 
bation of  the  motions.  He  bore  ample  testimony  to  the  zeal  and 
loyalty  of  the  Irish,  and  particularly  stated  the  honourable  conduct 
of  the  volunteers,  and  the  liberal  offers  made  of  their  service, 
when  Ireland  was  threatened  with  an  attack.     He  said,  that  had 


308  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

he  been  more  persuaded  than  he  was,  that  Ireland  had  ever  relin- 
quished its  right  of  free  legislation,  which  he  knew  they  neither 
had,  nor  could  give  up,  he  should  still  have  thought  it  wise  to 
accede  to  their  claim  ;  because  he  knew,  that  from  the  gratitude 
and  affection  of  the  country,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  parliament, 
much  more  advantage  would  arise  to  this  country,  than  bv  main- 
taining any  offensive  and  ill-founded  pretensions  to  control  over 
them. 

Lord  Camdt  n,  Lord  Ashburton,  the  Dukes  of  Richmond  and 
Chancios,  and  indeed  the  whole  House  of  Peers  eagtrlv  assented 
to  Lord  Shelburnc's  motions,  except  Lord  Loughborough  (now 
Earl  of  Roselyn)  who  tenaciouslv  opposed  them.  ;  and  he  alone 
prevented  them  irom  passing  Neynine  Coiitradicente,  *Cn  the 
same  day  the  House  of  Commons  resolved  itself  into  a  com- 
mittee upon  the  Irish  addresses,  when  Mr.  Fox,  with  his  usual 
liberality,  candour,  and  power,  said,  he  would  speak  as  plainly^  as 
roundly,  and  intelligibly  as  he  could.  He  considered  the  same 
four  pomts,  to  which  Lord  Shelburne  had  confined  the  demands 
of  Ireland,  and  spoke  minutely  to  each :  and  first,  on  the  6th  of 
Geo.  i.  it  had  alwa)  s  been  his  opinion  out  of  ofiice,  that  it  was 
downright  tyranny  to  make  laws  for  the  internal  government  of 
a  people,  who  were  not  represented  among  those  by  whom  such 
laws  were  made.  This  was  an  opinion  so  founded  in  justice, 
reason,  and  equity,  that  in  no  situation  had  he,  or  would  he  ever 
depart  from  it.  Ireland  had  reason  to  spurn  at  the  power  of  ex- 
ternal legislation,  because  it  had  been  hitherto  employed  for  the 
purpose  only  of  oppressing  and  distressing  her.  Had  Ireland 
never  been  made  to  feel  this  power  as  a  curse,  she  never  woulcj 
have  complained  of  it ;  fatally  for  this  country,  the  power  of  ex- 
ternal legislation  had  been  employed  against  Ireland  as  an  instru- 
liient  of  oppression,  to  establish  an  impolitic  monopoly  m  trade  j 
to  enrich  one  country  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  When  the 
Irish  first  complained  of  this  monopoly,  about  four  years  ago,  and 
asked  as  favours  what  they  might  have  claimed  as  a  right,  they 
w^ere  opposed  in  that  house,  and  their  demands,  which  were  no 
less  modest  than  just,  were  disregarded.  i  he  demands  were  re- 
jected, when  the  then  first  confidential  servant  of  the  crown  came 
down  to  vote  against  them  ;  the  influence  of  the  minister  was 
exerted  perhaps  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  a  few  votes  on 
other  occasions,  and  the  rights  and  distresses  of  Ireland  were 
consigned  to  oblivion. 

It  was  his  intention  not  to  pursue  the  footsteps  of  his  predeces- 
sors ;  and  therefore  he  would  agree  to  the  demands  of  th<-  Irish, 
relative  to  the  6th  of  Geo.  I.  not  because  he  was  intimidated,  and 

*  7  Pari.  Deb.  p.  106. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  ^09 

afraid  to  oppose  them  ;  but  because  he  believed  them  to  be  found- 
ed in  justice  ;  for  his  part  he  had  rather  see  Ireland  totally  sepa- 
rated from  the  crown  of  England,  than  kept  in  obedience  only  by 
force  ;  unwilling  subjects  were  little  better  than  enemies  ;  it  would 
be  better  not  to  have  subjects  at  all,  than  to   have  such  as  would 
be  continually  on  the  watch,  to  seize  the  opportunity  of  making 
themselves  free.    If  this  country  should  attempt  to  coerce  Ireland, 
and  succeed  in  the  attempt,  the  consequence  would  be,  that,  at 
the  breaking  out  of  <■  very  v/ar  with  any  foreign  power,  the  first 
step  must  be  to   send   troops  over  to  secure  Ireland,   instead  of 
calling  upon  her  to  give  a  willing  support  to  the    common  cause. 
As  the  people  of  Ireland   had  one    and  all  declared,   that  they 
would  not  execute  or  obey  any  order  of  any  English  tribunal,  it 
would  therefore  be  nugatory  and  absurd  to  maintain  the  appellant 
jurisdiction  to  Great  Britain  ;  and  consequentl}-  it  would  be  bet- 
ter to  give  it  up  with  a  good  grace,  than  to  keep  it  as  a  bone  of 
contention  between  the  two  countries.     He  came  next  to  tne  mo- 
dification of  the  law  of  ^Poynings',  which  he  was  free  to  confess 
appeared  to  him  improper  :  and  therefore  he  could  have  no  ob- 
jection to  advise  his  majesty  to  consent  to  the  modification,  that 
they   required  of  that  lav/ ;  but  he  was  convinced,   that  like  the 
6th  of  Geo.  I.  this  power  of  altering  might  have  still  remained,  if 
an  improper  use  had  not  been  made  of  it ;  but  to  his  knowledge 
it  had  been  gi'ossly  abused ;  in  one   instance  in  particular,  a  bill 
had  been  sent  over  to  England  two  years  ago,  granting,  and  very 
wisely  and  very  justly  granting,  indulgencies  to  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics ;  in  that  same  bill  there  was  a  clause  in  favour  of  the  Dis- 
senters for  repealing  the  sacramental  test ;  this  clause  was  struck 
out,  contrary   in  his  opinion,  to   sound  policy,  as  the    alteration 
tended  to  make  an  improper  discrimination  between  two  descrip- 
tions of  men,  which  did  not  tend  to  the  union  of  the  people.     It 
was  by  such  conduct,  that  the  Irish  were  driven  to  pronounce  the 
interference  of  the  English  privy  council  in  altering  their  bills,  a 
grievance,  though  in  his  opinion,  the  power  would  never  have 
been  complained  of,  if  it  had  never  been  abused.     He  came  lastly 
to  the  mutiny  bill,  and  he  freely  confessed,  that  it  was  no  matter 
of  surprise,  that  the  Irish  should  object  to  a  clause  which  gave  a 
perpetual  establishment  to  a  military  force  in  their  country  ;  and 
so  hostile  did  he  deem  such  a  clause  to  the  constitution  of  Eng- 
land as  well  as  of  Ireland,  that  if  the  Irish  had  never  mentioned 
this  law  among  their  grievances,  he  would  have  held  it  to  be  his 
duty,  as  an  Englishman,  to  have  recommended  the  repeal  of  it. 
Ireland  had  spoken  out,  and  clearly  and  plainly  stated  what  she 
wanted  ;  he  would  be   as  open  with  her,   and  though  he  might 
perhaps  have  been  better  pleased,  if  the  mode  of  asking  had  been 
different,  still  he  would  meet  her  upon  her  own  terms,  and  give 


310  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

her  every  thing  she  wanted,  in  the  way  which  she  herself  wished 
for  it.  She  therefore  could  have  no  reason  to  complain  j  the 
terms  acceded  to  by  England,  were  proposed  by  herself ;  the 
manner  of  redress  had  been  prescribed  by  herself,  and  all  her 
wishes  would  now  be  gratified  in  the  way  which  she  herself  liked 
best :  but  as  it  was  possible,  that  if  nothing  more  was  to  be  done 
than  what  he  had  stated  to  be  his  intention,  Ireland  might  per- 
haps think  of  fresh  grievances,  and  rise  yearly  in  her  demands  ; 
it  was  fit  and  proper  that  something  should  be  now  done  towards 
establishing,  on  a  firm  and  solid  basis,  the  future  connexion  of  the 
two  kingdoms.  But  that  was  not  to  be  proposed  by  him  in  par- 
liament ;  it  would  be  the  duty  of  the  crown  to  look  to  that ;  the 
business  might  be  first  begun  by  his  majesty's  servants  in  Ireland  ; 
and  if  afterwards  it  should  be  necessary  to  enter  into  a  treaty, 
commissioners  might  be  sent  from  the  British  parliament,  or  from 
the  crown,  to  enter  upon  it,  and  bring  the  negociation  to  a  happy 
issue,  by  giving  mutual  satisfaction  to  both  countries,  and  estab- 
lishing a  treaty  which  should  be  sanctified  by  the  most  solemn 
forms  of  the  constitutions  of  both  countries.  He  entertained  no 
gloomy  thoughts  with  respect  to  Ireland  :  he  had  not  a  doubt  but 
she  would  be  satisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  England  was 
about  to  comply  with  her  demands ;  and  that  in  affection,  as  well 
as  in  interest,  they  would  be  but  one  people.  If  any  man  enter- 
tained gloomy  ideas,  he  desired  him  to  look  at  the  concluding 
paragraph  of  the  Irish  addresses,  where  he  would  find,  that  the 
Irish  people  and  parliament  were  filled  with  the  most  earnest  de- 
sire to  support  England,  to  have  the  same  enemy  and  the  same 
friend  ;  in  a  word,  to  stand  or  fall  with  England.  He  desired 
gentlemen  to  look  forward  to  that  happy  period,  when  Ireland 
should  experience  the  blessings  that  attend  freedom  of  trade  and. 
constitution ;  when,  by  the  richness  and  fertility  of  her  soil,  the 
industry  of  her  manufacturers,  and  the  increase  of  her  population, 
she  should  become  a  powerful  country  :  then  might  England  look 
for  powerful  assistance  in  seamen  to  man  her  fleets,  and  soldiers 
to  fight  her  battles.  England  renouncing  all  right  to  legislate  for 
Ireland,  the  latter  would  most  cordially  support  the  former  as  a 
friend,  whom  she  loved ;  if  this  country  on  the  other  hand,  were 
to  assume  the  power  of  making  laws  for  Ireland,  she  must  only 
make  an  enemy  instead  of  a  friend  ;  for  where  there  is  not  a  com- 
munity of  interests,  and  a  mutual  regard  for  those  interests,  there 
the  party,  whose  interests  are  sacrificed,  becomes  an  enemy. 
The  intestine  divisions  of  Ireland  were  no  more ;  the  religious 
prejudices  of  former  ages  were  forgotten,  and  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics being  restored  to  the  rights  of  men  and  citizens,  would  be- 
come an  accession  of  strength  and  wealth  to  the  empire  at  large, 
instead  of  being  a  burthen  to  the   land  that  bore  them.      The 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  311 

Dissenters  had  tasted  of  the  liberality  of  the  legislature,  and  now 
in  common  with  their  Roman  Catholic  brethren  would  enjoy  that 
happy  toleration,  which  does  not  confer  more  happiness  on  those 
who  are  the  objects  of  it,  than  it  does  honour  to  those  who  estab- 
lish it.  / 

Upon  the  whole  he  was  convinced,  that  the  Irish  desired 
nothing  more  ardently  than  proper  grounds  for  being  most  cor- 
dially united  to  England ;  and  he  was  sure,  that  they  would  be 
attached  to  this  country,  even  to  bigotry.  Of  the  volunteers,  he 
must  speak  respectfully  :  they  had  acted  with  temper  and  moder- 
ation, notwithstanding  their  steadiness :  and  he  must  injustice  to 
them,  and  to  his  own  principles,  declare,  that  they  had  not  done 
a  single  act,  for  which  they  had  not  his  veneration  and  respect ; 
and  whatever  blame  there  might  be  discovered  in  the  course  of 
the  business,  he  did  not  impute  a  particle  of  it  to  Ireland,  but 
laid  it  all  at  the  door  of  the  late  administration.  He  concluded 
by  moving,  "  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee,  that  the  act 
"  of  the  6th  of  George  I.  entitled  An  Act  for  better  securing  the 
"  dependence  of  Ireland  on  the  crozvn  of  Great  Britain^  ought  to  be 
"  repealed."  He  just  observed,  that  this  would  be  a  pledge  to 
the  Irish  of  the  sincerity  of  his  majesty's  ministers  to  deal  fairly 
and  openly  with  Ireland,  through  the  whole  of  this  important 
business.  Mr.  T.  Pitt,  and  several  other  gendemen  who  had 
before  taken  a  part  against  Ireland,  spoke  in  support  of  the  mo- 
tion :  even  Mr.  Eden  was  forward  in  supporting  it.  The  ques- 
tion was  carried  unanimously. 

Mr.  Fox  then  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  repealing 
the  6th  of  George  I.  and  then,  that  an  address  should  be  present- 
ed to  his  majesty,  praying,  that  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
take  such  steps  as  should  tend  to  render  the  connexion  between 
the  two  kingdoms  solid  and  permanent.  And  lastly,  that  it  was 
the  opinion  of  the  committee,  that  the  interests  of  the  two  king- 
doms were  inseparable,  and  that  their  connexion  ought  to  be 
founded  on  a  solid  and  permanent  basis  ;  which  motions  and  re- 
solution were  unanimously  agreed  to. 

In  the  meanwhile,  a  correspondence  between  the  members  of 
the  two  countries  was  kept  up.  A  letter  was  written  on  the  20th 
of  May,  1782,  by  the  Duke  of  Pordand,  to  Mr.  Fox,  in  answer 
to  a  despatch  received  from  him.  "•  I  should  be  very  glad  to  hear 
"  that  Lord  Charlemont  was  inclined  to  accede  to  any  part,  or 
"  even  to  the  idea  of  such  a  plan  as  you  have  communicated  to 
"  me  ;  I  should  think  it  a  material  step  to  that  situation,  in  which 
"  it  is  the  clear  interest  of  both  kingdoms  to  be  placed,  being  con- 
"  vinced,  that  what  is  most  Hkc  union,  is  the  most  probable  bond 
^'  of  connexion  to  restore  and  perpetuate  the  harmony  and  pros- 
''  perity  of  the  two  countries."     The  Marquis  of  Rockingham 


S12  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

wrote  about  the  same  time  to  the  same  effect.  His  letter  is  dated 
the  25th  of  iMay :  '^  The  essential  points  on  the  part  of  Ireland 
''  now  acceded  to,  will,  I  trust,  establish  a  perfect  cordiality  be- 
''  tween  the  two  countries :  and  as  there  cannot  now  exist  any 
''  ground  of  contest  or  jealousy  between  them  on  matters  of  rights 
"  the  only  object  left  for  both  will  be,  how  finally  to  arrange,  settle, 
"  and  adjust  all  matters,whereby  the  union  of  po^k^er,  strength,  and 
"  mutual  and  reciprocal  adv^antage  will  be  best  permanently  fixed. 
''  I  observe,  in  Lord  Shelburne's  letter  to  your  grace  of  the  18th 
"  of  May,  he  states  more  reluctance  to  the  idea  of  commission- 
"  ers  than  1  should  judge  to  be  the  general  opinion  of  his  majes- 
"  ty's  servants  ;  the  measure  may  be  doubtful ;  but  if  approved 
"  by  the  leading  gentlemen  of  Ireland,  might  be  productive  of 
^  much  good." 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1782,  the  parliament  of  Ireland  met  ac- 
cording to  adjournment,  when  his  grace  the  Duke  of  Portland 
made  the  following  speech  from  the  throne  :* 

"  MY  LORDS   AND   GENTLEMEN, 

'•^  It  gives  me  the  utmost  satisfaction,  that  the  first 
*^'  time  I  have  occasion  to  address  you,  I  find  myself  enabled,  by 
"  the  magnanimity  of  the  king,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  parliament 
"  of  Great  Britain,  to  assure  you,  that  immediate  attention  has 
"  been  paid  to  your  representations  ;  and  that  the  British  legisla- 
''  ture  have  concurred  in  a  resolution  to  remove  the  causes  of 
''  vour  discontents  and  jealousies,  and  are  united  in  a  desire  to 
"  gratify  every  wish  expressed  in  your  late  addresses  to  the 
"  throne. 

"  If  any  thing  could  add  to  the  pleasure  I  feel  in  giving  you 
"  these  assurances,  it  is,  that  I  can  accompany  them  with  my 
'^  congratulations  on  the  important  and  decisive  victory  gained 
"  by  the  fleets  of  his  majesty,  over  those  of  our  common  enemy 
^'  in  the  West  Indies,  and  on  the  signal  advantage  obtained  by 
"  his  majesty's  arms  in  the  island  of  Ceylon,  and  on  the  coast  of 
"  Coromandel. 

"  By  the  papers,  which  in  obedience  to  his  majesty's  com- 
"  mands,  I  have  directed  to  be  laid  before  you,  you  will  receive 
"  the  most  convincing  testimony  of  the  cordial  reception,  which 
"^our  representations  have  met  with  from  the  legislature  of 
"  Great  Britain ;  but  his  majesty,  whose  first  and  most  earnest 
"  wish,  is  to  exercise  his  royal  prerogative  in  such  a  manner  as 
"  may  be  most  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  all  his  faithful  sub- 
"  jects,  has  further  given  me  in  command,  to  assure  you  of  his 
"  gracious  disposition  to  give  his  royal  assent  to  acts  to  prevent 
"  the  suppression  of  bills  in  the  privy  council  of  this  kingdom, 

*  Par!.  Debate?,  p.  o55. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  313 

^*  and  the  alteration  of  them  any  where  ;  and  to  limit  the  duration 
*'  of  the  act  for  the  better  regulation  and  accommodation  of  his 
"  majesty's  forces  in  this  kingdom  to  the  term  of  two  years 

"  These  benevolent  intentions  of  his  majesty,  and  the  willing- 
'*  ness  of  his  parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  second  his  gracious 
''  purposes,  are  unaccompanied  by  any  stipulation  or  condition 
f  whatever.  The  good  faith,  the  generosity,  the  honour  of  this 
"  nation,  afford  them  the  surest  pledge  of  a  corresponding  dispo- 
"  sition  on  your  part  to  promote  and  perpetuate  the  harmony, 
**  the  stability,  and  the  glory  of  the  empire. 

*'  On  my  own  part  1  entertain  not  the  least  doubt,  but  that  the 
"  same  spirit  which  urged  you  to  share  the  freedom  of  Great 
"  Britain,  will  confirm  you  in  your  determination  to  share  her 
"  fate  also,  standing  and  falling  v/ith  the  British  nation." 

After  the  speech  was  read,  Mr.  Grattan  called  the  attention  of 
the  house  to  a  subject  of  the  highest  importance,  and  then  spoke 
as  follows  :* — ''  I  should  desert  every  principle  upon  which  I 
"  moved  the  former  address,  (requiring  a  restoration  of  the  rights 
''  of  Ireland)  did  I  not  bear  testimony  of  the  candid  and  unquali- 
**  ficd  manner  in  which  that  address  has  been  answered  by  the  lord 
''  lieutenant's  speech  of  this  day.  I  understand  that  Great  Britain 
*'  gives  up  in  toto  every  claim  to  authority  over  Ireland.  I  have  not 
*^  the  least  idea,  that  in  repealing  the  6th  of  George  I.  Great  Britain 
•*  should  be  bounden  to  make  any  declaration,  that  she  had  form- 
"  erly  usurped  a  power.  No,  this  would  be  a  foolish  caution ;  a  dis- 
"  honourable  condition.  The  nation  that  insists  upon  the  humilia- 
"  tion  of  another,  is  a  foolish  nation.  Ireland  is  not  a  foolish  nation. 
''  Another  part  of  great  magnanimity  in  the  conduct  of  Britain  is, 
"  that  every  thing  is  given  up  unconditionally.  This  must  for 
"  ever  remove  suspicion.  On  former  occasions,  when  little  acts  of 
"  relief  were  done  for  Ireland,  it  was  premised,  that  it  was  expe- 
*'  dient  to  do  them ;  no  such  word  is  now  made  use  of.  Never 
"  did  a  British  minister  support  such  honourable  claims  on  such 
"  constitutional  arguments.  With  respect  to  the  writ  of  error, 
"  though  not  mentioned  in  our  address,  he  took  it  up  in  the  most 
"  effectual  way  ;  and  indeed  the  whole  tenour  of  his  conduct  to- 
"  wards  us  has  been  most  generous  and  sincere  j  we  had  one 
*^  advantage,  he  entertained  an  opinion,  that  Ireland  was  not  in- 
"  satiable,  though  it  had  been  asserted,  that  Ireland  was  insatia- 
"  ble.  But  we  are  bound  to  prove  the  falsehood  of  that  asser- 
*'  tion  ;  for  as  the  nation  was  pledged  to  itself  to  obtain  a  restora- 
"  tion  of  her  rights ;  so  now  that  her  rights  are  restored  liberally 
*'  and  unconditionally,  she  is  pledged  to  Great  Britain,  who,  by 
"  acceding  to  our  claims,  has  put  an  end  to  all  future  questions. 

*  1  Pail.  Debates,  p.  855. 
VOL.    II.  R  Y 


314  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  have  now  recovered  a  constitution,  and  our  business  is  nor. 
to  advance,  but  to  maintain  it.  Ireland  will  maniiest  as  much 
magnanimity  in  the  moderation,  by  which  she  maintains  her 
constitution,  as  by  the  exerdons,  through  which  it  has  been 
recovered.  The  unanimity  with  which  the  British  House  of 
Commons  acceded  to  our  claims,  must  for  ever  do  them  hon- 
our ;  and  the  single  negative  in  the  Lords,  wuiist  it  in  no  wise 
diminishes  their  praise,  has  its  use ;  it  serves  to  discover,  and 
for  ever  to  exclude  from  trust  or  confidence  in  either  nation, 
the  man,  who  could  not  only  oppose  the  interest  and  happiness 
of  both,  but  also  tht  ardent  wishes  and  desires  oi  his  sovereign 
to  make  his  people  happy.  We  ought  not  to  forget  the  able 
support  given  by  those  persons  who  composed  the  late  admin- 
istration of  Ireland ;  it  must  be  highly  agreeable  to  those  who 
compose  the  present. 

*'  The  things  so  graciously  offered  by  our  sovereign,  are,  the 
modification  of  Poynings'  law ;  and  not  only  the  abridgment  of 
the  mutinv  bill,  in  point  of  duration,  but  the  forming  u  on  the 
model  of  the  English  mutiny  bill,  and  prefacing  it  with  a  de- 
claration of  rights. 

"  As  Great  Britain  and  her  ministers  have  unconditionally 
agreed  to  the  demands  of  the  Irish,  I  think  the  spirit  oi  ihe 
nation  is  called  upon  to  make  an  un<  onditional  grant  to  Eng- 
land. 71ie  sea  is  the  element  to  which  nature  points,  as  the 
scene  of  British  glorN' ;  it  is  there  we  can  most  effectually  assist 
her.  Twenty  thousand  seamen  v/ould  be  a  noble  support ;  and 
we,  who  have  been  squandering  the  public  money  in  ail  the 
waste  of  blind  extravagance,  cannot  surely  now  deem  100,000/. 
too  large  a  sum,  when  applied  to  the  common  defence  of  the 
empire  :  the  sum  is  trifling,  but  the  assistance  of  -^0,000  Irish- 
men would  be  great ;  and  gentlemen  will  now,  when  they  retire 
to  their  different  counties,  have  a  full  opportunity  in  assisting 
to  raise  those  men,  and  of  manifesting  their  zeal  for  the  common 
cause  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  'I  here  are  also  other  means 
of  support  in  our  power  to  give  to  Britain,  though  they  cannot 
immediately  be  entered  upon.  1  his  country  is  most  happily 
situated  for  the  construction  of  docks,  and  the  rendezvous  of 
shipping  ;  whatever  expense  might  be  incurred  by  such  neces- 
sarv  works,  would  be  repaid  by  the  expenditure  of  the  money 
amongst  ourselves,  and  might  be  supported  by  a  prudent  and 
economical  management  ot  the  public  revenues,  in  the  savings 
of  the  army,  and  in  every  different  class  of  extraordinaries. 
An  expense  of  17/.  per  cent,  in  the  collection  of  the  revenue, 
camiot  be  justified  ;  the  commissioners  will  now  see,  that  money- 
is  to  be  paid  for  labour,  not  for  prostitution  ;  therefore  let  us 
now  enter,  heart  and  hand,  into  the  great  work  of  reformation^ 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  315 

*^  by  giving  our  support  to  that  ministry  which  has  rescued  this 
"  country  from  oppression,  and  will  rescue  it  from  corruption. 
"  On  this  principle  I  shall  move  you  an  address,  devoid  ot  all 
''  that  iulsome  paneg}  ric  so  commonly  offered  to  his  majesty ; 
*'  for  1  think  that  truth  will  be  the  highest  compliment  to  him.'* 

Mr.  Grattan  then  moved, 

"  To  assure  his  majesty  of  our  unfeigTied  affection  to  his  royal 
*'  person  and  government ;  that  we  feel  most  sensibly  the  atten- 
"  tion,  which  our  representatives  have  received  from  the  magnani- 
"  mity  of  his  majesty,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  parliament  ol  Great 
*'  Britain. 

"  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  we  conceive  the  resolution  for  an 
^'  unqualified,  unconditional  repeal  of  the  6th  of  George  I.  to  be  a 
*''  measure  of  consummate  wisdom  and  justice,  suitable  to  the 
"  dignity  and  eminence  of  both  nations,  exalting  the  character 
"  of  both,  and  furnishing  a  perpetual  pledge  of  mutual  amity. 

'*"  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  we  are  sensibly  affected  by  his 
"  virtuous  determination  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  his  faithful 
''  people,  and  to  exercise  his  royal  prerogative  in  a  manner  most 
"•'  conducive  to  their  welfare  ;  and  accordingly  we  shall  imme- 
*'  diately  prepare  bills,  to  carry  into  execution  the  desires  of  his 
"  majesty's  people,  and  his  own  most  benevolent  purposes. 

"  rhat  gratified  in  those  particulars,  we  do  assure  his  majesty, 
"  that  no  constitutional  question  between  the  two  nations  will  any 
*'  longer  exist,  which  can  interrupt  their  harmony ;  and  that  Great 
"  Britain,  as  she  has  approved  of  our  firmness,  so  may  she  rely 
"  on  our  affection.  That  we  remember,  and  do  repeat  our  de- 
"  termination,  to  stand  and  fall  with  the  British  nation. 

"  That  we  perceive  witii  pleasure  the  magnanimity  of  his  ma- 
*'  jesty,  to  disdain  the  little  policy  of  making  a  bargain  with  his 
"  people ;  and  feeling  with  pride  the  confidence  he  reposes  in  the 
''  good  faith,  generosity,  and  honour  ot  the  Irish  nation,  we  an- 
"  swer  with  all  humilit) ,  that  his  majesty  entertains  a  just  sense 
*'  oi  our  character.  Common  interest,  perpetual  connexion,  the 
"  recent  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  a  native  affection  to  the  British 
''  name  and  nation,  together  with  the  constitution,  which  we  have 
"  recovered,  and  the  high  reputation  which  we  possess,  must  ever 
"  decide  the  wishes  as  well  as  the  interest  of  Ireland,  to  perpetu- 
"  ate  the  harmony,  stability,  and  glory  of  the  empire.  Accord- 
"  ingly,  we  assure  his  majesty,  that  we  learn  with  singular  satis- 
"  faction  the  account  of  his  brilliant  successes  in  the  East  and 
"  West  Indies,  gratified  at  one  and  the  sameinstant  in  our  dear- 
"  est  wishes,  the  freedom  of  Ireland,  and  glory  of  Great  Britain. 

"  That  we  cannot  omit  expressing  our  gratitude  to  his  majesty, 
"  for  appointing  the  Duke  of  Portland  to  the  government  of  this 
*'  kingdom. 


815  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  That  we  are  convinced  his  representations  were  faithful,  vigor" 
"  oas,  and  beneficial.  We  are  acquainted  with  his  character; 
"  and  reiving  on  his  upright  and  frugal  administration,  make  no 
"  doubt  but  a  free  people,  and  uncorrupt  parliament,  will  unite  to 
"  give  a  constitutional  chief  governor  decided  support. 

'-'•  That  we  have  presumed  to  lay  before  his  majesty  our  genu- 
"  ine  sentiments  on  the  change  of  our  situation.  His  majesty 
"  will  receive  them  as  the  voluntary  unstipulated  tribute  of  a  free 
"  and  gratelul  people." 

Mr.  Brownlow  expressed  his  extraordinary  satisfaction  in 
seconding  the  motion.  Both  nations  were  now  one  people  united 
by  every  tie,  enjoying  in  common  the  same  liberty,  the  same  con- 
stitution, and  the  same  sovereign.  He  had  heard  several  addresses 
moved  for  in  that  house,  and  he  might  safely  add,  not  one  of  which 
conveyed  truth:  but  that  address  spoke  the  sincere  language  of 
the  nation,  where  Protestant,  Roman  Catholic,  all  religions  press- 
ed forward  with  gratitude  in  the  present  moment  to  hail  the  na- 
tion's acquisition  of  a  constitution.  Almost  the  whole  house  rose 
successively  to  make  public  profession  of  their  joy  and  gratitude 
on  the  happy  event.  Two  gentlemen  only  differed  upon  the  pro- 
priety of  the  following  words  in  the  address,  viz.  That  there  will 
no  longer  exist  any  constitutional  question  between  the  two  nations, 
that  can  disturb  their  mutual  tranquillity.  The  house  divided  upon 
the  words  objected  to;  when  there  were  for  the  address  as  it 
stood  211,  and  the  noes  were  the  two  tellers,  the  RecoYder  and 
Mr.  Waish.* 


*  Although  these  two  gentlemen  only  ont  of  the  whole  House  of  Commons 
ifi  Ii-eland  were  of  opinion,  that  any  constitutional  question  between  the  two 
iiati'ns  was  still  outstanding-;  yet  Lord  Clare,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  trans- 
actions of  1782  between  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  were  not  considered  as  final, 
tells  VIS,  that  on  the  6th  of  June  tlie  Duke  of  Portland  thus  wrote  to  LordShel- 
burne;  •'  I  have  the  best  reason  to  hope  that  I  shall  soon  be  enabled  to  trans- 
*'  mit  to  you  the  sketch  or  outUnes  of  an  act  of  parliament  to  be  adopted  by  the 
*'  leg-islatures  of  the  respective  kingdoms,  by  which  the  superintending-  power 
**  and  supremacy  of  Great  Britain,  in  all  matters  of  state  and  general  commerce, 
"  will  be  virtually  and  effectually  acknowledged  ;  that  a  share  of  the  expense 
"  in  carrying  on  a  defensive  or  offensive  war,  either  In  support  of  our  own  do- 
*'  minions,  or  those  of  our  alUes,  shall  be  borne  by  Ireland  in  proportion  to  the 
**  actual  state  of  her  abilities,  and  that  slie  will  adopt  every  such  regulation  as 
**  may  be  judged  necessary  by  Great  Britain  for  the  better  ordering  and  secur- 
**  ingher  trade  and  commerce  with  f)reign  nations,  or  her  own  colonies  and  de- 
^'  pendencies,  consideration  being  duly  had  to  the  circumstances  of  Ireland.  I 

"  am  Mattered  with  the  most  positive  assurances  from and of  their 

"  support  in  carrying  such  a  bill  through  both  houses  of  parliament,  and  I 
*'  think  it  most  advisable  to  bring  it  to  perfection  at  the  present  moment."  And 
he  happened  to  know  from  an  official  quarter,  that  the  sketch  of  such  an  act  of 
parliament  was  then  drawn.  He  knew  the  gentleman  who  framed  it,  and  he 
knew  from  the  same  quarter,  that  blank  and  blank  and  blank  and  blank  did  un- 
equivocally signify  their  approbation  of  it.  This  communication  Avas  received 
with  the  satisfaction  which  it  demanded  bv  the  British  cabinet.     On  the  9th 


OF  THE   STATE  OF  IRELAND.  317 

No  sooner  had  this  motion  been  disposed  of,  than  Mr.  Bage- 
nal,^  a  man  of  sterling  sense  and  independence  both  of  mind  and 

of  June  Lord  Shelburne  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Portland  in  answer  to  his  last  des- 
patch :  "  The  contents  of  your  grace's  letter  of  the  eth  inst.  are  too  important 
"  to  hesitate  about  detauilng  the  messenger,  whilst  I  assure  your  grace  of  the 
"  satisfaction,  v/hich  I  know  your  letter  will  g-ive  tlie  king.  I  liave  lived  in  the 
'*  most  anxious  expectation  of  some  such  measure  offering  itself :  nothing  pre- 
*'  vented  my  pressing  it  in  this  despatcli,  except  having  repeatedly  stated  the  just 
**  expectations  of  this  country,  I  was  appreher.sive  of  giving  that  the  air  of  de- 
"  mand,  whicli  would  be  better  left  to  a  voluntary  spiritof  justice  and  foresight, 
"  No  matter  who  has  the  merit,  let  tne  twcy  kingdoms  be  one,  wliich  can  only 
*'  be'by  Ireland  now  acknowledging  the  superintending  poMer  and  supremacy 
*'  to  be  where  nature  has  placed  it,  in  precise  and  unambiguous  terms.  I  am 
**  sure  1  need  not  inculcate  to  your  grace  the  importance  of  words  m  an  act, 
"  which  must  decide  on  the  happiness  of  ages,  paiticularly  in  what  regards  con- 
**  tribution  and  trade,  subjects  most  likely  to  come  into  frequent  question." 

This  bright  prospect  of  peace  and  liappiness  was  however  very  soon  cloud- 
ed; for  on  the  22d  of  June  tlie  Duke  of  Portland  wrote  to  Lord  Shelburne: 
"  The  disappointment  and  mortification  I  suffer  by  the  unexpected  change  in 
"  those  dispositions,  whicii  had  authorised  me  to  entertain  tlie  hopes  I  had  per- 
*'  haps  too  sanguinely  expressed  in  my  letter  of  the  6ih  inst.  must  not  prevent  me 
"  from  acquainting  you,  that  for  the  present  these  expectations  must  be  given 
"  up:  I  trust  and  am  inclined  to  flatter  myself  the}-  are  only  suspended,  and 
*'  that  they  will  be  revived  when  tlie  temper  of  this  country  has  recovered  its 
•'  tone,  and  required  that  degree  of  composure,  which  must  give  it  the  firmness 
*'  necessary  for  effectuating  so  wise  and  salutary  a  measure  Ey  the  accounts 
"  of  the  events  of  these  three  o"  four  days,  and  by  the  timidity  and  jealousy  of 
"  the  first  people  in  this  country,  it  is  clear  that  any  injudicious  or  offensive 
*'  measure  may  be  prevented,  but  that  any  attempt  to  conciliate  the  minds  of 
"  this  nation  to  any  such  measvn-e  as  I  intimated  tlie  hope  of,  would  at  this 
*'  moment  be  delusive  ami  impossible  " 

*  His  speech  was  as  follows  :  1  Pari  Deb.  p.  371.  "  I  beg  leave  to  con- 
'*  gratulate  this  country.  We  have  at  lastg-ot  the  freedom  which  all  the  world 
"  should  have  :  it  is  our  birth-right;  but  in  our  meridian  there  is  no  life  with- 
*'  out  it;  oiu"  existence  now^  begins,  and  will  depend  upon  what  use  we  make  of 
"  the  population  and  wealth  that  will  result  from  the  advantages  of  a  free  con- 
*'  stitution. 

"  I  will  beg  leave  to  congratulate  England:  instead  of  a  nominal,  or  a  repug- 
nant <lependent,  she  has  now  a  powerful  faithful  ally,  one  that  she  can  never 
"  exist  without. 

*'  I  will  beg  leave  to  congratulate  his  majesty :  he  lias  conciliated  three 
*'  millions  of  such  subjects  as  must  make  him  happy ;  men  willing  to  be  loyal, 
*'  as  they  are  determined  to  be  free 

*'  I  will  congratulate  his^,  ministers  also :  they  may  now  depend  upon  such 
*'  support  as  they  ought  always  to  look  for.  And  to  whom  does  the  empire 
♦•  owe  all  this  ?  To  a  man  principally,  who  is  resolved  to  take  no  rew  aixl  from 
*'  governmenc.  I  will  not  pretend  to  say  he  was  wrong,  though  I  know  that 
"  such  merit  ought  to  be  distinguished  in  every  manner  possible.  Shall  every 
*'  body  have  what  they  ought  to  have,  except  him  ah)ne,  to  whom  every  indi- 
*'  vidual  in  this  empire  is  so  much  indebted,  and  by  whose  example  every  indi- 
•'  vidual  in  the  universe  may  be  so  much  benefited?  He  has  saved  this  empire 
"  from  an  iron  age,  and  has  restored  an  unequivocal  golden  one.  By  our  affec- 
*'  tionate  alliance  with  England  we  shall  not  only  be  beneHted  ourselves,  bu^ 
"  shall  see  a  beloved  sister  revive,  without  any  painful  repining,  or  apprehen- 
*'  sions  for  her  prosperity. 

'*  la  these  happy  circumstances,  in  which  he  has  placed  us  (though  I  honour 
'*  every  private  compliment  as  I  may  call  those  that  I  see  paid  to  our  illustrious 


318  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fortune,  a  steady  and  trae  patriot,  and  whose  genius  like  his  coun- 
try owed  more  to  nature  than  to  art  or  cultivation,  rose,  and  after 
congratulating  his  country.  Great  Britain,  his  majesty,  and  his 
ministers,  for  having  obtained  the  greatest  of  all  political  bless- 
ings, he  caUed  upon  the  house  to  confer  some  signal  mark  of  a 
great  and  grateiul  nation  upon  their  illustrious  benefactor  Mr. 
Grattan,  whose  efforts  in  procuring  them  these  blessings  had  been 
timed  and  conducted  with  so  much  wisdom  ;  and  considering 
this  great  and  good  man  as  the  father  of  his  regenerated  country, 
he  further  called  upon  them  to  look  upon  him  as  the  special  in- 

"  benefactor  j  I  believe  there  is  no  man  that  would  not  blush  to  think  that  a 
*'  Grattan's  child  might  point  at  a  statue  or  monument,  that  has  often  been  dedi- 
'*  cated  to  slender  or  problematical  merit,  and  say,  that  was  my  father's,  your 
"  benefactor's  onlv  reward.  I  have  therefore  a  motion  to  make  you,  which 
*'  inig-ht  appear  like  presumption  in  me,  as  it  is  of  S)  much  importance  to  the 
**  glory  and  interests  of  tliis  king-dom,  if  I  could  suppose  that  any  member  of 
"  the  British  empire  could  g-ive  it  a  negative  :  the  purport  of  it  is,  that  we 
"  should  take  into  consideration  what  sum  we  should  grant  for  the  purpose  of 
"  purciiasing  a  seat,  and  btiiiding  a  suitable  mansion  for  our  great  benefactor, 
*'  in  testimony  of  our  gratitude  for  thc^  unequalled  services  that  he  has  doiie  for 
*'  this  kingdom.  Were  we  to  omit  this,  or  should  we  do  it  in  a  mannei-  unsuit- 
"  able  to  the  situation  he  has  raised  us  to,  we  should  be\ery  ungrateful  indeed, 
"  and  never  might  we  expect,  that  a  blessing  could  attend  it 

"  It  must  be  needless  to  say  any  thing  in  favour  of  such  ameasure,  or  I  would 
*'  not  dare  to  be  the  mover  of  it.  I  will  only  add,  that  as  he  has  left  nothing 
*'  undone  tliat  is  material  to  the  pros|)erity  of  this  kingdom,  it  can  vio  mtn-e  lay 
•'  a  precedent  for  h'lrtfnl  gran.s  of  the  same  nature  here,  than  Blenheim  did 
'*  in  Great  Britain. 

"  Far  be  it  frijiii  me  to  compare  even  the  services  of  Marlborough  to  those 
**  for  which  we  stand  intlebted;  we  have  no  deductions  to  make  from  our  gra- 
"  titude  :  without  protj-a  ting,  or  any  public  expense,  his  efforts  have  been 
"  timed  and  conducted  with  so  much  wisd'jm,  and  the  appearance  of  such  a 
"  being  on  earth  was  s>  essential  to  the  establishment  of  liberty  at  this  most 
"  critical  juncture,  that  withoin  superstition,  men  may  well  record  him  amongst 
**  the  most  propitious  interpositioiis  of  Heaven. 

"  He  Uas  crovvned  his  work,  and  under  his  auspices  the  throne  of  freedom 
**  is  fixed  upon  so  certain  a  basis,  and  will  probablv  be  alwa\  s  so  well  supported 
"  by  the  due  influence  die  public  are  likely  to  acquire  under  his  system,  that 
"  with  the  blessing- of  God,  there  is  no  danger  -of  parliament  itself  ever  being 
"  able  to  shake  it  ;  nor  shall  parliament  I  trust,  ever  again  be  profanely  styled 
*' omn. potent.  I  am  conscious  I  must  have  anticipated  men  infnitely  better 
*«  qualiiied  to  bring  such  a  measure  forward ;  one  excuse  1  have  ;  for  it  is  not 
*'  the  impatient  wish,  that  evt  ry  body  must  have  to  see  such  a  character  ex- 
'*  alted  ;  not  any  little  vanity  to  d.stinguish  myself;  but  as  I  never  had  any  pri- 
*'  vate  acquaintance,  nor  private  conversation  with  our  great  benefactor,  I 
♦'  thought  it  migi.t  come  as  well  from  one  from  whom  he  could  net  ha\e  any 
**  claim,  as  from  the  most  distinguished  personage,  that  he  is  intimate  with. 

•'  Virtue,  to  be  sure  is  its  own  reward;  and  we  kn(  w  that  our  generous  be- 
•*  nefactor  is  in  his  own  sphere  of  happiness,  content.  But  shall  we  be  content 
*'  without  doing  our  duly  ?  shall  we  be  ungrateful  ?  God  forbid  ! 

"  Gratitude  seems  to  be  a  virtue  peculiarly  adapteil  to  nations  that  have 
**  received  such  benetits  as  ours.  It  is  often  neglected  by  individuals,  because 
"  it  is  often  out  of  their  power  to  be  as  g:^atefulas  they  wish  ;  we,  I  trust,  shall 
"  never  have  such  another  opportunity  of  exercising  ours.  God  forbid  we 
"  should  let  it  slip.'' 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  319 

strument  which  benign  providence  had  used  to  convert  the  op- 
pression and  bondage  of  their  country  into  freedom  and  indtpen- 
dence.  He  therefore  gave  notice,  that  on  the  moirow,  after  the 
grant  to  his  majesty  should  have  been  settled,  and  a  proper 
thanksgiving  offered  to  Heaven  for  the  recovery  of  their  rights, 
he  would  move,  that  the  house  should  resolve  itself  into  a  com- 
mittee to  take  inio  consideration  what  sum  they  should  grant  for 
the  purchasing  an  estate,  and  building  a  suitable  mansion  for 
their  illustrious  benefactor  Henry  Grattan,  Esq.  and  his  heirs  for 
ever,  in  testimony  of  their  gratitude  for  the  unequalkd  service 
he  had  done  for  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  :  which  was  afterwards 
fixed  at  the  sum  of  50,000/.*  in  the  committee,  which  resolution 
the  house  unanimously  agreed  to,  and  resolved,  that  an  address 
should  be  presented  to  the  lord  lieutenant,  that  he  w^ould  be 
pleased  to  lay  belore  his  majesty,  the  humble  desire  of  that  house, 
that  he  would  direct  that  sum  to  be  laid  out  in  the  purchase  of 
lands  in  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  to  be  settled  on  Henrv  Grattan, 
Esq.  and  his  heirs,  in  testimony  of  the  gratitude  of  that  nation 
for  his  eminent  and  unequalled  services  to  that  kingdom,  and  that 
the  house  would  make  good  the  same. 

Now  for  the  first  time  might  it  be  truly  said  did  the  Castle 
speak  the  real,  genuine,  undisguised  language  of  the  Irish  people  : 
such  was  happily  to  be  read  in  the  proclamation  issued  by  the 
lord  lieutenant  in  consequence  of  the  address  of  the  commons  on 
the  29th  of  May,  1782,  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  order  a  proc- 
lamation to  be  issued  lor  appointing  a  day  of  general  thanks- 
giving throughout  this  nati  n,  to  return  thanks  to  the  Almighty 
God,  tor  the  many  blessings  bestowed  on  the  kingdoms  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  particularly  for  that  union,  harmony,  and 
cordial  affection,  v.hich  had  been  happilv  brought  about  between 
these  two  kingdoms,  whose  interests  were  inseparably  the  same  ; 
by  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  his  majesty  und  his  councils  in  form- 
ing and  re-establishing  tht  ir  mutual  rights,  by  which  the  strength, 
honour,  happmess,  and  glory  of  the  whole  empire  were  greatly 
augmented  ;  and  lor  the  providential  and  great  success  ot  his  ma- 
jesty's arms  against  their  natural  enemies,  which  they  trusted 
would  tend  to  bring  about  a  happy,  stable,  and  lasting  general 
peace  to  these  kingdoms. 

Thus  publicly  and  universally  were  expressed  the  joy  and  con- 
gratulation of  the  nation:  and  for  the  moment,  happiness  pervad- 
ed every  corner  of  the  kingdom.  But  it  appears,  as  if  it  had  been 
written  in  the  book  of  fate,  that  the  felicity  of  Ireland,  v>'hilst  in- 
dependent and  separate  from  Great  Britain,  should  be  short  lived, 
precarious,  and  unstable.       Ere  the  rejoicings  of  the  people  were 

*  Viz.  on  2rth  May,  1782.  9  Journ.  Com.  p.  357- 


320  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

concluded,  the  demon  of  discord  was  bus.y  in  sowing  discontent, 
jealousy,  and  envy  both  within  and  without  the  parliament.  The 
two  great  rival  orators,  Messrs.  Grattan  and  Flood,  who  appeared 
equally  bent  and  determined  upon  acquiring  and  secunng  the 
civil  freedom  of  their  country,  had  different  pleas  of  merit  for 
their  conduct:  Mr.  Flood  had  for  seven  years  enjoyed  one  of 
the  most  lucrative  offices  under  government,  which  he  sacrificed 
to  his  patriotism  in  the  present  hour:  Mr.  Grattan  never  had 
been  in  place,  and  now  that  he  might  have  come  in,  through  his 
patriotism  he  declined  it.  But  the  honourable  tribute  of  grati- 
tude shewn  to  Mr.  Grattan  by  the  vote  and  address  of  the  com- 
mons appears  to  have  been  productive  of  jealousy  and  resentment 
in  the  breast  of  Mr.  Flood  and  some  few  of  his  most  intimate 
friends  and  admirers,  which  in  some  degree  tarnished  the  lustre 
and  defiled  the  purity  of  his  most  patriotic  efforts. 

The  grounds  of  this  unfortunate  jealousy  fully  appeared  within 
three  days  after  Mr.  Bagenal's  motion  in  favour  of  Mr.  Grattan, 
when  Mr.  '^Montgomery  (of  Donegal)  called  the  attention  of  the 
house  to  an  honourable  gentleman,  the  best,  the  most  able,  the 
most  indefatigable,  the  most  sincere,  that  had  ever  sacrificed 
private  interest  to  the  advantage  of  his  country.  After  such  a 
description,  he  said,  he  need  not  name  Mr.  Flood,  who  had  re- 
linquished the  most  lucrative  office  of  the  state,  rather  than  de- 
sert the  constitution  of  Ireland :  and  as  he  knew  the  present  ad- 
ministration intended  to  raise  its  glory  by  acting  on  the  most 
liberal  principles  of  freedom,  he  gave  notice,  that  he  did  intend 
to  move  for  an  address  to  his  majesty,  that  he  would  be  graciously 
pleased  to  restore  the  right  hon.  Henry  Flood  to  the  office  he 
lately  held,  and  in  this  he  hoped  for  the  concurrence  of  the  minis- 
ter. He  v/ould  not,  he  said,  move  for  any  pecuniary  reward,  as 
he  knew  the  right  hon.  gentleman  in  question  v/as  above  re- 
ceiving any  alms  from  his  country.  He  was  called  upon  to  name 
a  day. 

Colonel  Fitzpatrick  observed,  that  the  place  of  Mr.  Flood  was 
no  longer  vacant:  when  Mr.  Blontgomery  replied,  that  it  was 
filled  by  Sir  George  Yonge,  whose  ill  offices  to  Ireland  might 
possibly  at  some  time  be  properly  rev/arded.  Mr.  Walsh  strong- 
ly supported  the  motion  in  favour  of  Mr.  Flood ;  and  they  were 
both  illiberally  abusive  of  Sir  George  Yonge,  whose  character  was 
v/armly  defended  by  Sir  Henry  Cavendish.  Colonel  Fitzpatrick 
maintained  the  impropriety  of  breaking  in  upon  the  discretionary 
ex<ircise  of  the  prerogative  ;  and  suggested,  that  if  the  gentleman 
meant  to  persist  in  his  intention,  the  regular  method  v/ould  be  to 


1  P?rl.  Deb.  p,  381.  en  30lh  May,  1782. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  321 

move  first  for  an  address  to  remove  Sir  George  Yonge  from 
his  employment.* 

When  the  house  was  in  a  committee  on  the  bill  for  the  modi- 
fication of  Poynings'  law  on  the  6th  of  June,  Mr.  Yelverton  re- 
marked, that  as  the  bill  then  stood,  the  privy  council  were  obliged 
to  certify  all  bills  which  originated  in  parliament,  and  no  other, 
without  any  alteration;  which  Mr.  Flood  contended  was  not 
perfectly  adequate  to  the  idea  entertained  by  the  nation,  or  what 
seemed  necessary  to  do  justice  to  the  constitution.  They  ought 
either  to  declare  against  all  usurpation,  or  by  an  effectual  repeal 
to  annihilate  those  pretensions  in  future.  It  was  the  general 
opinion  that  this  act  took  away  the  power  of  originating  bills,  and 
gave  it  to  the  privy  council.  I'hat  should  certainly  be  repealed, 
for  he  did  not  see,  by  any  effect  in  the  present  bill,  but  the  privy 
council  might  recall  this  power  under  a  corrupt  ministry,  and  it 
was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  breed  of  the  Straffords  in  political 
principles,  was  yet  extinct:  and  an  arbitrary  government  might 
at  some  future  period  take  advantage  of  the  negligence  of  the 
present  hour.  He  understoocl,  and  the  nation  understood,  that 
all  they  aimed  at  was  a  similar  constitution  with  England,  but 
the  bill  by  implication  cut  them  off  from  that  benefit.  He  under- 
stood it  to  be  the  constitution  of  the  land,  that  the  whole  business 
of  legislation  was  to  be  done  in  public ;  but  there  was  no  provi- 
sion made  by  this  bill,  which  could  prevent  the  smothering  of 
bills,  or  explain  the  reasons  of  a  silent  negative, 

Mr.  Yelverton  said,  that  the  right  hon.  gentleman  most  cer- 
tainly agreed  in  principle  with  him,  and  they  differed  only  in 
mode.  Their  sentiments  were  the  same.  He  conlessed  the  bill 
did  not  entirely  restore  what  the  constitution  of  England  enjoy- 
ed, but  circumstanced  as  Ireland  was,  it  was  the  best  calculated 
that  could  be  devised.  The  features  of  the  two  kingdoms  were 
not  exactly  alike ;  some  little  differenre  might  be  discovered  in 
the  traits,  but  they  were  actually  and  in  fact  the  same.  To  re- 
store the  constitution  of  Ireland  as  it  once  stood,  would  in  a  great 
measure  be  restoring  tumult  and  disorder,  and  going  back  to  the 
necessity  of  laws,  when  a  lord  lieutenant  had  the  same  power  as 
the  king,  made  peace  and  war,  and  exercised  all  the  privileges  of 
sovereignty.     History  furnished  instances,  when  in  the  disputes 

*  To  this  Mr.  Montgomery  observed,  that  if  the  crown  had  been  misinform- 
ed, and  led  to  bestow  an  honourable  emploxment  u])on  an  unworthy  oliject,  it 
would  be  rig-ht  to  undeceiAC  it,  aod  address  the  king-  to  bestow  it  on  one  that 
was  deserving  of  it.  And  on  tlie  1st  of  June  lie  decUired  that  Mr.  Flood  knew 
nothing  of  his  application,  or  he  would  not  have  permitted  it  to  have  been  m^de: 
but,  altl\ough  he  should  defer  h  s  motion,  he  still  peisisted  ihi.t  it  was  most 
disgraceful  in  the  late  administ:  at'on  ti-  riispiace,  and  in  the  firesent  to  permit 
a  geiuleman  to  suff(-r  ihc  1  jss  '>f  3500/.  per  ann.  for  his  attachment  to  the  con- 
stitution and  interests  of  his  country. 

VOL.  II.  S  S 


S22  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  houses  of  York  ^nd  Lancastt  r,  two  lord  lieutenants  and 
two  parliaments  were  in  this  kingdom,  one  arraigning  and  con- 
demning the  acts  of  the  other.  The\  should  consider  in  how  liber- 
al and  unqualified  a  manner  they  had  received  that  constitution. 

The  king  sent  a  message  to  his  parliament  in  Ireland,  to  know 
what  was  the  cause  and  nature  of  thtir  discontents:  they  pointed 
out,  in  answer,  three  things :  first,  they  demanded  a  renunciation 
of  binding  that  kingdom  bv-  Enghsh  laws,  (and  probably  the  work 
was  efftcted,  while  he  was  yet  speaking;)  secondly,  the  modifica- 
tion of  Po}nings'  law,  by  cutting  off  the  power  of  the  privy  coun- 
cils of  either  kingdoms  to  alter  their  ht  ads  of  bills ;  and  thirdly, 
an  abridgment  ol  the  duration  oi  the  mutiny  bill. 

In  consequence  thereof  both  houses  of  the  British  parliament 
passed  a  resolution  consenting  to  the  repeal  of  every  law  '  which 
comprehended  them  as  hitherto  bounden.  And  the  question  which 
then  remained,  was,  whether  the  bill  thtn  under  consideration 
were  comprehensive  enough  to  meet  the  general  w  ish.  1  hey 
had  overturned  the  power  of  the  privy  council;  and  it  only  re- 
mained to  know  whether  bills  should  come  back,  to  notify  to 
parliament  the 'royal  dissent.  The  manner  of  giving  the  royal 
dissent  in  England,  was  a  gentle  denial.  Bills  were  never  ex- 
pressly negatived ;  but  the  king  said,  he  had  the  bill  under  con- 
sideration. He  thought  the  sending  such  bills  over  was  a  suffi- 
cient notification  of  dissent.  It  was  certainly  fairer  to  infer  that 
a  bill  was  under  consideration  than  to  receive  an  express  nega- 
tive. 

Some  few  members  supported  Mr.  Flood ;  but  the  decided 
majority  of  the  house  appearing  to  be  for  Mr.  Yelverton's  bill  as 
it  stood,  the  question  v/as  put  and  carried  without  a  division. 

On  the  next  day,  v.hen  the  engrossed  bill  for  the  repeal  of  part 
of  Poynings'  law  was  read,  Mr.  Walsh  returned  to  the  objections 
made  on  the  da}  before,  A\'hi';h  brought  on  a  debate,  in  which  Mr. 
Flood  spoke  v/ith  unusual  eloquence  and  energ},  and  moved'^an 

*  The  proposed  amendment  was,  to  insert  after  the  word  Whereas,  the  fol- 
lowing- words  :....*'  doubts  have  arisen  on  the  co:ustruction  of  the  law  commonly 
"  called  Poyning-s',  and  of  the  third  and  fourth  of  Philij)  and  Mary,  explanatory 
"  thereof:  Be  it  enacted  by  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  by  and  with 
"  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons,  in 
"  this  present  parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  that  the 
"  said  law  of  Poynings',  and  the  said  third  and  fourth  of  Philip  and  Mary,  be 
«*  and  stand  repealed,  save  only  as  follows:  that  is  to  say.  Be  it  enacted,  that 
"  no  parliament  shall  be  holden  in  this  kingdom  until  a  license  for  that  purpose 
"  be  had  and  o'  tained  from  his  majest}-,  Ins  heirs  and  successors,  under  the 
"  great  seal  of  Great  Britain  ;  And  that  all  bills,  considerations,  causes,  ordi- 
"  nances,  tenours  and  provisions,  of  either,  or  both  houses  of  parliament,  shall 
*'  be  of  right  certified  to  his  majesty,  his  heirs  an  I  successoi-s,  unaltered, 
**  under  the  great  seal  of  Ireland,  by  tlfe  1  -rd  lieutenant,  or  other  chief  govenior 
*'  or  governors,  and  council  of  this  kingdom,  for  the  time  being ;  and  that  such 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  S25 

ismcndment  to  the  bill^  which,  as  the  Prime  Serjeant  (Mr.  H. 
Burgh)  observed,  was  in  fact  a  new  bill,  in  lieu  of  that  whi(;h  had 
received  the  sanction  of  that  house  on  the  preceding  diry ;  and  it 
would  be  against  all  the  rules  of  parliament  to  receive  it.  I  he 
chief  contest  of  this  debate  lay  betuetn  Mr.  Flood  and  the  Prime 
Serjeant."*  Mr.  Yeiverton  declared,  that  when  he  introduced 
the  bill,  it  was  to  take  away  every  grievance  which  had  been 
complained  of.  In  his  own  apprehension  that  end  was  answered. 
He  had  no  objection  however,  to  terms  more  amphfied.  He 
then  moved,  "that  to  prevent  delays  in  the  summoning  of  pariia- 
^''  ments,  be  it  further  enacted,  that  no  bill  shall  be  certified  into 

*"'  bills  and  no  others,  being  returned  vr-altered,  under  the  great  seal  of  Great 
*'  Briiitin,  shall  be  capable  of  receiv-.n^  the  rnal  assent  or  dissent  in  parlia- 
*'  ment,  according'  to  his  majesty's  commission,  either  lor  giving  his  assent  or 
"  dissent  to  t.he  same  respe  t  \-ely." 

*  On  this  ocrasion  Mr.  Grattan  said,  he  thought  the  bill  itself  an  answer  to 
all  the  argunit-nts  brought  against  it:  he  should,  however,  rather  remain  a 
silent  admirer  of  she  great  talents  of  those  tw  ..  gent'emen,  than  take  a  decided 
part  in  it.  In  the  couise  of  this  debate,  Mr  Ogle  threw  out  an  op.iion,  tliat  a 
pi'omptness  toa))pcalto  the  nia;esty  of  tlie  people,  upon  every  trivial  occasion, 
weakened  the  eiKcacy  of  suci)  appeal  at  times  when  it  might  be  of  real  advan- 
tage :  to  A\hich  Mr  Flood  thns  replied:  ... 

"  I  take  ?:otice  of  rtliat  my  liono.irable  friend  has  said,  only  that  he  may  have 
"  an  opportui^ity  of  doing  honour  to  tlie  benignity  of  iiis  own  feelings.  But 
"  ministers,  popular  ministers,  will  always  be  ready  to  appeal  to  the  people, 
*'  when  they  are  conscious  that  their  measures  are  right.  By  an  appeal  to  the 
*'  people,  the  present  ministry  were  called  intn  office.  And  when  men  of  con- 
"  dition,  to  whom  tiieir  c  iuntry  is  dear  for  every  reason,  api)eal  to  the  people-, 
*■'  they  cannot  be  supposed  to  aijpeal  to  t  irbuience  or  commotion,  but  to  the 
*'  sober  judgment  of  tlie  pubUc.  What  was  the  fate  of  all  ovu'  constitutional 
"  claims,  'till  the  voice  of  the  people  tlumdered  for  redress  ?  Majorities.  ..rank 
*'  majorities.  ..'till  a  voice  frcjm  \merica  exhoitecl  you  to  claim  jour  rights, 
*'  and  the  desires  of  the  people  prevaibd.  If  ever  there  be  a  mamcnt  v>hen 
*'  the  oi)inion  of  the  peof.-le  ought  to  have  a  tenfold  weight;  it  is  now,  when 
*'  tliey  have  lined  the  cause  of  argument,  and  encouraged  \ou  to  speak  a  lan- 
*'  guage,  which  I  \\\\\  not  say  you  feared  to  speak,  Isut  v,^hich  certiinly  }ou 
*'  were  unwilling  to  speak  before.  The  bill  was  proposed  twenty  years  ago, 
"  when  parhament  was  weak  and  impotent :  it  was  then  rejected  with  di.-dain. 
"  And  will  you  now,  when  you  liavc  your  constitution  in  }our  hands,  Mi'.en  you 
^'  have  yoursionstitution  in  your  arms,  will  you  now  accept  of  such  a  hum  Hating 
*'  condition,  and  disgrace  the  cause  of  yoiu-  countrv  by  sucli  a  pitiful  ex- 
"  pedient." 

And  after  he  had  made  his  motion,  concluded  his  speech  in  tiie  following 
manner:...."  At\d  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  if  I  have  a  feeling  in  the  utmost  pulse 
*'  of  my  heart,  it  is  that  whxh  tells  me,  tliat  this  is  a  great  and  awfld  day ;  it 
*<  is  tliat  which  tells  me,  that  if,  after  twenty  years  service,  I  should  pass'  this 
"  question  by  negligently,  I  shouhl  be  a  base  betrayer  of  my  countr}- ;  it  i.s  tliat 
*'  v.h'ch  tells  me,  tliat  the  whole  e.irth  does  not  contain  a  bribe  sufficient  to 
*'  make  me  trifle  with  tlie  liberties  of  this  land.  I  do,  therefore,  v.ish  to  sub- 
*'  scribe  my  name  to  what  I  now  pro;:.osf,  to  have^them  handed  down  together  to 
"  posterity,  that  posterity  mav  know  tlif-re  was  at  '.east  one  man,  who  disap- 
•■«  proved  of  the  temporisii^g  h'".  now  b;-f)re  the  house;  a  hill  that  future  par- 
''  haments,  if  they  have  pov»'ex*,  will  reform;  if  they  have  not, -will  with  tears 
'*  deplore.*' 


324  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

**^  Great  Britain  as  a  clause  or  consideration  for  holding  a  parlia- 
*'  nient  in  this  kingdom,  but  that  parliaments  may  be  hold  en  in 
"  this  kingdom,  although  no  such  bill  shall  have  been  certified 
*'  previous  to  the  meeting  thereof."  The  question  being  put 
that  the  bill  should  pass  with  Mr.  Yelverton's  amendment,  was 
agreed  to  without  a  division. 

The  grand  and  critical  opposition  which  Mr.  Flood  and  his 
few  adherents  in  the  House  of  Commons  made  to  the  proceed- 
ings then  going  fc/ward  to  accomplish  the  demands  of  the  Irish 
parliament,  was  grounded  upon  a  most  ungracious  suggestion  of 
the  insincerity  and  duplicity  of  Great  Britain,  in  }  ielding  under 
her  embarrassments  to  the  repeal  of  the  declaratory  law  of  Geo. 
I.  that  by  seeming  to  yield  unconditionally  to  Ireland,  she  seized 
on  the  generous  credulity  of  her  nature,  and  took  full  advantage 
of  a  change  in  her  own  administration  :  that  Great  Britain  retain- 
ed the  full  principle  of  her  right  to  legislate  for  every  part  of  the 
empire:  the  mover  for  that  repeal  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons, held  it  externally,  and  the  seconder  of  the  motion  held  it 
both  externally  and  internally.  That  a  repeal,  he  insisted,  with- 
out an  express  renunciation  of  the  right,  v/ould  leave  Ireland  pre- 
cisely where  she  was.  That  as  the  declaratory  act  made  no  alter- 
ation in  the  pre-existing  law,  so  the  rr;peal  of  that  declaratory  act 
would  also  make  no  alteration  in  the  pre-exisring  law:  and  that 
without  some  positive  renunciation  of  the  right  to  legislate  inter- 
nally and  externally  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  their  work  would 
be  but  half  done,  and  Ireland  might  again  be  enslaved  by  the  first 
corrupt  minister,  who  should  choose  to  avail  himself  of  the  un- 
suspecting and  too  liberal  conduct  of  Ireland.  Mr.  Flood's  doc- 
trines gained  more  proselytes  out  of  doors,  than  in  the  parliament. 
IVIr.  Grattan,  and  b}-  far  the  greater  part  of  the  house  confided 
implicitly  in  the  good  faith  of  Great  Britain,  and  contended,  that 
the  simple  repeal  went  the  whole  length  of  their  own  demands, 
and  gave  full  redress  to  the  grievance  they  had  complained  of ; 
and  they  opposed  any  further  attempt  at  procuring  concessions 
from  Great  Britain:  conceiving  what  had  already  been  done  and 
was  about  to  be  done  to  be  completely  satisfactory  in  establishing 
the  freedom  and  independence  of  Ireland.  It  must  however  be 
acknowledged,  that  the  arguments  of  Mr.  Flood  Averc  very  pow- 
erful, and  had  thev  been  urged  in  their  proper  season  would  have 
carried  much  more  weight  in  the  house.  As  it  was,  both  Mr. 
Yf  Iverton  and  Mr.  Grattan  declared  in  the  house,  that  if  they 
could  be  convinced,  that  the  simple  repeal  was  insufficient,  they 
would  most  cordially  join  Mr,  Flood  in  his  motion.  Never  was 
contest  more  fierceh  fought,  than  this  between  the  two  rival  pa- 
triots  Messrs.  Flood  and  Grattan,     It  ended  on  the  division  of 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  325 

the  house  upon  Mr.  Flood's  motion  on  the  19th  of  July,  1782,* 
for  leave  to  bring  in  the  heads  of  a  bill  for  declaring  the  sole  and 
exclusive  right  of  the  Irish  parliament  to  make  laws  in  all  cases 
whatsoever  internal  and  external  for  the  kingdom  ol  Ireland. 

The  death  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  had  occasioned  dis- 
sensions in  the  British  cabinet,  which  obliged  Mr.  Fox,  Lord 
John  Cavendish,  Mr.  Burke,  and  other  of  his  friends  to  resign. 
He  could  not  su'imit  to  remain  in  a  cabinet,  in  which  he  and  his 
friends,  who  had  ;,ome  in  and  acted  uniformlv  upon  an  open  prin- 
ciple, were  outvoted  ;  he  had  declared  before  the  death  of  the 
Marquis,  that  if  certain  measures  were  carried  in  the  cabinet,  he 
should  resign  ;  and  as  they  had  been  carried  since  his  death,  he 
did  resign,  disdaining  to  be  responsible  for  measures  he  disap- 
proved of,  or  to  lend  his  name  to  a  system,  in  which  he  had  no 
share. I     In  the  new  arrangement  of  Lord  Shelburne's  adminis- 

*  9  Journ  Com.  p.  3^8.  The  journals  merely  say,  it  passed  in  the  neora- 
tive.  Mr.  Dobb.s  says  in  his  history,  p.  121,  "  tliat  the  minority  on  that  day 
consisted  only  of  six." 

,     t  The  new  arrangement  was  as  follows  : 
The  Earl  of  Shelburne  —To  be  tirstl-n-d  of  the  Treasury,  vice  the  Marquis 

of  Rocking-ham. 
Lord  Grantham  ")  Principal  Secretaries  of  State,  t/cethe  Earl  of  Sliel- 

Thomas  Townsend,  Esq.  3        bu  ne  and  M-    Fox. 
Hon.  William  Pitt  —Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  vice  Lord  John  Ca- 

vendisli 
R.  Jackson,  Esq.  ")  Lords  of  the  Treasury,  vice  Lord   Althorpe   and 

E.  Jumes  Elliot,  Esq.        3         Frederick  Montagu,  Esq 

Hill    J.  Jeffries  Pratt       1  Lords  of  the  Admiralty,  vice  Lord  Duncannon  and 
John  Aubrey,  Esq.  5         ilon.  J.  Townsend. 

Coh)nel  Bari-e  —Paymaster  of  the  Forces,  vice  Edmund  Burke,  Esq. 

Henry  Dnndas,  Esq.  lord|  ^'^  ^^  treasurer  of  tlie  Na^T,  vice  Colonel  Barre. 

advocate  3 

Sir  George  Yonge,  Bart. — Secretary  at  war,  vice  T.  Townshend,  Esq. 
Earl  Temple  —Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  vice  the  Duke  of  Port- 

land. 

Hon.  William  Wvndham  7  c        ^        ^    j-^.^  /-•  i   „^i  ■i?-«-.,T^n+,.;^i' 

r.         •,,  '  S- Secretary  to  ditto,  "oice  Colonel  Fitzpatrick. 

Grenvdle  j  ' 

The  following  accoimt  of  this  change  of  administration,  from  the  Annual 
Register  for  the  year,  is  attributed  to  a  principal  member  of  the  late  adminis- 
tration, Mr.  Biu'ke.  The  short  space  of  time  that  intervened  between  the 
death  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  and  the  prorogation  of  parliament, 
afforded  no  opportunity  of  discovering  in  what  manjier  the  House  of  Cfim- 
mons  stood  affected  towards  the  changes  that  had  taken  place  in  the  adminis- 
ti-ation  of  public  affairs,  in  consequence  of  the  f)rmer  event.  Tiie  v/eight  of 
the  new  minister  in  tJiat  assembly,  either  from  political  connexion,  from 
private  friendships  or  public  favour,  was  known  to  be  very  inconsiderable  ;  and 
the  supp<n-t  which  he  might  otherwise  have  derived  from  the  power  of  the 
crown,  was  likely  to  be  much  reduced  by  the  operation  of  the  bill  of  reform, 
and  by  the  steady  attachment  of  most  of  those  members,  who  either  owed 
their  seats  to  tiie  influence  of  government,  or  were  led  by  a  sort  of  principle 
to  give  a  ueneral  support  to  administration,  under  the  auspices  of  a  noble 
lord,  one  of  his  predecessors  in  office.  The  recess  of  parliament  was  there- 
fore considered  as  a  circumstance  Jiig-hly  favourable  to  the  minister,  and  was 


326  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tration,  which  took  place  on  the  i.3th  of  July,  1782,  Lord  Temple 
(now  the  marquis  ot  Buckingham)  was  fixed  upon  to  succeed  the 
Duke  of  Portland  in  the  viceregcncy  of  Ireland.     Every  possible 

doubtless  employed  in  endeavouring  to  form  such  alliances  amongst  the 
pai'ties  out  of  power  as  mig-ht  ensure  some  degi-ee  of  strength  and  permanence 
to  his  adniinis  ration. 

A  reunion  of  the  Whigs  was  the  favourite  expectation  of  the  public,  and 
anxiously  looked  for  by  tliuse  who  equally  dreaded  the  revivai  of  the  old 
system,  and  the  mischiefs  of  a  weak  and  unsettled  go\ernment  It  does  not 
however  appear,  that  any  advances  were  made  towards  effecting  such  an 
accommodation  ;  to  which  there  appear  mdeed  to  have  been  insuperable  diffi. 
culties,  from  the  industry  v.ith  which  the  friends  of  each  party  laboured  to 
tlirow  the  blame  both  of  the  schism  and  failure  on  the  other. 

On  the  part  of  tliose  who  had  retired  from  the  service  of  government,  it 
was  urged,  that  as  the  appointment  of  the  noble  earl  to  the  highest  office  in 
administration  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  division  that  ensued,  so 
it  continued  to  be  the  chief  obstacle  to  a  reunicn.  It  was  indeed  absurd  to 
expect,  that  his  complaisance  to  his  enemies  should  carry  hini  so  far  as  to 
enter  into  a  treaty,  of  which  he  was  himself  to  be  the  first  sacrifice;  audit 
was  not  more  reasonable,  they  said,  to  suppose  that  those  who  contim-edto 
act  with  hun,  how  much  soever  they  might  disapprove  of  his  principles,  or 
censure  the  measures  he  was  carrying  on,  (a  conduct  which  some  of  them  did 
not  scruple  to  pursue)  w.aild  be  wilUng  to  descend  from  situations,  in  which. 
hy  the  removal  of  their  former  friends,  they  stood  as  principals,  in  <;rder  to 
act  subordinufe  parts  again  in  conjunction  with  them. 

These  insit^uations  were  combated,  on  the  other  side,  by  studiously  repre- 
senting the  cause  of  dissension  to  have  been  a  mere  personal  contest  for 
power;  and  by  charging  th.eir  opponents  with  holding  opinions  of  a  dangerous 
nature,  tienching  on  the  most  undoubted  prerogative  of  the  crown,  that  of 
choosing  its  own  ministers,  and  consequently  having  a  direct  tendency  to  sub- 
vert the  constitution. 

But  whatever  weight  may  be  allowed  to  these  charges  or  surmises,  it  was 
generally  agreed,  that,  though  the  parties  themselves  had  been  ever  so  well 
dJs^  osed  towards  an  accommodation,  yet  the  countenance  and  approbation  of 
the  court  would  hardly  ha  e  been  lent  to  a  measure  so  diametrically  o})posite 
in  its  principles  to  that  lavourite  system  of  politics,  v/hich  had  the  disunion  of 
all  party  connexions  for  its  basis.  In  opposition  to  this  system,  after  a  long 
and  an  ai-duous  struggle,  by  no  mean  exertio)i  of  abdities,  and  by  tlie  concur- 
rence of  many  important  events,  the  late  administration  had  arrived  at  a  kind 
of  adverse  possession  of  power,  which  being  submitted  to  from  necessity,  it 
cotdd  not  be  expected  would  be  suirered  to  remain,  whenever  the  means  of 
destroying  it  could  be  found  These,  by  an  unfortunate  event,  soon  after 
offered  themselves.  The  ai)pointmeni  of  tlie  Earl  of  Shelbimie  to  succeed  the 
Marquis  of  Rockii^gham,  it  uas  easily  forese-n,  would  disgust  those  indi- 
viduals of  the  party,  whose  prmciples  were  the  mo^t  inflexible  and  obmxious  ; 
and  the  probability  of  gaining  over  many  others,  who  might  wish  to  make 
themselves  some  amends  for  the  lovi^  proscription  they  had  undergone,  by  the 
advantages  of  a  more  accommodating  line  of  conduct,  was  reckoned  on  with  a 
confidence  that  proved  not  ill-founded.  Add  to  this,  that  the  firmness  of  the 
party  had  hitherto  stood  the  trial  of  defeats  and  mortifications  only;  that 
power  and  emolument  will  sometimes  be  retained  on  terms  and  by  means, 
through  whicJi  they  would  not  have  been  suught ;  and  lastly,  that  many  of  the 
menibers,  wearied  and  grown  old  in  opposition,  would  naturally  feel  disin- 
clined, from  the  diminution  both  of  their  vigour  and  prospects,  to  embark  in  a 
fresh  contest  with  the  court 

The  design  ap^-ears  to  have  been  planned  with  great  political  sagacity,  and 
the  success  went  beyond  even  what  the  most  sanguine  hopes  could  have 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  32f 

despatch  was  therefore  given  to  the  parliamentary  business  in 
Ireland,  in  order  that  the  Duke  of  Portland  might  close  the  ses- 
sion, and  as  far  as  conveniently  could  be,  adjust  all  the  arrange- 
ments, then  pending  between  the  two  kingdoms,  respecting  the 
legislative  independence  and  commercial  freedom  of  that  king- 
dom. Lord  Shelburne  had  been  fully  as  explicit,  open  and  li- 
beral in  his  speech  to  the  lords,  with  reference  to  Ireland,  as  iVir. 
Fox,  in  his  speech  to  the  commons.  It  was  therefore  generally 
at  first  presumed,  that  the  change  in  the  British  administration 
would  cause  no  alteration  in  the  system  of  concession  to  Ireland. 
Amongst  the  several  acts,  which  received  the  royal  assent  un- 
der the  Duke  of  Portland's  administration,  was  Mr.  Eden's  act 
for  establishing  the  national  bank.  This  met  with  some  opposi- 
tion, but  the  measure  was  carried,  and  the  bank  opened  the  year 
following.  By  this  act  (21  and  22  Geo.  III.  c.  15)  the  bank  v/as 
established  by  the  name  of  The  Governor  and  Compan)-  of  the 
Bank  of  Ireland.  The  subscribers  to  it  were  to  pay  in  600,000/. 
either  in  cash  or  debentures,  at  4  per  ceni.  which  were  to  be  taken 
at  par,  and  considered  as  money.  This  sum  was  to  be  the  capital 
stock  of  the  bank  and  the  debentures  to  that  amount,  v/hen  re- 
ceived, were  to  be  cancelled  by  the  vice  treasurers.  For  these 
an  annuity  of  24,000/.  was  to  be  paid  to  the  company,  being  equal 
to  the  interest  payable  upon  these  debentures  ;  the  stock  was  to 
be  redeemable  at  any  time,  upon  twelve  months  notice,  after  the 
1st  of  January,  179i  Ireland  obtained  likewise  an  important 
acquisition  by  a  bill,  "  for  better  securing  the  liberty  of  the  sub- 
ject," otherwise  called  the  Habeas  Corpus  act,  similar  to  that 
formerly  passed  in  England. 


expected.  Not  only  a  chang-e  of  ministers  was  effected,  and  a  cabinet  formed 
more  agreeabli-  to  the  views  of  the  court;  but  several  of  those,  wh  ;se  foi-mer 
conduct  had  been  marked  by  extraordinary  violence  were  g-ainedover;  and 
these,  not  satisfied  to  embrace  their  new  principles  with  all  the  zeal  and 
eagerness  of  converts,  seemed  to  reg-ard  with  an  unusual  degree  of  malignity, 
that  inflexibility  of  their  old  colleagues,  which  appeared  no  less  tlian  a  tacit 
reproach  to  their  own  conduct.  Thus  a  decisive  blow  was  given  to  the  very 
existence  of  the  party,  and  which  seemed  even  to  preclude  all  future  attempts 
to  fn'm  a  systematic  opposition. 

Such  were  the  f)bstacles,  which,  from  every  quarter,  arpear  to  Iiave  rendered 
a  reunion  of  the  Whigs  uwder  tiie  auspices  of  the  new  minister,  totally  imprac- 
ticable. A  coalition  with  the  noble  lord,  who  had  formerly  been  at  the  liead 
of  his  majesty's  government,  seemed  more  feasible,  and  was  certainly  free 
from  the  mrj.st  material  objections  that  lay  to  tiie  former  measure.  Overtures 
accordingly  a.e  said  to  have  been  made  by  the  minister,  and  various  terms 
offered  him:  but  whether  from  a  confidence  in  ]}is  own  strength,  and  the  fiope 
of  rising  again,  on  the  divisions  of  his  ad  eryaries,  to  the  :>ossession  of  undi- 
vided power;  or  from  resentment  of  former  indignities;  or  from  sime  change 
in  his  political  sentiments,  and  a  conviction  of  the  impossibility  of  servmg  the 
public  with  fidelity  on  the  terms  proposed,  the-  business  fell  to  tha  ground* 


328  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  sacramental  test,  by  which  the  dissenting  Protestants  were 
excluded  from  offices  of  trust  under  the  crown,  was  also  repealed, 
and  the  nation  was  gratified  by  the  repeal  of  the  perpetual  muti- 
ny bill,  and  by  that  long  desired  act  for  making  the  commission 
of  the  judges  of  that  kingdom,  to  continue  quamdiu  se  bene gesse- 
fhit.  An  act  was  also  passed  to  render  the  manner  of  coniorm- 
ing  from  the  Popish  to  the  Protestant  rel  gion  more  easy  and  ex- 
peditious. Another  for  sparing  to  his  majesty,  to  be  drawn  out 
of  this  kingdom  whenever  he  should  think  fit,  a  force  not  exceed- 
ing 5000  men ;  part  of  the  troops  appointed  to  be  kept  therein  lor 
its  defence.) 

On  the  27th  of  July,  1782,  his  excellency  the  lord  lieutenant 
concluded  the  session  with  the  following  speech  from  the  throne  : 

"  MY    LORDS    AND    GENTLEMEN, 

"  THE  great  and  constitutional  advantages  you  have 
"  secured  to  your  country,  and  the  wise  and  magnanimous  con- 
"  duct  of  Great  Britain,  in  contributing  to  the  success  of  your 
*'  steady  and  temperate  exertions,  on  the  close  of  a  session,  must 
*'  ever  reflect  the  highest  honour  on  the  national  characters  of 
"  both  kingdoms. 

"  It  must  be  a  most  pleasing  consideration  to  you,  to  recollect, 
"  that  in  the  advances  you  have  made  towards  the  settlement  of 
''  your  constitution,  no  acts  of  violence  or  impatience  have  marked 
"  their  progress.  A  religious  adherence  to  the  laws  confined 
*'  your  endeavours  within  the  strictest  bounds  of  loyalty  and  good 
"  order  ;  your  claims  were  directed  bv  the  same  spirit  that  gave 
"  rise  and  stability  to  the  liberty  of  Great  Britain,  and  could  not 
"  fail  of  success,  as  soon  as  the  councils  of  that  kingdom  were 
''  influenced  by  the  avowed  friends  of  the  constitution. 

*■'■  Such  a  spirit  of  constitutional  liberty  communicating  itself 
"  from  one  kingdom  to  another,  must  naturally  produce  that  re- 
"  ciprocal  confidence  and  mutual  affection,  of  which  we  already 
"  begin  to  feel  the  most  salutary  effects.  A  grateful  zeal  and  ge- 
"  nerous  ardour  have  united  this  whole  kingdom  in  the  most  cor- 
*'  dial  and  vigorous  exertions,  w^hich  promise  effectuallv  to  frus- 
*'  trate  the  designs  of  our  common  enem}-,  and  to  re-establish  and 
"  secure  the  glory  of  the  whole  empire." 

*'  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF   COMMONS, 

"  WHEN  I  consider  the  very  active  and 
"  liberal  part  you  have  taken  in  contributing  to  these  great  and 
**  glorious  events,  I  must  as  distinctly  express  to }  ou  his  ma- 
"jc  sty's  sense  of  the  last  effusion  of  }Our  generosity  for  the  de- 
"  fence  of  the  empire,  as  I  must  return  you  his  most  gracious 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  329 

'^  thanks  for  the  supplies  which  vou  so  cheerfully  voted  at  the  be- 
"  ginning  of  this  session.  His  majesty's  royal  example  not  only 
"  secures  to  you  a  most  just  and  economical  application  of  the  aids 
*'  you  have  granted  him,  but  affords  you  a  most  solemn  pledge  of 
"  attentive  investigation  into  every  means  which  the  circum- 
"  stances  of  this  country  will  afford  to  alleviate  the  burdens  of 
"  his  loyal  and  grateful  people.  To  co-operaie  with  you  in  can\  ing 
"  into  effect  this  most  benevolent  disposition  of  his  majesty,  will 
"  aflbrd  me  the  highest  gratification,  and  manliest  to  }  ou  the  sen- 
"  timents  I  shall  ever  entertain,  in  return  lor  tlie  confidence  you 
"  have  reposed  in  the  sincerity  of  my  professions  for  your  welfare." 

GENTLEMEN, 

In  contemplating  the  services  which  your 
'  unremitting  assiduity  has  rendered  to  the  public,  1  must  indulge 
'  myself  in  the  satisfaction  of  specifying  some  very  important 
'  acts,  which  will  most  materially  strengthen  the  great  consti- 
'  tutional  reform  you  have  completed,  and  which  w  ill  for  ever 
'  distinguish  the  period  of  this  memorable  session.  You  have 
'-  provided  for  the  impartial  and  unbiassed  administration  of 
'justice,  by  the  act  for  securing  the  independency  of  judges. 
'  You  have  adopted  one  of  the  most  effectual  securities  ot  British 
'  freedom,  by  limiting  the  mutiny  act  in  point  of  duration ;  you 
'  have  secured  that  most  invaluable  of  all  human  blessings,  the  per- 
'  sonal  liberty  ol  the  subject,  by  passing  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act: 
'  you  have  cherished  and  enlarged  the  wise  principles  of  tolera- 
'  tion,  and  made  considerable  advances  in  abolishing  those  dis- 
'  tinctions  which  have  too  long  impeded  the  progress  of  industry, 
'  and  divided  the  nation.  The  diligence  and  ardour  with 
'  v/hich  you  have  persevered  in  the  accomplishment  of  these 
'  great  objects,  must  ever  bear  the  most  honourable  testimony  of 
'  your  zeal  and  industry  in  the  service  of  your  countr) ,  and 
'  manifest  your  knowledge  of  its  true  interests. 

"  Many  and  great  national  objects  must  present  themselves  to 
'  your  considerations  during  the  recess  from  parliamentary  busi- 
•'  nts--;  but  what  I  would  most  earnestly  press  upon  you  as  that 
'  on  which  your  domestic  pea.:e  and  happiness  and  the  prosper- 
'  it)  of  the  empire  at  this  moment  most  immediately  depend,  is 
'-  to  cultivate  and  difluse  those  sentim^  nts  of  affection  and  con- 
'  fidence  v/hich  are  now  happih'  restored  between  the  two  king- 
'  doms.  Convince  the  people  in  your  several  distri.  ts,  as  -  ou 
'  are  yourselv  s  convinced,  that  every  cause  of  past  jealousies 
'  and  disiont.nts  is  finally  removed;  that  both  countries  have 
'  pledged  their  good  faiih  to  each  other,  and  that  their  best  secu- 
'  rity  vviii  be  an  inviolable  adherence  to  that  compat;  tba^.  the 
'  implicit,  reliance  which  Great  Britain  has  repostd  on  the  honour, 
'  generosity  and  candour  of  Ireland,  engages  your  national  charac- 

VOL.  IT.  T  t 


3S0  AN  HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

"  ter  to  a  return  of  sentiments  equally  liberal  and  enlarged ;  con* 
"  vince  them,  that  the  two  kingdoms  are  now  one,  indissolubly 
"  connected  with  unitv  of  consiimtion  and  unity  of  interests;  that 
"  the  danger  and  security,  the  prosperity  and  calamity  of  the  one, 
"  must  equally  affect  the  other;  that  they  stand  or  fall  together." 

The  parliament  was  then  prorogued  to  the  24th  of  September 
following. 

The  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  in  compliance  with  the  pro- 
posals and  demands  of  Ireland,  b^  the  22d  of  Geo.  111.  c.  53. 
simply  repealed  the  6th  of  Geo.  I.  and  the  several  matters  and 
things  therein  contained.  The  armed  bodies  of  the  volunteers 
had  now  too  long  been  enured  to  arms,  as  well  as  to  the  agita- 
tion of  political  subjects,  not  to  paitake  of  the  spirit  of  enihu- 
siasm,  with  which  the  questions  of  simple  repeal  and  renuncia- 
tion were  contended  for  in  parliament:  frequent  appeals  to  the 
volunteers  v/ere  made  by  persons  in  parliament:  and  the  volun- 
teers assumed  a  consequence  little  short  of  legislative  control. 
Several  provincial  meetings  were  called  to  take  into  consideration 
addresses  suitable  to  the  occasion.  On  the  17th  of  June,  17b2, 
the  national  committee  met  prior  to  the  meetings  of  the  provinc- 
es. The  avowed  intent  of  their  meeting  was  to  canvas  the  pro- 
ceedings of  their  representatives  in  parliament.  A  spirit  of  dissent; 
had  created  discontent;  and  the  immediate  object  of  their  con- 
sideration was,  whether  there  existed  or  not  just  cause  ol  com- 
plaints At  their  first  meeting  nothing  was  agreed  upon:  at  their 
next  meeting  the  following  resolution  v/as  unanimously  carried. 

VOLUNTEER  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the   Vohmteer  Committee,  at  Dublin,  on 
'*  Tuesday  the  iV^th  of  June,  i782, 

"  The  right  honourable  Lord  Kingsborough  in  the  chair, 
'*■  Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  addresses  of  the  Irish  par- 
"  liament  having  disi  laimed  any  power  or  authority  of  an)  sort 
"  whatsoever,  in  the  pariiamtnt  of  Great  Britain  over  this  realm, 
"  we  shall  consider  a  repeal  of  the  6th  ol  George  i.  by  the  British 
"  parliament,  made  in  pursuance  of  the  said  addresses,  a  complete 
"  renunciation  of  all  the  claims  contained  in  the  said  statute,  and 
"  as  such,  we  will  accept  it,  and  deem  it  satisfactory. 

(Signed)     "  Mervyn  Archdall,  Francis  Dobbs,  Joseph  Pol- 
"  lock,  for  Ulster. 
"  Lewis  Francis  Arwin,  Charles  O'Hara,  John 

*'  Geoghegan,  for  Connaught. 
"  Richard  Talbot,  WiUiam  Burton,  John  Parnell, 

"  R.  Neviil,  for  Leinster. 
''  Kingsborough,  R.  Sh.  Carew,  W.  T.  Monsel, 
"  Samuel  Jacob,  A.   Blennedpasset,  William 
"  Godfrey,  George  Stackpoole,  for  Munster." 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  331 

The  great  object  of  the  national  committee  was,  if  possible,  to 
preserve  unanimity :  most  of  the  members  were  to  attend  their 
respective  provincial  meetings,  and  it  v/as  thought,  that  the  only 
chance  of  unanimity  was,  to  fix  on  one  point,  that  the'>'  would 
support  and  recommend  in  their  particular  provinces.  On  the 
same  day  Leinster  met,  and  agreed  with  the  national  committee, 
as  appears  by  their  addresses  to  his  majestv  and  viceroy..  On 
the  21st  of  June,  Ulster  met,  and  gave  fatal  proofs  of  the  mali- 
cious industry  with  which  discontent  had  been  propagated.  False- 
hoods of  the  most  glaring  nature  had  filled  many  of  the  papers, 
and  misrepresentations  disgraced  die  freedom  of  the  press.  Eng- 
lish perfidy  was  inculcated,  and  the  insufficiency  of  what  had  been 
obtained  asserted.  Without  any  change  whatsoever  on  the  par:; 
of  Great  Britain,  a  number  of  men,  who  were  even  ready  a  few 
days  before  to  cross  the  channel  to  the  aid  of  England,  became 
unhappy  and  discontented,  and  the  evening  preceding  the  21st  of 
June,  wore  a  very  melancholy  aspect. 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  Major  JJobbs  to  open  the  business.  How- 
ever, he  explained  his  reasons  for  being  fully  satisfied,  and  moved 
the  following  address  to  his  majestj- : 

ULSTER  VOLUNTEERS,  IRELAND. 

Dungannorij  y'une  21,  1^82. 

"  Colonel  William  Indue  in  the  chair. 

"  AT  a  meeting  of  three  hundred  and  six  companies  of  this 
"  province,  pursuant  to  public  notice,  the  following  address  was 
"  unanimously  agreed  upon,  and  ordered  to  be  presented  to  his 
*'  majesty  bv  the  chairman.  Major  Francis  Dobbs,  Captain  James 
*'  Dawson,  Captain  Francis  Evans,  and  Colonel  Thomas  Morris 
*'  Jones. 

"  To  the  King^s  most  excellent  majesty, — The  humble  address  cf 
''  tlte  Volunteers  of  Ulster, 

"  MOST  GRACIOUS  SOVEREIGN, 

"  With  the  most  unfeigned  attachment  to  your 
*'  majesty's  person  and  family,  we  approach  your  throne.  You 
"  are  our  true  and  lawful  sovereign  ;  and  we  trust  that  every  act 
"  of  ours  will  evince,  that  we  are  your  faidiful  and  loyal  sub- 
"  jects. 

"  The  addresses  of  the  Irish  parliament  having  disclaimed  any 
"  power  or  authority,  of  any  sort  whatsoever,  in  the  parliament 
"  of  Grfeat  Britain  over  this  realm,  we  shall  consider  an  unquaii- 
"  fied  and  unconditional  repeal  of  the  statute  of  the  6th  of  George 
"  1,  by  the  British  parliament,  made  in  purs!iance  of  the  said 


332  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"  addresses,  a  complete  renunciation  of  a  principle  hostile  to  the 
*'  rights  of  Ireland,  and  of  all  the  claims  contained  in  the  said 
"  statute  ;  and  as  such  we  will  accept  it,  and  deem  it  satisfactory. 
"  Thus  united  by  the  sacred  bond  of  freedom,  we  request  our 
"  gracious  sovereign  to  assure  our  sister  kingdom,  that  we  will 
"  be  sharers  in  her  fate,  standing  or  falling  with  the  British  em- 
"  pire. 

"  We  humbly  beg  leave  to  express  our  gratitude  for  the  ap- 
"  pointment  of  his  grace  the  Duke  of  Portland  to  the  government 
"  of  Ireland.  Prevented  by  situation  from  enjoying  the  presence 
"  of  our  benevolent  sovereign,  we  rejoice  in  a  viceroy,  whose 
"  character  assures  us,  that  he  will  faithfully  discharge  the  duties 
"  of  his  station. 

'^  The  economy  and  retrenchment  which  your  majesty  has  been 
''  graciously  pleased  both  to  recommend  and  practise,  will,  we 
^  humbly  hope,  be  extended  to  Ireland.  Should  a  more  equal 
''  representation  of  the  people  be  also  adopted,  our  prosperity 
"  w^ould  be  for  ever  secured,  and  your  majesty's  reign  most  hon- 
"  ourably  distinguished  in  the  annals  of  mankind. 

''  We  rejoice  in  the  great  and  signal  success  of  your  majesty's 
*'  arms:  every  enemy  must  yield  to  the  efforts  oi  a  great,  a  brave, 
*'  a  free,  and  an  united  people.  Your  majesty's  choice  of  those, 
"  whom  you  have  entrusted  with  the  administration  of  public  af- 
"  fairs,  gives  us  the  most  heartfelt  satisfaction ;  public  confidence 
"  is  revived  ;  and  we  doubt  not  but  your  majesty's  crown  and 
"  empire  will  speedily  be  raised  to  the  highest  pinnacle  of  human 
*'  glory. 

"  We  have  ever  beheld  with  admiration  your  majesty's  do- 
"  mestic  virtues.  May  your  majesty,  and  the  truly  great  and 
^'  amiable  partner  of  your  throne,  long,  long  live  to  bless  each 
''  other ;  may  the  offspring  of  your  happy  union  reward  your  pa- 
"  rental  fondness,  by  a  display  of  every  grace  and  every  virtue  ; 
"  and  when,  at  length,  the  immutable  law  of  nature  shall  demand 
''  that  tribute,  which  even  kings  must  pay,  may  your  mourning 
"  subjects  with  one  voice  lament,  that  the  great,  the  benevolent 
"  father  of  his  people  is  no  more. 

"  William  Irvine,  Chairman. 
'"James  Dawson,  Secretary." 

It  passed  unanimously,  and  with  a  loud  tribute  of  applause. 

Captain  Pollock  then  moved  an  address  to  the  Duke  of  Port- 
land, which  was  carried  unanimously  ;  as  was  also  an  address 
to  Lord  Charlemont,  appointing  him  general  of  the  volunteers 
of  Ulster,  moved  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Alexander  Stewart,  and 
an  address  to  Mr.  Grattan,  expressing  the  highest  satisfaction  at 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  IRELAND.  333 

ihe  vote  of  50,000/.  moved  by  Captain  Pollock.  A  resolution 
moved  by  Colonel  Knox,  lor  assistmg  in  raising  the  20,000  sea- 
men, and  a  resolution  for  erecting  a  monument  at  Dungannon, 
in  which  Lord  Charlemont  and  Mr.  Grattan  were  to  be  particu- 
larly distinguished,  moved  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Crawford,  were  also 
carried  unanimousl} . 

The  province  of  Connaught  likewise  expressed  its  satisfaction, 
in  addresses  to  his  majesty  and  the  lord  lieutenant,  as  appears  by 
those  addresses  :  Munster  met,  but  did  nothing. 

The  gentlemen  who  were  appointed  to  present  the  addresses  to 
his  majesty,  immediately  sailed  for  England.  Lord  Sheiburne 
treated  them  with  the  greatest  politeness ;  and  his  majesty  was 
pleased  most  graciously  to  receive  their  addresses,  and  every  mark 
of  attention  was  paid  through  them  to  the  volunteers  of  Ulster. 
But  scarcely  had  their  addresses  been  presented,  when  the  pack- 
ets from  Ireland  announced  the  dissatisfaction  of  two  corps  in 
the  town  of  Belfast,  which  had  been  represented  at  Dungannon  ; 
they,  who  were  executing  their  commission,  were  vilified  and 
traduced  in  the  news-paper  ;  and  Mr.  Grattan,  who  had  been  ad- 
dressed Irom  every  quarter  as  the  saviour  of  his  country,  who 
had  been  voted  a  statue  by  a  full  meeting  of  the  lawyers  ot  Ire- 
land particularly  convened,  and  50,000/.  by  the  House  of  Com- 
mons of  Ireland,  had  become  the  object  of  the  most  illiberal 
abuse. 

The  Belfast  review  was  approaching ;  those  who  were  dissat- 
isfied determined  there  to  make  their  stand :  and  it  had  been  lor 
the  two  preceding  years  distinguished  as  the  greatest  in  Ireland, 
and  therefore  its  decision  must  carry  considerable  weight.  1  he 
1st  Belfast  compan}'  had  taken  the  lead,  and  was  indefatigable  in 
the  pursuit  of  its  object,  that  dissatisfaction  should  be  expressed 
at  Belfast :  this  company  sent  a  very  strong  address"*  to  the  corps 
who  were  to  assemble  at  the  review  ;  which  was  ably  drawn  up, 
and  very  fully  expressed  the  grounds  and  particulars  of  their  dis- 
satisfaction. Major  Dobbs  also  addressed  the  same  corps  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  question  by  way  of  reply  to  their  address. 

The  31st  of  July  displayed  a  truly  glorious  exhibition.  A  vo- 
lunteer encampment  of  near  three  thousand  men,  and  the  volun- 
teer garrison  of  upwards  of  one  thousand,  all  completely  clothed, 
armed,  and  accoutred.  Their  military  knowledge  and  appear- 
ance struck  the  veteran  with  wonder. 

Anonymous  papers  in  thousands  were  dispersed  through  the 
camp  and  garrison.  Ever}-  private  was  taught  that  he  was  com- 
petent to  legislate,  and  consequently  to  express  his  sentiments  on 

*  Both  tliese  addresses  are  expressive  of  the  different  opinions  circulated 
abroad  upon  the  question,  and  are  to  be  seen,  Append.  No.  LXIX. 


334  AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  &c. 

the  most  speculative  points.  Declaj  ation,  renunciation,  simple 
repeal,  legal  security,  better  security,  and  bill  of  rights,  -were  all 
before  them,  and  they  were  to  instruct  their  delegates  on  these 
important  points.  The  delegates  assembled  on  the  Gdof  August, 
and  Colonel  Stewart  (member  for  the  county  of  Down)  was  una- 
nimously called  to  the  chair ;  and  Major  Dobbs,  as  exercising 
officer,  moved  an  address  to  the  Reviewing  General  Lord  Charle- 
mont,  in  which  he  inserted  a  clause  of  their  being  fully  satisfied. 
A  debate  commenced  whether  it  should  not  be  expunged  ;  at 
the  end  of  eleven  hours  a  division  took  place,  when  there  ap^ 
p  eared  for  expunging  31,  against  it  2y. 

I'he  address  thus  altered,  passed  unanimously. 
•  Thus  by  the  efforts  and  exertions  of  a  wise  and  liberal  admin- 
istration were  the  liberties  of  Ireland  restored ;  peace,  unity,  r  nd 
content  diffused  through  a  revived  nation,  and  the  prosperit)  and 
glory  of  the  British  empire  increased  by  adding  strength,  vigour, 
and  felicity  to  that  important  part  of  it. 


END  or  THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


APPENDIX, 


No.  LVI. 


A  LETTER  FROM  PRIMATE  BOULTER  TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  LON. 
DON,  RELATING  TO  THE  DISSENTERS  COMPLAINTS  OF 
TITHES....PAGE  16. 


MY  LORD,  Dublin,  March  13,  1728. 

AS  we  have  had  reports  here  that  the  Irish  gen* 
tlemen  in  London  would  have  the  great  burthen  of  tithes  thou^-ht 
one  of  the  chief  grievances,  that  occasion  such  numbers  of  the 
people  of  the  north  going  to  America,  I  have  for  some  time 
designed  to  write  to  your  lordship  on  that  subject. 

But  a  memorial  lately  delivered  in  here  by  the  Dissenting 
ministers  of  this  place,  containing  the  causes  of  this  desertion 
as  represented  to  them  by  the  letters  of  their  brethren  in  the 
north,  (which  memorial  we  have  lately  sent  over  to  my  lord 
lieutenant),  mentioning  the  oppression  of  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  about  tithes  as  one  of  their  great  grievances:  I  found 
myself  under  a  necessity  of  troubling  your  lordship  on  this  oc- 
casion with  a  true  state  of  that  affair,  and  of  desiring  your  lord- 
ship to  discourse  with  the  ministry  about  it. 

The  gentlemen  of  this  country  have  ever  since  I  came  hither 
been  talking  to  others,  and  persuading  their  tenants,  who  com- 
plained of  the  excessiveness  of  their  rents,  that  it  was  not  the 
paying  too  much  rent,  but  too  much  tithe  that  impoverished 
them:  and  the  notion  soon  took  among  the  Scotch  Presbvte- 
rians,  as  a  great  part  of  the  Protestants  in  the  north  are  who 
it  may  easily  be  supposed  do  not  pay  tithes  with  great  chearful- 
ness.  And  indeed  I  make  no  doubt  but  the  landlords  in  Eng- 
land might  with  great  ease  raise  a  cry  amongst  their  tenants  of 
the  great  oppression  they  lye  under  by  paying  tithes. 

What  the  gendemen  want  to  be  at  is,  that  they  may  go  on 
raising  their  rents,  and  that  the  clergy  should  still  receive  their 
VOL.   II.  A 


2  APPENDIX. 

old  payments  for  their  tithes.  But  as  things  have  happened 
otherwise,  and  they  are  very  angry  with  the  clergy,  without 
considering  that  it  could  not  happen  otherwise  than  it  has,  since 
if  a  clergyman  saw  a  farm  raised  in  its  rent  e.  g.  from  10  to  20/. 
per  annum,  he  might  be  sure  his  tithe  was  certainly  worth  dou- 
ble what  he  formerly  took  for  it.  Not  that  I  believe  the  clergy 
have  made  a  proportionable  advancement  in  their  composition 
for  their  tithes  to  v»'hat  the  gentlemen  have  made  in  their  rents. 
And  yet  is  is  upon  this  rise  of  the  value  of  tithes  that  they  would 
persuade  the  people  to  throw  their  distress. 

In  a  conference  I  had  with  the  Dissenting  ministers  here  some 
weeks  ago,  they  mentioned  the  raising  the  value  of  the  tithes 
beyond  what  had  been  formerly  paid,  as  a  proof  that  the  people 
ivere  oppressed  in  the  article  of  tithes  To  which  I  told  them, 
that  the  valilt  of  tithes  did  not  prove  any  oppression,  except  it 
were  proved,  that  that  value  was  greater  than  they  were  really 
worth,  and  that  even  then,  the  farmer  had  his  rem.edy  by  letting 
the  clergy  take  it  in  kind. 

And  there  is  the  less  in  this  argument,  because  the  fact  is, 
that  about  the  years  1694  and  1695,  the  lands  here  were  almost 
waste  and  unsettled,  and  the  clergy  in  the  last  distress  for  te- 
nants for  their  tithes,  when  great  numbers  of  them  were  glad  to 
let  their  tithes  at  a  very  low  value,  and  that  during  incumbency, 
for  few  would  take  them  on  other  terms :  and  as  the  country 
has  since  settled  and  improved,  as  those  incumbents  have  drop- 
ped off,  the  tithe  of  those  parishes  has  been  considerably  advan- 
ced without  the  least  oppression,  but  I  believe  your  lordship 
will  think  not  v/ithout  some  grumbling.  The  same,  no  doubt, 
has  happened  where  there  have  been  careless  or  needy  incuiji- 
bents,  and  others  of  a  different  character  that  have  succeeded 
them. 

I  need  not  mention  to  your  lordship  what  I  have  been  forced 
to  talk  to  several  here,  that  if  a  landlord  takes  too  great  a  portion 
of  the  profits  of  a  farm  for  his  share  by  way  of  rent,  (as  the  tithe 
v/ill  light  on  the  tenants  share)  the  tenant  will  be  impoverished: 
but  then  it  is  not  the  tithe  but  the  increased  rent  that  undoes  the 
farmer.  And  indeed  in  this  country,  where  I  fear  the  tenant 
hardly  ever  has  more  than  one  third  of  the  profits  he  makes  of 
his  farm  for  his  share,  and  too  often  but  a  forth  or  perhaps  a 
fifth  part,  as  the  tenant's  share  is  charged  with  the  tithe,  his 
case  is  no  doubt  hard,  but  it  is  plain  from  what  side  the  hardship 
arises. 

Nor  need  I  take  notice  to  your  lordship  of  what  I  have  been 
forced  to  talk  very  fully  here,  that  if  the  land  were  freed  from 
the  payment  of  tithe,  the  tenant  could  not  be  the  better  for  it,  but 
the  the  landlord,  who  would  in  that  case  raise  his  rent  accord- 
ingly, and  would  probably  receive  15  or  20^.  for  additional  rent, 


APPENDIX.  S 

where  the  clergy  man  now  receives  106".  for' tithe;  and  that  it 
would  be  the  same  in  proportion  if  the  tithes  were  fixed  to  some 
modus  below  their  real  value,  vrhich  1  am  apprehensive  the  gen- 
tlemen may  attempt  to  do  by  a  bill  next  sessions.  As  for  the 
complaints  of  the  oppressions  in  the  ecclcGiastical  courts,  your 
lordship  knows  the  dilatoriness  andexpensiveness  of  suits  there. 
And  yet  till  within  seven  or  eight  years  all  suits  for  tithes,  &g. 
were  there;  since  that  time  by  degrees  the  clergy  have  sued,  in 
cases  of  consequence,  in  the  Exchequer;  but  for  dues  of  small 
value,  they  still  are  sued  for  there.  But  in  the  main  nobody 
sues  in  those  courts  that  can  by  fair  means  get  any  thing  near 
his  due;  since,  v.hen  the  clergy  have  put  persons  into  those 
courts,  the  defendants  either  give  them  all  the  delay  and  trouble 
they  can,  or  else  stand  under  contempt  for  never  appearing,  and 
let  th  ngs  go  to  the  last  extremity,,  and  stand  excommuni- 
cated ;  and  possibly  when  a  writ  de  excommunicato  capiendo  is 
taken  out,  and  they  find  they  have  7  or  8/.  to  pay,  they  run  away ; 
for  the  greatest  part  of  the  occupiers  of  the  land  here  are  so^ 
poor,  that  an  extraordinary  stroke  of  8  or  10/.  falling  on  them  is 
certain  ruin  to  them. 

I  can  assure  your  lordship  that  every  visitation  I  have  held 
liere,  which  is  annually,  the  clergy  have  made  as  great  com- 
plaints of  the  hardships  put  upon  them  by  the  people  in  getting 
in  their  tithes,  especially  their  small  dues,  as  the  people  can  of 
any  oppression  from  the  clergy.  And  to  my  knowledge  many 
of  them  have  chose  rather  to  lose  their  small  dues,  than  to  be  at 
a  certain  great  expence  in  getting  them,  and  at  an  uncertainty 
whether  the  farmer  would  not  at  last  run  away  without  paving 
any  thing.  And  I  can  affirm  to  your  lordship,  that  the  laity  here 
are  as  troublesome  and  vexatious  as  they  can  be  in  England ; 
and  from  time  to  time  fight  a  cause  of  no  great  value  through 
the  bishop's  court,  then  through  the  archbishop's,  and  thence  to 
the  delegates,  where  the  clergy  sue  for  what  is  most  evidently 
their  due. 

I  would  not  be  understood  by  this  to  deny  that  any  clergy- 
man or  farmer  of  tithes  ever  did  a  hard  thing  by  the  people, 
but  that  there  is  not  frequent  occasion  of  complaint  against 
them. 

However  last  sessions  we  passed  a  bill  here  for  the  more  easy 
recovery  of  small  tithes,  8^c.  v.hich  I  believe  will  remove  this 
cause  of  complaint,  since  I  believe  very  few  will  spend  some 
pounds  to  recover  than  in  a  spiritual  court,  which  may  be  re- 
covered for  some  shillings  in  another  way. 

Upon  occasion  of  the  conference  I  had  some  weeks  ago  with 
the  Dissenting  ministers  here,  I  have  enquired  of  several  of  the 
clergy,  that  are  understanding  and  fair  men,  who  have  assured 


4  APPENDIX. 

me  that  as  far  as  their  knowledge  reaches,  they  believe  that  ge- 
neraliy  the  farmers  do  not  pay  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  real 
value  ol  their  tithes. 

Another  thing  they  complain  of  in  their  memorial  is,  the 
trouble  that  has  been  given  them  about  their  marriages  and  their 
school- masters.  As  to  this  I  told  them,  that  for  some  time  they 
had  not  .een  molested  about  their  marriages  ;  and  that  as  to  their 
school-masters,  I  was  sure  they  had  met  with  very  little  trouble 
on  that  head,  since  I  had  never  heard  any  such  grievance  so 
much  as  mentioned  till  I  saw  it  in  their  memorial. 

Another  mauer  complained  of  is  the  sacramental  Test,  in  rela- 
tion to  which  I  told  them,  the  laws  were  the  same  in  England. 

As  for  other  grievances  they  mention,  such  as  raising  the 
rents  unreasonably,  the  oppression  of  justices  of  the  peace,  sene- 
chals,  and  other  officers  in  the  country,  as  they  are  no  ways  of 
an  ecclesiastical  nature,  I  shall  not  trouble  your  lordship  with  an 
account  of  them,  but  must  desire  your  lordship  to  talk  with  the 
ministry  on  the  subject  I  have  now  wrote  about,  and  endeavour 
to  prevent  their  being  prepossessed  with  any  unjust  opinion  of 
the  clergy,  or  being  disposed,  if  any  attempt  should  be  made 
from  hence  to  suffer  us  to  be  stript  of  our  just  rights. 

I  am,  &c. 


No.  LVIL 

THE    MEMORIAL    OF    DR.    LUC AS  =  ... PAGE    38. 

To  his  Excellency  William  Earl  of  Harrington,  Lord  Lieute- 
nant General  and  General  governor  of  Ireland. 

MAY    IT    PLEASE    YOUR    EXCELLENCY! 

THE  love  and  duty  I  owx  my  sovereign,  and  the 
regard  I  bear  his  governments  and  dominions,  in  general,  those 
of  this  my  native  country,  in  particular,  which  are  most  inti- 
mately and  inseparably 'connected  and  linked  together,  in  one 
common  bond  of  affection,  interest  and  allegiance,  prompt  me 
to  use  all  just  and  lawful  means  to  obtain  an  effectual  redress 
of  the  capital  grievances  of  this  kingdom,  and  city,  which  no 
good  subject,  or  good  governor  can  overlook  or  slight,  consis- 
tent with  the  principles  of  his  moral,  religious  and  political  obli- 
gations to  our  system  of  civil  society. 

These  motives,  which  your  excellency  must  be  too  wise  and 
just  to  condemn,  or  discourage,  first  induced  me  to  contend 


APPENDIX.  5 

with  my  fraternity^  for  a  reformation  of  my  profession  in  the 
years  1735,  and  1741,  and  since,  with  my  superiors,  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  commons  and  citizens 
of  this  broken  and  reduced  metropolis. 

If  your  excellency  will  take  the  trouble  of  perusing  this  and 
the  following  address  to  the  lords  justices,  with  the  dedication  to 
the  king,  I  flatter  mvself,  you  will  see  such  causes  assigned  for 
the  courses,  I  have  taken,  to  obtain  some  redress  of  the  heavy 
grievances  of  which  I  complain,  that,  I  must  hope,  you  will  not 
only  pardon  the  presumption  of  once  m.ore  addressing,  or  at- 
tempting to  address  your  excellency  in  this  manner,  but  allow 
there  is  some  degree  of  merit  in  struggling  through  the  many 
dangers  and  difficulties  that  have  been  opposed  to  me,  for  the 
bringing  or  endeavouring  to  bring  such  important  truths  to  the 
royal  ear,  as,  if  regarded  must  tend  to  the  unspeakable  honour 
and  advantage  of  the  king  and  people  of  these  realms,  in  the  secu- 
rity and  welfare,  of  each  of  which,  I  look  upon  myself  to  be 
equally  interested  and  concerned. 

However,  my  Lord,  as  the  same  necessity  which  first  urged 
me  to  lay  our  com.plaints  before  you,  still  strongly  subsists,  I 
should  be  wanting  in  the  duty  of  a  citizen,  and  a  subject,  and 
fall  short  of  the  character  I  have  endeavoured  to  establish  in 
life,  if  I  should  slacken  in  my  just  application  to  obtain  a  restora- 
tion of  our  rights  and  liberties ;  and  therefore,  regardless  of 
the  manifold  disadvantages  of  station,  birth  and  education,  under 
which  I  labour,  and  of  the  numberless  misrepresentations  made 
of  me,  by  designing  men,  I  presume  to  make  one  effort  more 
to  bring  the  complaints  of  Dublin  before  my  royal  sovereign;  of 
the  greatness  and  integrity  of  whose  soul  I  am  so  fully  convinced, 
that  I  am  firmly  persuaded  he  wants  but  due  information  to  re- 
dress the  grievances  of  his  subjects. 

I  am  well  aware,  my  lord,  that  some  of  those  great  men,  who 
have  thought  fit  to  represent  me  to  your  excellency,  heretofore, 
as  a  madman,  will  now  set  me  forth  in  more  hateful  colours.  It 
is  become  much  the  fashion,  of  late,  to  vilify  me,  to  represent 
me  as  a  riotous,  tumultuous,  incendiary,  a  disaffected  person,  a 
condemner  of  government,  of  magistracy,  even  of  majesty. 

To  acquit  myself  of  these  foul  imputations,  I  must  beg  your 
excellency  v/ill  permit  me  to  lay  before  you  a  short  review  of  the 
course  I  have  taken  to  obtain  justice  and  law,  the  common 
benefits  of  the  constitution  of  this  my  country. 

When  I  first  discovered  the  invasions  made  on  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  commons  and  citizens  of  this  city,  I  tried  all 
just  and  moderate  means  to  set  things  to  rights  v/ithin  the  city; 
and  though  the  invaders  gave  me  all  manner  of  unjust,  forcible, 
and  cruel  opposition,  and  have  new  scarce  left  so  much  of  the 


^  APPENDIX. 

races  of  our  constitution  as  might  demonstrate  we  had  any,  I 
5tiU  preserve  the  respect  due  to  the  magistracy  of  the  city, 
though  I  can  look  upon  it  only  as  defacto^  not  de  jure. 

Failing  of  redress  within  the  city  courts,  I  had  recourse,  with 
jny  fellows,  to  the  courts  of  law,  and  though  we  were  attended 
with  no  better  success  there,  I  can  defy  mine  enemies  to  shew 
the  instance,  in  which  I  failed  to  pay  due  respect  to  the  judges 
pf  our  courts. 

I  have  it  is  true,  my  lord,  taken  the  benefits  our  constitution 
admits,  of  appealing  against,  or  complaining  of,  the  proceedings 
of  some  of  these  judges,  to  an  higher  power,  to  your  excellency, 
^s  the  representative  of  his  majesty;  whether  or  no  the  terms 
in  which  I  did  so,  were  wrong  or  injurious,  I  humbly  submit  to 
your  excellency's  recollection. 

One  of  the  most  sensible  happinesses  of  our  system  of  go- 
vernment is,  that  every  person  who  does  but  think  himself  ag- 
grieved by  any  branch  of  the  subordinate  administration,  has  the 
privilege  of  appealing,  or  complaining,  to  a  superior,  in  a  regu? 
Jar  gradation  from  one  to  another,  even  to  the  supreme  magis- 
trate. This  is  a  privilege  too  sacred  for  any  loyal  subject  to 
give  up,  for  any  good  governor  to  suppress. 

When  I  first  claimed  the  benefits  of  this  privilege,  and  layed 
before  your  excellency  the  complaints  of  Dublin,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, you  heard  me  with  patience,  with  humanity,  with  a  tender 
feeling  of  the  sufferings  of  the  king's  subjects,  and  some  pain  for 
the  shocks  given  our  constitution.  What  unhappy  misrepresen- 
tations of  facts,  or  person,  or  what  unauthorised  arrogance  or 
insolence  of  servants,  prevented  your  excellency's  taking  the 
Steps  in  this  affair,  that  your  v/isdom  and  justice  promised,  or 
afterwards  excluded  me  the  access  to  your  excellency's  presence, 
I  cannot  take  upon  me  to  point  out;  but,  as  the  same  principles 
oi  justice  and  law  bind  alike  the  small  and  the  great;  when  I 
judged  it  expedient,  and  my  bounden  duty,  to  appeal  to  our 
sovereign,  I  thought  it  necessary  to  let  him  see,  that  I  had  re- 
course to  the  highest  power  here,  before  I  presumed  to  trouble 
his  majesty,  which  then,  not  before,  gave  me  the  subject's  right 
to  apply  for  relief  to  the  throne. 

I  addressed  the  lords  justices  of  this  kingdom,  in  your  excel- 
lency's absence.  I  presented  them  with  the  charter  and  dedica- 
tion, v/hich  I  now  lay  before  your  excellency,  and  prayed  to  have 
it  transmitted  to  his  majesty;  but  their  excellencies  thought  fit 
to  decline  granting  my  petition. 

Thus  your  excellency  may  see,  the  same  necessity  still  sub- 
sists, the  same  principles  prompt,  and  the  same  motives  that 
before  prevailed,  still  strongly  induce  me,  with  all  respect  and 
huiBility,  to  address  your  excellency,  and  to  supplicate  you  on 


APPENDIX.  t 

behalf  of  myself,  and  the  rest  of  my  suffering  fellow-subjects 
and  fellow-citizens,  to  forward  the  summary  state  of  our  case  in 
the  following  charter  and  dedication,  to  the  royal  presence. 

There  is  another  reason,  to  me,  no  less  cogent,  for  begging 
this  favour  with  greater  earnestness  of  your  excellency;  my  re- 
putation is  dearer  to  me  than  life  ;  that  is  rigorously,  severely 
struck  at :  The  most  violent,  the  most  lawless,  the  most  inhu- 
man threats  are  daily  uttered  against  me  ;  for  none  other  crime 
that  I  know  of,  than  that  of  complaining  of  public  injuries, 
dangerous  and  destructive  to  the  king  and  to  his  people.  I  have 
appealed  to  Casar.  Shall  Caesar's  servants  obstruct  the  laying 
my  complaints  before  the  throne  ?  and  even  punish  me  for  com- 
plaining ?  Shall  this  be  done  under  the  administration  of  a 
Stanhope  ?  God  forbid  ! 

My  Lord,  to  sum  up  all  my  desires  and  intentions  in  a  few 
words  ;  I  only  wish  to  discharge  the  end  of  my  creation,  in  ful- 
filling the  duty  of  a  subject,  in  every  station,  to  which  it  shall 
please.all-wise,  all-ruling  Providence  to  call  me,  with  due  sub- 
mission and  subjection  to  every  loyal  and  good  governor  and 
subordinate  m^agistrate,  and  an  equal  right  to  oppose,  by  law, 
and  to  complain  of  the  misconduct  of  all  those,  who  endanger 
our  connstitution  by  invading  the  rights  of  the  subject,  or  ne- 
glecting to  discharge  the  duties  of  their  stations. 

If  in  all  that  I  have  hitherto  attempted,  with  this  intent,  I 
have  done  wrong  to  any  man,  I  am  open  to  conviction,  and 
ready  to  make  the  fullest  atonement.  Therefore,  if  I  have  ad- 
vanced anything  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  our  government, 
or  inconsistent  with  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  subject,  I 
humbly  conceive  my  intentions  ought  to  be  considered,  and  I 
should  be  properly  examined,  before  the  threatened  weight  and 
fury  of  power  be  let  loose  upon  me.  It  is  not  to  be  deemed 
beneath  the  dignity  of  good  governors  to  inform  active  and  well- 
meaning  subjects  of  errors  in  their  conduct ;  if  such  can  be 
made  to  appear  in  my  transactions  I  shall  from  the  same  prin- 
ciple, that  I  mean  to  advance  truths,  in  my  judgment,  conducive 
to  the  happiness  of  this  city,  and  these  kingdoms,  as  readily,  as 
publicly,  retract  errors,  or  mistakes. 

My  lord,  I  must  beg  your  excellency's  indulgence  to  make 
one  declaration  more.  At  a  time,  when  ministerial  influence 
of  court  dependence  is  rather  sought  than  avoided,  by  men  of 
independent  fortunes,  it  may  be  suspected,  that  one  of  my  low 
sphere  may  have  some  private  or  selfish  views  in  thus  attend- 
ing upon  your  excellency.  To  obviate  such  an  imputation,  I 
thus  solemnly  declare,  that  though  I  wish  to  be  always  well  un- 
derstood, and  upon  occasion,  well  heard,  by  the  government  ; 
yet,  even  that,  is  only  for  the  public  good  ;  because,  that  for, 
myself,  I  have  nothing  to  ask,  nor  any  thing  to  fear  from  the 


8  APPENDIX. 

highest  pov/ers  ;  my  sole  ambition  is  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
my  station.  And,  in  so  doing,  I  shall  ever  take  care  to  approve 
myself,  his  majesty's  most  unfeignedly  loving  and  loyal  subject^ 
as  well  as, 

May  it  please  your  excellency, 

Your  excellency's  most  dutiful 

And  most  faithful  humble  servant, 
C.  Lucas. 
Dublin,  October  the  3d,  1749. 


No.  LVIIL 


THE    MEMORIAL    OF    THE    EARL    OF    KILDARE....PAGE    47. 

To  his  Most  Serene  and  August  Majesty  King  George  the  Se- 
cond, of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender 
of  the  Faith,  and  so  forth. 

The  most  humble  Memorial  of  James  Fitzgerald,  Earl  of  Kil- 
dare.  Baron  Offaly,  Lord  Leinster  in  England,  &c.  and  one 
of  his  Majesty's  Most  Honorable  Privy  Council  of  the  King- 
dom of  Ireland, 

MOST    HUMBLY    REPRESENTETH, 

THAT  your  memorialist  is  the  eldest  peer  of 
the  realm,  by  descent,  as  lineally  sprung  from  the  ancient  and 
august  blood  of  the  noble  Earl  of  Kildare,  who  came  over  un- 
der the  invincible  banner  of  your  august  predecessor  Henry  the 
Second,  when  his  arms  conquered  the  kingdom  of  Ireland. 

That  your  memorialist,  on  this  foundation,  has  the  greater 
presumption  to  address  your  august  majesty,  as  his  ancestors 
have  ever  proved  themselves  steady  adherents  to  the  conquest 
of  that  kingdom,  and  were  greatly  instrumental  in  the  reduction 
thereof,  by  their  money,  interest,  and  forces. 

That  though  they  were  first  sent  over  with  letters  patent,  un- 
der Henry  the  Second's  banner,  to  conquer  that  kingdom,  yet 
by  the  inheritance  of  lands,  by  intermarriages  with  princesses  of 
the  kingdom,  they  became  powerful,  and  might  have  conquer- 
ed for  themselves,  notwithstanding  which,  their  allegiance  was 
such,  as  that,  on  that  sovereign's  mandate  to,  stop  the  progress 
of  war,  we  obeyed,  and  relinquished  our  title  of  conquest,  laid 
down  our  arms,  and  received  that  monarch  with  due  homage 
and  allegiance,  resigning  our  conquests  as  became  subjects,  and 


APPENDIX.  9 

also  prevailed  with  the  sovereign  princes,  bishops,  nobles, 
clergy,  and  gentry,  to  acknowledge  him  right  and  lawful  so- 
vereign of  Ireland,  and  of  the  seas,  sea-ports,  and  other  domains- 
of  the  kingdom. 

That  on  this  presumption,  your  memorialist  has,  in  the  most 
humble  manner,  at  the  request  of  the  natives  of  Ireland,  your 
majesty's  true  liege  subjects,  not  only  the  aborigines  thereof^ 
but  the  English  colonies,  sent  over  by  Henry  the  Second, 
Richard  the  Second,  Elizabeth,  Charles,  Cromwell  the  Usurp- 
er, William  the  Third  of  glorious  memory,  and  other  kings, 
your  majesty's  predecessors,  and  the  conquerors  of  Ireland, 
made  bold  to  lay  before  your  majesty  the  true  state  of  their  se- 
veral and  respective  grievances,  a  burden  now  become  almost 
too  heavy  to  bear. 

And  your  memorialist  was  rather  induced  to  lay  this  memo- 
rial at  your  august  majesty's  feet,  as  it  was  on  good  presump- 
tion surmised,  that  all  access  to  your  royal  ear  was  shut  up,  and 
your  liege  subjects  debarred  the  liberty  of  complaining,  a  right 
ever  allowed  to  your  majesty's  liege  subject:,  of  what  degree  or 
condition  soever. 

That  no  notice  being  taken  of  several  remonstrances  hereto- 
fore made  by  your  majesty's  liege  subjects,  it  was  humbly  pre- 
sumed, that  such  remonstrances  had  been  stopped,  and  debarred 
in  their  progress  to  your  royal  ear. 

That  your  memorialist,  at  the  request  of  several  thousands  of 
your  liege  subjects,  as  well  the  nobles  as  the  clergy,  the  gentry, 
and  commonalty  of  the  kingdom,  has  ventured  on  this  bold 
step,  for  which  he  humbly  craves  your  majesty's  pardon,  as 
nothing  but  the  distress  of  his  countrymen,  your  most  loyal  sub- 
jects, could  have  drawn  him  to  this  presumption. 

That  in  general  the  face  of  your  loyal  kingdom  of  Ireland 
wears  discontent,  a  discontent  not  coloured  from  caprice  or  fac- 
tion, but  purely  founded  on  ministerial  misapplication. 

That  though  several  persons,  particularly  N.  G.  was  called 
to  account  for  the  public  money,  which  he  had  drawn  out  of  the 
treasury,  and  deposited  in  the  banks,  yet  this  inquisition  came 
to  nothing  by  the  mediation  of  party,  and  the  interposition  of 
power. 

That  the  Duke  of  Dorset's  son  Lord  George,  though  in  high 
and  lucrative  employments  already,  not  satisfied  therev/ith,  has 
restlessly  grasped  at  power,  insatiable  in  his  acquisitions. 

That  the  primate,  who  is  nov/  on  the  pinnacle  of  honour,  con- 
nected v/ith  the  said  noble  lord,  has  made  use  of  his  influence  to 
invest  himself  of  temporal  power,  and  like  a  greedy  churchman, 
affects  to  be  a  second  Wolsey  in  the  senate. 

VOL.  II.  2 


10  APPENDIX. 

That  influences  being  so  predominant,  corruption  so  formida- 
ble, and  elections  so  controlled  by  the  mighty  power  of  those  two 
statesmen,  your  loyal  kingdom  of  Ireland  feels  the  sad  effects  of 
it,  and  dreads  this  duumvirate  as  much  as  England  did  that  of 
the  Earl  of  Stafford  and  Archbishop  Laud. 

That  your  other  ministers,  officers,  subjects,  and  servants, 
being  cut  out  of  dignity  and  power  by  this  formidable  monopoly, 
can  scarce  perform  the  proper  functions  of  their  ministry,  as  all 
measures  are  determined  by  fatal  and  influenced  majorities  in 
the  houses. 

That  the  citizens  of  Dublin  have  for  a  long  time  laboured 
under  an  unprecedented  slavery  in  subjection  to  the  bankers 
of  administration,  who  act  in  a  despotic  manner,  raising  and 
disposing  the  public  revenues  of  the  city,  just  as  to  them  seems 
fitting. 

That  your  majesty's  interest  in  the  hearts  of  your  loyal  sub- 
jects is  likely  to  be  affected  by  those  arbitrary  measures,  as  the 
landed  interest  is  very  much  injured  thereby,  and  as  few  care  to 
represent  their  country  in  parliaments  where  a  junto  of  two  or 
three  men  disconcert  every  measure  taken  for  the  good  of  the 
subject,  or  the  cause  of  common  liberty. 

That  your  memorialist  has  nothing  to  ask  of  your  majesty, 
neither  place,  civil  or  military,  neither  employment  or  prefer- 
ment for  himself  or  friends,  and  that  nothing  but  his  duty  to 
your  majesty^,  and  his  natural  hatred  to  such  detestable  monopoly^ 
could  have  induced  your  memorialist  to  this  presumption, 
Who  is, 

In  all  respects. 

Your  most  loyal 

And  dutiful  subject, 

J.  Fitzgerald* 


No.   LIX, 


THE    GENTLEMEN    WHO    VOTED    IN    SUPPORT    OF    THE    RESOLU- 
TIONS..„?AGE    53. 

[Marked  thus,  *  spoke  in  the  Debate.] 

Tellers  for  the  Ayes. 

Lord  Moore,  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  Horse. 

^Edmond  Sexton  Pery,  Esq. 

Hon.  Hugh  Skeffington,  Lieute-    James  Smyth,  Esq.  Collector 

nant  of  Horse  of  Dublin 


APPENDIX. 


11 


Charles  O'Neile,  Esq. 

William  Richardson,  Esq. 

^William  Brownlow,  Esq. 

Hon.  John  Caulfield,  Esq. 

Arthur  Upton,  Esq. 

James  Hamilton,  Esq. 

Sir  Richard  Wolesley,  Bart. 

'^Lord  Newtown 

Elon.  Barry  Maxwell 

John  Cramer,  Esq. 

Richard  Ponsonby,  Esq. 

Denham  Jephson,  Esq. 

William  Forward,  Esq. 

Abraham  Creichton,  Esq. 

Bernard  Ward,  Esq. 

Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 

Robert  Scott,  Esq. 

Matthew  Ford,  Esq. 

Francis  Leigh,   Esq. 

Sir  Charles  Burton,  Knt. 

^Philip  Tisdal,  Esq.  Solicitor 
General,  and  Judge  of  the 
Prerogative 

Edward  Bolton,  Esq. 

Hon.  John  Butler,  Esq.  Clerk 
of  the  Pipe 

Henry  Brooke,  Esq. 

'^^'Nicholas  Arehall,  Esq. 

-'''Robert  French,  Esq. 

Robert  Fitzgerald,  Esq.  Judge 
Advocate 

Sir  William  Founds,  Bart. 
Packer,  Searcher,  and  Gau- 
ger,  in  the  port  of  Cork 

Maurice  Keating,  Esq. 
John  Eourke,   Esq.   Commis- 
sioner of  the  Revenue 

Walter  Weldon,  Esq. 
Richard  Dav/son,  Esq. 
James  Agar,  Esq.  senior 
Hon.  Redmond  Morris,  Esq. 
Hon.  Joseph  Leeson,  Esq. 
Edv/ard  Herbert,  Esq. 
Hon.  Richard  Ponsonby,  Esq. 
Secretary  to    the    Commis- 
sioners 
Henry  Lyons,  Esq. 


Sir  William  Parsons,  Bart. 

Richard  Trench,  Esq. 

Boleyn  Whitney,  Esq.  Com- 
missioner of  Appeals 

John  Pomeroy,  Esq.  Lieute- 
nant Colonel  of  Foot 

Hugh  Crofton,  Esq. 

Charles  Smyth,  Esq. 

Hercules    Langford    Rov/ley, 

Esq. 
Richard  Edgwonh,  Esq. 
Right    Hon.    William    Henry 
Fortescue,  Esq.  Privy  Coun- 
sellor 

John  Ruxton,  Esq. 

Thomas  Fortescue,  Esq. 

James  Fortescue,  Esq. 

Thomas  Tcnison,  Esq.  Com- 
missioner of  Appeals 

Anthony  Forster,  Esq. 

Townley  Bellfore,  Esq. 

Sir  Thomas  Taylor,  Bart. 

Richard  Moore,  Esq. 

Georges  Lowther,  Esq. 

Flenry  Monck,  Esq. 

Thom.as  Dawson,  Esq. 

Jonah  Barrington,  Esq.  Pen- 
sioner 

Robert  Cunningham,  Esq.  Ad- 
jutant General 

Nehemiah  Donellan,  Esq. 

Right  Hon.  Sir  Thomas  Pen- 
dcrgast,  Post-Master  Gene- 
ral and  Privy  Counsellor 

Kinsmill  Penefather,  Esq. 

William  Stewart,  Esq. 

Thomas  Knox,  Esq. 

Nehemiah  Donellan,  Esq.  jun. 

Richard  Georges,  Esq. 

John  Rochfort,  Esq. 

Robert  Percival,  Esq. 

Andi-ew  Ram,  Esq. 

^Thomas  Le  Hunte,  Esq. 

John  Leigh,  Esq. 

James  Stopfort,  Esq. 
Charles  Tottenham,  Esq.  Sur- 
veyor General  of  Excise 


12  APPENDIX. 

Hon.  Henry  Loftus,  Esq.  Richard  Chapel  Whaley,  Esq. 

Thomas  Loftus,  Esq.  John  Strafford,  Esq. 

Walter  Hore,  Esq.  Judge  Ad-  Stephen  Trotter,  Esq. 
vocate 


Against  the  ^estion,  and  for  Stijiing  the  Resolutions  from  ap- 
pearing before  His  Majesty, 

Tellers  for  Noes. 

*Sir  Richard  Cox,  Bart.  Pensioner. 
Thomas  Carter,  Esq.  junior. 

Edward  Smyth,  Esq.  John  Graham,  Esq. 

Hon.    Hungford    Skefnngton,  Robert  Standford,  Esq.  Captain 
Pensioner  of  Horse 

Sir  Richard  Butler,  Bart.  John  Eyre,  Esq. 

Right    Hon.    Richard    Rigby,  Henry    Bingham,    Esq.    Pen- 
Principal  Secretary  sioner 

Sir  Edward  Obrien,  Bart.  William  Crosby,  Esq. 

Murrough  Obrien,  Esq.  Sir  Kildare  Burrowes,  Bart. 

Emanuel  Pigot,  Esq.  Robert  Harman 

Hon.  James  Obrien,  Esq.  Col-  Agmondisham  Vesy,  Esq.  Ac- 
lector  of  Cork  comptant  General    ^ 

Belhngham  Boyle,  Esq.  Pen-  James  Agar,  Esq. 

sioner  Ralph  Gore,  Esq.  Pensioner 

Sir  John  Freke,  Bart.  ^Warden  Flood,  Esq.  Attor- 

Lord  Limerick,  Chief  Remem-      ney  General 

brancer  ]o\m  Gore,  Esq.    Counsel  to 

John  Magill,  Esq.  the  Commissioners 

William  Harward,  Esq.  Edmond  Malone,  Esq.  Coun- 

Edward  Barry,  Esq.  State  Phy-      sellor  at  Law 

sician  William  Scot,  Esq.  Prime  Ser- 

General   Dilkes,  Governor  of      jeant 

the  Hospital  Alexander  Nesbit,  Esq.  Pen- 

John  Lysaght,  Esq.  junior  sioner 

Andrew  Knox,  Esq.  Anthony  Marlay,  Esq.  Com- 

Sir  Ralph   Gore   St.   George,       missioner  of  Appeals,   and 
Bart.  Pensioner 

Right  Hon.  Sir  Arthur  Gore,  Henry  Mitchel,  Esq. 
Bart.  Privy  Counsellor  Hon.  Mr.  Westely 

Michael  Clarke,  Esq.  Exami-  General   Eligh,    Colonel   of  a 
ner  of  Excise  Regiment  of  Horse 

Francis  Pier  Burton,  Esq.  Richard  Hamilton,  Esq. 

Thomas  Montgomery,  Esq.        Nathaniel  Clements,  Esq.  De* 

William  Cooper,  Esq.  puty  Vice  Treasurer 


APPENDIX. 


13 


Alexander  Montgomery,  Esq. 

Bartholomew  William  Gilbert, 
Esq. 

Marcus  Patterson,  Esq.  Ser- 
jeant at  Law 

William  Henry  Dawson,  Esq. 

Henry  Sandford,  Esq. 

Thomas  Mahon,  Esq. 

Frederick  Gore,  Esq. 

Galbraith  Lowry,  Esq. 

Frederick  Gore,  Esq. 

St.  George  Richardson,  Esq. 
Lieutenant  of  Horse 

Aland  Mason,  Esq. 

Lord  Beresford 

Shapland  Carew,  Esq. 


Lord  Boyle 

Sir  Henry  Cavendish,  Bart. 
Teller  of  the  Exchequer 

^-Right  Hon.  Anthony  Malone, 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
and  Privy  Counsellor 

Gustavus  Lambert,  Esq.  Col- 
lector of  Excise 

Lord  Forbes,  Colonel  of  Foot 

Richard  Malone,  Esq.  Serjeant 
at  Law 

Hon.  Thomas  Southwell,  Esq. 
Pensioner 

Charles  Gardiner,  Esq.  Sur- 
veyor General  of  the  Cus- 
toms in  Ireland. 


No.  LX. 


EXHORTATION  OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CLERGY  OF  DUBLIN, 
READ  FROM  THEIR  ALTARS  ON  THE  SECOND  OF  OCTOBER, 
1757.. ..PAGE    53, 

(From  the  Dublin  Journal  of  October  4th,  1757.) 

IT  is  now  time,  Christians,  that  you  return  your  most 
grateful  thanks  to  Almighty  God,  who,  after  visiting  you  with 
a  scarcity,  which  approached  near  unto  a  famine,  has  been  gra- 
ciously pleased,  like  a  merciful  father,  to  bear  your  prayers,  and 
feed  you  with  a  plentiful  harvest :  nor  ought  you  to  forget  those 
kind  benefactors,  who,  in  the  severest  times,  mindful  only  of 
the  public  good,  generously  bestowed,  without  any  distinction 
of  persons,  those  large  charfties,  by  which  thousands  were  pre- 
served, who  otherwise  must  have  perished  the  victims  of  hunger 
and  poverty.  We  ought  especially  to  be  most  earnest  in  our 
thanks  to  the  chief  governors  and  magistrates  of  the  kingdom, 
and  of  this  city  in  particular,  who,  on  this  occasion,  proved  the 
fathers  and  saviours  of  the  nation.  But  as  we  have  not  a  more 
effectual  method  of  shewing  our  acknowledgment  to  our  tempo- 
ral governors,  than  by  an  humble,  peaceful,  and  obedient  beha- 
viour ;  as  hitherto,  we  earnestly  exhort  you  to  continue  in  the 
same  happy  and  Christian  disposition,  and  thus,  by  degrees, 


14  APPENDIX, 

you  will  entirely  efface  in  their  minds  those  evil  impressions, 
which  have  been  conceived  so  much  to  our  prejudice,  and  in- 
dustriously propagated  by  our  enemies.  A  series  of  more  than 
sixty  years  spent,  with  a  pious  resignation,  under  the  hardships 
of  very  severe  penal  laws,  and  with  the  greatest  thankfulness  for 
the  lenity  and  moderation,  with  v/hich  they  were  executed,  ever 
since  the  accession  of  the  present  royal  family,  is  certainly  a  fact 
which  must  outweigh,  in  the  minds  of  all  unbiassed  persons,  any 
misconceived  opinions  of  the  doctrine  and  tenets  of  our  holy 
church. 

You  know  that  it  has  always  been  our  constant  practice,  as 
ministers  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  inspire  you  with  the  greatest  hor- 
ror for  thefts,  frauds,  murders,  and  the  like  abominable  crim^es  ; 
as  being  contrary  to  the  laws  of  God  and  nature,  destructive  of 
civil  society,  condemned  by  our  most  holy  church,  which,  so  far 
from  justifying  them  on  the  score  of  religion,  or  any  other  pre- 
text whatsoever,  delivers  the  unrepenting  authors  of  such  cri- 
minal practices  over  to  Satan. 

We  are  no  less  zealous  than  ever  in  exhorting  you  to  abstain 
from  cursing,  swearing,  and  blaspheming ;  detestable  vices,  to 
which  the  poorer  sort  of  our  people  are  most  unhappily  addicted, 
and  which  must  at  one  time  or  other  bring  down  the  vengeance 
of  heaven  upon  you  in  some  visible  punishment,  unless  you  ab- 
solutely reirain  from  them. 

It  is  probable,  that,  from  hence,  some  people  have  taken  oc- 
casion to  brand  us  with  this  infamous  calumny,  that  we  need 
not  fear  to  take  false  oaths,  and  consequently  to  perjure  ourselves  j 
as  if  we  believed  that  any  power  upon  earth  could  authorize 
such  damnable  practices,  or  grant  dispensations  for  this  purpose. 
Hov*^  unjust  and  cruel  this  charge  is,  you  know  by  our  instruc- 
tions to  you  both  in  public  and  private,  in  which  we  have  ever 
condemned  such  doctrines,  as  false  and  impious.  Others,  like- 
wise, may  easily  know  it  from  the  constant  behaviour  of  num- 
bers of  Roman  Catholics,  who  have  given  the  strongest  proofs 
of  their  abhorrence  of  those  tenets,  by  refusing  to  take  oaths, 
which,  however  conducive  to  their  temporal  interest,  appeared 
to  them  entirely  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  their  religion. 

We  must  now  intreat  you,  dear  Christians,  to  offer  up  your 
most  fervent  prayers  to  the  Almighty  God,  who  holds  in  his 
hands  the  hearts  of  kings  and  princes,  beseech  him  to  direct 
the  counsels  of  our  rulers,  to  inspire  them  with  sentiments  of 
moderation  and  compassion  towards  us.  We  ought  to  be  more 
earnest,  at  this  juncture,  in  our  supplications  to  heaven  ;  as  some 
very  honourable  personages  have  encouraged  us  to  hope  for  a 
mitigation  of  the  penal  lav/s.  Pray  then  the  Almighty  to  give 
a  blessing  to  these  their  generous  designs,  and  to  aid  their  coun- 
sels, in  such  a  manner,  that,  whilst  they  intend  to  assist  us.  like 


APPENDIX.  15 

kind  benefactors,  they  may  not,   contrary  to  their  intentions,  by 
mistaking  the  means,  most  irretrievably  destroy  us. 

To  concUide,  be  just  in  your  deaUngs,  sober  in  your  conduct, 
religious  in  your  practice^  avoid  riots,  ciuarrels,  and  tumults  ;  and 
thus  you  u'ili  approve  yourseh-es  good  citizens,  peaceable  subjects, 
and  pious  Christians. 


No.  LXI. 


letter  or  mr.  o  conor  to  dr.  curry.. ..page  54, 

My  dear  friExVD, 

MY  neighbour,  or  rather  a  gi*eat  man  in  my  neigh- 
bourhood, the  Bishop  of  Elphin,  has  been  of  late  very  inquisitive 
about  the  Bishop  of  Ferms's  bleeding  Iphigenia,  in  hopes,  I  sup- 
pose, of  throv/ing  some  dirt  at  us  this  session  out  of  our  ov/n  dung- 
hills. I  know  enough  of  diis  book  out  of  Walsh's,  to  think  that 
5^ou  as  well  as  I,  are  of  Walsh's  side  of  the  question,  in  condemn- 
ing the  proceedings  at  Waterford,  Jamestovrn,  and  Galway,  and  in 
declaring  that  the  war  of  the  confederate  Catholics  was  just  and 
necessary  j  they  fought  against  unprincipled  regicides,  and  his 
lordship's  abuse  will  tend  ultimately  to  make  such  enemies  less 
odious  to  mankind.  In  the  mean  time,  you  and  all  of  you,  are  as 
passively  silent  as  sheep  before  the  shearer ;  you  are  of  opinion,  I 
suppose,  that  it  is  not  justice  due  to  all  parties  to  shew  by  what 
means  and  by  whose  means,  such  evils  vv'ere  brought  upon  us  as 
operate  to  this  day.  This  Harris's  insolence  is  seasoned  for  him 
by  an  opinion  derived  from  your  silence,  that  he  has  defeated  us 
all.  For  my  part,  were  I  you,  and  had  I  but  a  pebble,  I  would 
cast  it  at  such  an  illiberal  dog ;  nay,  at  every  Irishman,  who  would 
be  so  base  as  not  to  be  ashamed  to  mangle  the  corpse  of  the  fallen, 
or  to  rivet  the  fetters  of  the  oppressed. 

But  alas !  we  are  a  people  truly  Mien,  or  we  would  co-operate 
v/ith  each  other  systematically,  in  counteracting  the  proceedings  of 
the  parties  that  are  united  in  nothing  but  in  a  league  against  us. 
They  offer  as  a  boon,  a  registry  bill,  which  is  evidently  calculated 
to  extirpate  our  very  remains.  Nothing  can  be  better  known,  than 
that  our  spiritual  osconomy  cannot  be  exercised  without  the  spi- 
ritual jurisdiction  of  our  bishops.  Yet,  the  jurisdiction  of  Ca- 
tholic bishops  is  totally  overturned  by  this  blessed  boon,  the  intent 
of  which  is  therefore  to  destroy  Popery  by  Popery  itself. 


16  APPENDIX. 

The  difference  between  Queen  Anne's  Registry  Bill  and  this 
one,  is,  that  the  former  was  too  penal  to  execute  itself.  But  the 
latter  is  far  from  being  so ;  it  avails  itself  of  our  most  despotic 
passions  to  destroy  our  best  principles. 

Let  us  therefore  draw  up  a  solemn  appeal,  to  be  published  in 
the  Foreign  Gazettes,  which  will  acquit  us  in  the  face  of  Europe 
as  men  aggrieved  merely  on  account  of  honest  attachments  to  our 
principles.  This  will  be  of  use  to  us  in  the  day  of  exile ;  for  I 
see  now  that  there  is  no  remedy  but  emigration.  I  can  never 
think  of  this  legal  annihilation  of  episcopal  authority,  without  al- 
ternate emotions  of  anger  and  dejection.  I  am  moved  to  indig- 
nation when  told,  that,  after  this  bill  passes,  the  penal  clauses  shall 
be  as  little  enforced  as  those  already  existing.  Vain  presumption ! 
This  penal  law  is  calculated  to  execute  itself,  and  ourselves  shall 
be  the  executioners !  How  shall  I  proceed  on  this  melancholy  sub- 
ject which  afflicts  me  the  more,  as,  for  so  many  years  past,  we  have 
not  by  any  principle  or  conduct,  given  the  smallest  provocation. 
Allow  me,  my  dear  friend,  to  apply  to  you  for  the  consolation 
which  I  can  derive  only  on  the  vigilance  and  activity  of  whidi  I 
know  you  are  possessed. 

Tecum^etenim  longos  memini  consumere  soles. 
I  am,  in  every  situation  of  life. 

Affectionately  and  invariably  your's, 

Charles  O'Cgnor. 

[The  Declaration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Tenets  published  at  this  time  was  the 
same  as  that  published  in  1793;  for  which  vide  Appendix,  No.  LXXXVIIL] 


No.  LXII. 


MR.    WYSE's   proposal    TO    THE    FIRST    CATHOLIC    COMMIT- 
TEE  PAGE  54. 

WHEREAS,  many  of  the  penal  laws  enacted  against 
the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland,  since  the  Revolution,  have  in  a 
great  measure  been  owing  to  the  supineness  of  some,  to  the  over- 
bearing superiority  assumed  by  others  in  taking  the  lead,  and  des- 
pising the  opinions  of  men  of  greater  knowledge  and  penetration  ; 
to  embezzlements  of  public  money,  and  an  insecurity  of  appHca- 
tion  to  the  purposes,  for  which  large  sums  have  been  occasionally 
raised  ;  to  an  imprudent  choice  of  improper  agents  ;  to  the  diffi- 
dence and  difficulty  of  raising  such  sums  as  are  necessary  to  give 
weight  to  solicitation  j  and  lastly,  to  the  want  of  that  good  under- 


APPENDIX.  ir 

standing,  harmony  and  union  so  remarkable  in  the  political  conduct 
of  all  other  Dissenters,  by  which  they  have  preserved  a  legal  tole- 
ration of  their  religious  worship,  and  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
freemen,  which  the  Catholics  might  have  been  equally  successful  in 
keeping,  if  they  had  gone  hand  in  hand,  ana  pursued  the  same  me- 
thods, the  neglect  and  omission  of  which  have  brought  such  an 
inundation  of  calamities  on  us,  that  neith;^/  clergy  nor  laity  could 
live  in  this  kingdom,  if  the  severity  of  the  lav/s  themselves  did  not 
suspend  their  execution,  and  the  lenity  of  government  hold  up  the 
scourge,  but  not  the  spirit  of  persecution,  which  breaks  out  each 
session,  widi  greater  violence,  and  thou^gh  now  and  then  diverted, 
yet  in  the  end  must  extirpate  us,  if  not  prudently  counteracted. 

And,  whereas,  it  would  be  impossible  to  convene  together  all  the 
Roman  Catholics  of  property  throughout  the  kingdom  on  any  emer- 
gency, or  even  all  the  Roman  Catholics  of  weight  and  consequence 
in  and  about  the  city  of  Dublin,  the  fountain  head  of  intelligence, 
and  though  such  a  convention  were  practicable,  it  would  be  inexpe- 
dient ;  in  order  therefore  to  remedy,  &c.  &c.  the  following  scheme 
is  humbly  proposed  for  establishing  a  perpetual  committee  of  repre- 
sentatives for  each  diocess  in  Ireland,  and  for  each  parish  in  the  ci- 
ty of  Dubhn.  One  representative  to  be  chosen  by  ballot,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  each  parish,  and  in  each 
county  by  a  majority  of  the  parish  priests,  as  well  as  of  the  tovvns 
and  cities,  and  each  nomination  and  appointment  of  a  lay  represen- 
tative to  be  signed  not  only  by  the  said  clergy,  but  also,  by  the  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  the  diocess,  and  these  several  elections  to  be 
made  with  as  much  secrecy  as  possible. 

The  chairman  of  the  said  comiiiittee  with  an  assistant,  con- 
stantly residing  in  Dublin,  to  keep  a  book  of  accounts,  and  enter 
all  transactions  for  the  satisfaction  of  their  constituents  ;  to  be  an- 
nually chosen  on  some  day  before  the  first  of  January,  by  a  majo- 
rity of  members,  and  to  have  a  casting  voice,  in  case  of  a  division, 
and  an  equality  of  voices  on  both  sides.  The  country  members, 
who  may  not  be  in  town  at  the  time  of  any  necessary  business  shall 
be  duly  apprized  thereof  by  the  chairman  or  assistant  secretary  for 
the  time  being,  and  any  gentleman,  though  not  of  the  committee, 
shall  have  access  to  their  meetings,  to  give  his  opinion  or  advice  on 
any  deliberation  of  importance,  but  not  to  have  a  voice  in  anv  de- 
bate or  resolution  of  the  committee,  or  be  present  when  the  ques- 
tion is  put ;  and  every  thing  done  by  a  majorit)^  of  voices,  relative 
to  the  spiritual  or  temporal  welfare  of  the  constituents,  shall  be 
binding,  and  considered  by  all  parties  as  conclusive,  &c. 


VOL.    II. 


IS  APPENDIX. 


No.  LXIII. 

Letter  of  Mr.   Saul  to  Mr.  O'Conor  o?  Belanagare. 

[page  55,] 

My  dear  Mr.  OXonor, 

I  AM  an  utter  stranger  to  what  our  people 
here  are  doing,  and  I  am  resolved  never  to  be  concerned  in  any  af- 
fairs during  my  life,  but  those  of  my  family,  and  a  small  circle  of 
friends  ;  what  I  suffered  on  account  of  my  humanity  in  the  case  of 
Miss  Toole,  has  taught  me  this  lesson  ;  I  was  then  made  to  under- 
stand, from  the  mouth  of  no  less  a  personage,  than  the  lord  chan- 
cellor, that  the  laws  did  not  presume  a  Papist  to  exist  here,  nor 
could  they  breathe  without  the  connivance  of  government.  If  so, 
for  I  shall  not  attempt  to  think  otherwise,  after  so  solemn  a  declara- 
tion, how  can  you  blame  me  for  being  an  enemy  to  addresses  and 
to  memoirs  ?  Even  you  cannot  persuade  me  that  they  tend  to  any 
T/urpose.  I  remember  to  have  read  in  some  of  the  classics 
(when  a  school  boy)  a  line  or  two,  which  have  been  of  singular  use 
to  me  in  the  course  of  my  life. 

Nunquam  poenltuittacuisse,  at  sxpe  locutum. 

And  now,  my  dear  friend,  since  there  is  not  the  least  prospect  of 
such  a  relaxation  of  the  penal  laws,  as  would  induce  one  Roman 
Catholic  to  tarry  in  this  house  of  bondage,  who  can  purchase  a  set- 
tlement in  some  other  land,  where  freedom,  and  security  of  pro- 
perty can  be  obtained,  will  you  condemn  me  for  saying,  that  if  I 
cannot  be  one  of  the  first,  I  will  not  be  one  of  the  last,  to  take  flight 
from  a  country,  where  I  have  not  the  least  expectation  of  encou- 
ragement to  enable  me  to  carry  on  my  manufactures,  to  any  consi- 
derable extent  ? 

Heu  !  fugs  crudeles  terras,  fug'e  littus  a\  arum  ! 

The  parliament  of  59,  is  not  the  parliament  of  53,  The  heart 
was  then  on  the  right  side  of  the  political  body,  ready  to  promote, 
on  all  occasions,  the  interest  and  welfare  of  the  country  ;  but  the 
case  is  quite  the  reverse  at  present.  The  patriots  of  that  happy 
sera  are  the  betrayers  of  this  ;  and  he  only  is  WTong,  who  stood  out 
for  too  great  a  price,  or  did  not  sell  himself  in  time  for  what  he 
could  obtain* 


APPENDIX.  19 

If  (as  Pope  says)  "  whatever  is,  is  right,"  those  trials  may  per- 
haps be  intended  for  our  greater  benefit,  as  lessons  to  shew  us, 
that  our  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  that  we  are  not  to  expect  any 
real  happiness  in  this  life,  and  that  the  greatest  calamities  and  mi- 
series here  must  have  an  end. 

This  reflection,  I  own,  has  often  relieved  me  on  many  distress- 
ing occurrences.  But  how  I  will  be  able  to  bear  at  this  time  of 
life,  when  nature  is  far  advanced  in  its  decline,  and  my  constitu- 
tion by  constant  exercise  of  mind  very  much  impaired,  the  fatal 
necessitv  of  quitting  for  ever,  friends,  relations,  im  ancient  patri- 
mony,.,..my  natale  solum^  to  retire  perhaps  to  some  dreary  inaus- 
picious clime,  there  to  play  the  school-boy  again,  to  learn  the  lan- 
guage, laws,  and  constitution  of  the  country  ;  to  make  new  friends 
and  acquaintances  ;  in  short,  to  begin  the  world  anew ;  how  this 
separation,  I  say,  from  every  thing  dear  in  this  sublunary  world, 
would  afRict  me,  I  cannot  say,  but  with  an  agitated  and  throbbing 
heart. 

But  when  Religion  dictates,  and  Prudence  points  out  the  only 
way  to  preserve  posteritv  from  ttmptatien  and  perdition,  I  feel 
this  consideration  predominating  over  all  others,  I  am  resolved  as 
soon  as  possible  to  sell  out,  and  to  expatriate ;  and  I  must  content 
myself  with  the  melancholy  satisfiiction  of  treasuring  up  in  my 
memory  the  kindnesses  and  affections  of  my  friends.  Living  or 
^Iving, 

I  am. 

My  dear  O' Conor, 
Ever  your's, 

Lawrence  Saul. 
Novemher  15,  17^9, 


No.  LXIV. 

LETTER    or    MR.  o'cONOR    tO  DR.  CURRY.. ..PAGE    55, 
DEAR  6IR, 

September  l^th,  1759, 
NO  circumstance  attending  the  Memoirs  gives  me 
more  pain,  than  the  prospect  you  have  before  you,  that  the  storm 
of  the  times  is  to  burst  over  the  heads  of  the  patronizers  of  such  a 
woa-k,  that  is,  over  the  defenceless,  the  grieved,  and  hated  part  of 
the  nation., ..If  our  masters  are  so  far  bent  against  us,  as  to  be 


£0  APPENDIX. 

provoked  at  Vvhat  we  may  now  surely  call  innocent  truths ;  let 
those  truths  be  secreted  for  better  days  and  better  times,  even 
though  no  great  deference  should  be  observed  to  the  errors  of  men, 
vvho  would  rather  continue  ruinously  mistaken,  than  be  unplea- 
singly  undeceived  ;  my  deference  to  such  men  would  go  but  a  short 
way ;  and  were  I  author  of  the  Historical  Memoirs,  I  would  appre- 
hend but  very  little  from  the  open  avowal  of  them.  But,  perhaps 
the  true  author,  whoever  he  is,  has  more  measures  to  keep  through 
the  de.icacy  of  his  situation. 

For  my  part,  I  can  see  neither  relief  nor  persecution  from  the 
complexion  of  the  present  times,  they  seem  not  purified  enough 
for  the  one,  nor  implacable  enough  for  the  other ;  and  when  the 
scales  of  political  wisdom  are  thus  poised,  let  us  conclude  that  wis- 
dom and  justice  will  take  care  one  time  or  other  to  cast  the  balance 
on  the  right  side, 

Your's  aifectionately, 

Charles  O'Conor. 


TO    THE    SAME. 

Bclanagare^  October  2Qt/i. 

DEAR    SIR, 

ON  my  return  two  days  since  from  Jamestown,  I 
called  in  Elphin,  at  Mr.  Stafford's.  He  informed  me,  that  he  put 
a  book  which  lately  came  out,  (on  the  fatal  rebellion  in  1641)  into 
the  Bishop's  hands,  who  promised  it  an  impartial  reading.  As 
you  might  probably  have  perused  that  work,  you  may  be  curious 
lo  know  what  so  great  a  man's  thoughts  are  -relative  to  it ;  they  are 
indeed  pretty  much  what  I  foresaw  they  would  be.... The  author 
(said  he)  hath  taken  great  pains  to  support  his  facts  by  authentic 
lestimonies,  but  I  cannot  approve  of  the,  discretion  of  gendemen, 
who  in  the  present  time  revive  such  facts... .Mr.  Stafford  made  no 
reply;  nor  could  it  escape  his  k  rdship,  that  such  facts  are  revived 
incessantly,  in  the  anniversary  sermons,  pamphlets,  and  books  of 
the  most  eminent  men  among  us.  But  the  charge  of  indis- 
cretion is  levelled  particularly  at  any  person,  who  now  have  the 
audacity  to  controvert  any  matters  set  forth  in  these  periodical  writ- 
ings. For  my  own  part  I  cannot  but  approve  entirely  of  the 
equity  of  this  judgment:  nor  can  I  see  the  reason,  why  a  people, 
who  contended  in  vain  for  civil  justice  in  a  former  age,  should 
have  any  historical  justice  done  them  in  this!  Who  does  not  see 
that  under  all  popular  governments,  popular  contention  must  some^ 
times  arise,  and  that  every  discomfited  party,  (which  party  must 
be  surely  always  in  the  wrong)  owe  at  least  one  duty  to  the  public, 
which  is  either  to  applaud  the  justice  done  them,  or  leave  the  ho» 
pour  of  the  panegjTic  to  others. 


APPENDIX.  21 

In  the  present  case  vou  see,  that  nothing  more  than  a  respectful 
silence  is  required,  and  sorry  I  am  that  the  author  of  the  book  I 
mention,  did  not  follow  the  example  set  him  by  his  own  party  for 
seventy  years  past.  Had  he  done  so,  nothing  more  than  the  usual 
course  would  be  served  up,  on  the  approaching  anniversaiy  of  the 
23d  instant ;  but  now  I  am  not  without  my  apprehensions,  that  the 
perusal  of  those  memoirs  may  swell  the  bill  of  fare  ;  and  prove 
expensive  to  those,  for  vv'hom  such  feasts  are  annually  prepared. 
Here  I  drop  my  melancholy  subject,  having  only  to  add,  that  his 
lordship  suspects  strongly,  that  the  author  of  the  book  I  mention, 
lives  this  side  of  the  Shannon ;  he  will  doubtless  confirm  others  in 
this  idea. 

I  lay  four  nights  ago  in  Jamestov/n,  nine  miles  off.  It  contains 
an  area  of  four  or  five  plantation  acres,  in  an  oblong  square,  sur- 
rounded by  a  strong  v/all  six  feet  in  thickness,  about  tvrenty  feet 
high  ;  the  two  great  gates  are  broken  down.  It  stretches  along  the 
Shannon,  under  a  rising  ground  to  the  West;  no  foi-tincation 
was  ever  worse  situated  for  defence.  I  give  you  this  description 
of  the  place,  as  it  is  almost  as  famous  in  history,  for  its  council 
of  bishops  in  the  civil  war,  as  Trent  is  for  another  council, 
which  is  equally  the  object  of  popular  odium.  I  have  tired  you  and 
myself. 

Adieu, 

Charles  O'Conor. 

P.  S.  The  great  man  set  off  for  Dublin  on  Monday  last.  He 
thought  that  the  not  procuring  him  the  Iphigenia,  was  owing  rather 
to  a  design  in  secreting  the  work,  than  the  real  want  of  the  book. 
I  request  you  will  do  ail  you  can  to  hunt  down  this  historical  fugi- 
tive, and  let  him  be  delivered  bound  up,  or  even  loose,  to  one  who 
iS  so  eager  to  have  him  examined. 


THE    ANSWER. 
DEAR    SIR, 

I  RETURN  a  thousand  thanks  for  both  your  last 
favpurs.  Your  great  neighbour's  observation  on  the  Memoirs  is 
pleasant  enough.  After  a  very  short,  critical,  inquisitive  perusal 
of  an  unpleasing  work,  because  a  work,  destructive  of  one  of  his 
principal  topics  of  argumentation  against  an  opposite  party,  whom 
he  is  in  the  habit  not  only  of  dissenting  from,  but  detesting;  for 
such  a  man  to  have  no  other  fault  to  find,  but  indiscretion,  in  the 
publication  of  such  truths  at  this  juncture,  nay,  to  allow  that  the 
author  has  supported  his  facts  by  authentic  evidence.. ..quod  erat 
desideratum.. ..amounts,  consideratis  considerandis....to  approba^ 


2'i  APPENDIX. 

tion  and  applause.  From  a  judge  so  circumstanced  as  his  lord- 
ship, no  more  could  be  expected ;  and  his  mentioning  the  fault 
of  indiscretion,  looks  like  affected  criticism;  because  you  have 
shewn  it  to  be  entirely  groundless,  and  because  it  was,  you  know, 
absolutely  necessary  he  should  find  some  fault.  1  have  been  seek- 
ing in  vain  for  Iphigenia :  if  I  can  get  her  at  any  price,  she  shall 
be  at  your  service.  Adieu, 

J.  Curry. 


No.  LXV. 


THE  HUMBLE  ADDRESS  OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  GENTLEMEN, 
MERCHANTS,  AND  CITIZENS  OF  THE  CITY  OF  DUBLIN,  TO 
niS    GRACE,    JOHN,    DUKE    OF    BEDFORD,    &C....PAGE    57* 

(From  the  Dublin  Gazette,  December  15,  If 89.) 

MAY    IT    PLEASE    YOL'R    GRACE, 

WE,  his  majesty's  dutiful  and  faidiful  subjects,  the 
Roman  Catholic  gentlemen,  merchants,  and  citizens  of  the  city  of 
Dublin,  do,  with  the  greatest  respect,  approach  the  illustrious  re- 
presentative of  the  best  of  kings,  with  our  hearty  congratulations 
on  those  glorious  successes,  by  sea  and  land,  which  have  attended 
his  majesty's  arms,  in  the  prosecution  of  this  just  and  necessary 
war. 

We  gratefully  acknowledge  the  lenity  extended  to  us  by  his 
most  sacred  majesty,  and  by  his  royal  father,  of  liappy  memory. 
Our  allegiance,  may  it  please  your  grace,  is  confirmed  by  affec- 
tion and  gratitude  ;  our  religion  commands  it ;  and  it  shall  be  our 
invariable  rale  firmly  and  inviolably  to  adhere  to  it. 

We  are  called  to  this  duty,  at  the  present  time  in  particular, 
when  a  foreign  enemy  is  meditating  desperate  attempts  to  inter- 
rupt the  happiness  and  disturb  the  repose,  which  these  kingdoms 
have  so  long  enjoyed,  under  a  monarch,  who  places  his  chief  glory 
in  approving  himself  the  common  father  of  all  his  people :  and 
we  sincerely  assure  your  grace,  that  we  are  ready  and  willing,  to  the 
utmost  of  our  abilities,  to  assist  in  supporting  his  majesty's  go- 
vernment against  all  hostile  attempts  whatsoever. 

Whenever,  my  lord,  it  shall  please  the  Almighty,  that  the  legis- 
lative power  of  this  realm,  shall  deem  the  peaceable  conduct  of  his 
majesty's  Catholic  subjects  of  Ireland,  for  many  years  past  an  ob- 
ject worthy  of  its  favourable  attention,  we  humbly  hope  means  may 


APPENDIX,  23 

then  be  devised,  to  render  so  numerous  a  body  more  useful  mem- 
bers to  die  community,  and  more  strengdiening  iriends  to  the  state, 
than  they  could  possibly  have  hitherto  been,  under  the  restraint  of 
the  many  penal  laws  against  them.  We  most  humbly  beseech  your 
grace  to  represent  to  his  majesty  these  sentiments  and  resolutions 
of  his  majesty's  faithful  subjects,  the  Roman  Catholics  of  this  me- 
tropolis, who  sincerely  wish,  that  a  peace  honourable  to  his  majesty 
and  advantageous  to  his  kingdoms,  may  be  the  issue  of  the  present 
war  ;  and  that  the  people  of  Ireland  may  be  long  governed  by  your 
grace,  a  viceroy,  in  whom  wisdom,  moderation,  and  justice,  are  so 
eminently  conspicuous. 

Dated  this  first  of  December,  1759.   (nine). 


HIS  GRACE  THE  DUKE  OF  BEDFORd's  ANSWER  TO  THE  AD- 
DRESS OF  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLICS  OF  DUBLIN,  IN  HIS  LET» 
TER  TO  THE  RIGHT  HONOURABLE  JOHN  PONSONBY,  ESQj 
SPEAKER    OF    THE  HONOURABLE    HOUSE    OF    COMMONS. 

(From  the  Dublin  Gazette,  December  15th,  1759.) 

Dublin  Castle^  10th  of  December y  1759. 
Sir, 

I  BEG  the  favour  of  you  to  return  my  most  sincere 
thanks  to  the  gentlemen,  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Dublin,  for  the 
address  which  you  brought  me  from  them  this  morning,  and  for  the 
good  opinion  which  they  have  therein  expressed  of  me. 

The  zeal  and  attachment,  which  they  profess  for  his  majesty's 
person  and  government,  can  never  be  more  seasonably  manifested, 
than  in  the  ]:>resent  conjuncture. 

It  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  find,  that  they  are  so  fullr 
sensible  of  the  lenity,  which  hath  been  extended  to  them,  during 
the  whole  course  of  his  majesty's  reign  ;  and  they  may  be  assured, 
that,  so  long  as  they  conduct  themselves  with  duty  and  affection  to 
the  king,  they  will  not  fail  to  receive  his  majesty's  protection. 
I  am  with  great  truth  and  regard,  sir. 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Bedior»» 


24  APPENDIX. 


No.  LXVL 


LETTER     or     GENERAL     STRODE     TO     THE     LORD     LIEUTENANT^ 
CONCERNING    THE    LANDING    OF   TKUROT PAGE  63. 

INFORMATION  of  Sen] amln  riall,  lieutenant  and  adjutant 
to  my  regiment,  who  this  moment  arrived  here,  on  his  parade, 
from  Carrickfergus,  in  order  to  get  provisions  for  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  my  regiment  there,  says,  that  on  the  21st  inst,  three 
ships  appeared  off  the  isle  of  Magee,  standing  in  shore,  for  the  bay 
of  Carrickfergus,  and  at  eleven  o'clock  came  to  an  anchor,  abovit 
two  miles  and  a  half  to  the  N.  E.  part  of  the  castle,  and  within 
musquet  shot  of  the  shore  at  Thilroot-point.  At  this  time  the 
small  number  of  troops  belonging  to  the  garrison,  were  at  exercise, 
about  half  a  mile  on  the  road  to  Belfast ;  and  at  a  quarter  after  ele- 
ven o'clock,  the  guard  was  turned  out,  made  up,  and  marched  off, 
to  relieve  that  on  the  French  prisoners  in  the  castle :  the  rest  of 
the  men  continued  in  the  field  of  exercise,  v/nere  an  account  was 
soon  brought,  that  the  three  ships  just  come  to  anchor  had  taken 
and  detained  two  fishing  boats,  and  with  them  and  several  others 
were  plying  on  and  off  between  the  shore  and  the  ships ;  on  which 
immediate  brders  were  sent  to  the  castle  for  both  guards  to  conti- 
nue under  arms,  and  double  the  sentinels  on  the  French  prisoners ; 
and  be  particularly  strict  and  watchful  over  them,  till  they  could  be 
satisfied  whether  they  were  friends  or  enemies  ;  though  at  the 
same  time,  a  strong  report  prevailed  with  some,  that  it  was  an  En- 
glish frigate  and  two  store  ships  :  but  to  be  convinced  what  they 
were,  after  the  troops  had  assembled  in  the  market  place,  Lieute- 
nant Hall  went  off  with  a  reconnoitring  party,  and  took  post  on  a 
rising  ground,  where  he  could  plainly  perceive  eight  boats  landing 
armed  men ;  and  that  they  drew  out  in  detachments,  and  took  post 
on  the  dykes,  hedges,  and  all  the  rising  grounds,  from  whence  they 
could  hav^e  the  most  extensive  views :  upon  which  he  gave  the  ne- 
cessary orders  to  his  non-commission  officers  and  men,  to  have  a 
watchful  eye  of  their  approaches  ;  and  to  take  particular  care,  that 
they  did  not  get  round  them,  by  going  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  undis- 
covered :  in  order  to  prevent  which  he  posted  them  himself,  and 
told  them  as  soon  as  ever  their  advanced  guard  came  within  shot,  to 
fire  upon  them,  and  continue  to  do  so  until  they  repulsed  them ; 
or,  if  riecessary  to  retreat,  he  likewise  pointed  that  out  to  them, 
with  orders  to  take  every  opportunity  or  advantage  of  the  ground, 
in  their  retreat,  to  retard  the  enemy's  approach;  and  to  be  sure  to 
keep  up  a  communication   with  the  town  as  much  as   possible  ; 


APPENDIX.  25 

and,  on  this  he  immediately  went  to  the  town  and  acquainted  Lieu- 
lenaul  Colonel  Jennings,  where  he  met  him  with  the  troops  on  the 
])aiade,  who  immediately  ordered  detachments  to  be  made  to  de- 
fen  1  the  gates  of  the  town,  and  all  the  avenues  leading  thereto  ;  soon 
after  which  the  reconnoitring  paity  retired,  after  having  spent  all 
their  ammunition  :  during  v/hich  time  the  lieutenant  colonel  and 
chief  magistrateof  the  town,  sent  off  the  sheriff  and  Mr.  Macklewain 
(who  is  captain  of  the  militia  of  the  corporation)  widi  orders  to 
take  off  the  French  prisoners  of  war,  and  convey  them  Vv'ith  all 
speed  to  Belfast,  v/here  they  v/ere  to  receive  further  orders  from 
me.  By  this  time  the  enemy  were  in  full  march  for  the  town, 
v/hich  he  computed  to  be  near  1000  men  ;  and  two  or  three  strag- 
gling hussars,  on  horses  they  had  picked  up  after  landing,  attempt- 
ed to  enter  the  gates,  but  on  the  first  fire,  retired,  but  were  scon 
supported  by  parties  of  foot,  who  attacked  both  the  north  and 
Scotch  gates  ;  as  also  the  garden  walls  of  Lord  Donegal  ;  but  were 
repulsed  also,  and  kept  back  as  long  as  the  men  had  ammunition. 
On  which  Colonel  Jennings  ordered  the  whole  to  retire  to  the  cas- 
tle ;  which  he  had  sufficient  time  to  do,  as  now  the  enemy  was  a 
little  checked  from  our  fire  ;  and  would  have  been  more  so,  if  the 
men  had  ammunition.  Before  the  gates  of  ihc,  castle  were  shut, 
they  made  their  appearance  in  the  market  place  ;  and  then  it  vras, 
in  his  opinion,  the  destruction  of  the  enemv  would  have  commenc- 
ed, had  it  not  been  for  the  still  dreadful  want  of  ammunition,  not- 
withstanding the  supply  of  powder  they  had  received  a  few  days 
before  by  my  order,  from  Belfast,  but  were  in  want  of  ball,  and 
even  time,  if  they  had  that,  to  make  them  up  :  from  which  the  ene- 
my, finding  our  fire  so  cool,  attacked  the  gates  sword  in  hand,  which 
from  the  battering  of  the  shot  irom  both  sides,  the  bolts  were 
knocked  back  and  the  gates  opened,  and  the  enemy  marched  in  ; 
but  Lieutenant  Colonel  Jennings,  Lord  Wallingforcl,  Capt.  Bland, 
Lieutenant  Ellis,  with  some  gentlemen,  and  about  fifty  men,  re- 
pulsed the  enemy  and  beat  them  back.  Here  it  was  he  saw  a  great 
resolution  in  a  few  Irish  boys,  who  defended  the  gate  after  it  was 
opened,  with  their  bayonets  ;  and  those  from  the  Half-moon,  after 
their  ammunition  was  gone,  threw  stones  and  sticks.  Had  this  at- 
tack of  the  enemy  been  supported  with  any  degree  of  courage,  thev 
must  certainly  have  succeeded  in  it,  but  they  retired  back  under 
cover,  leaving  the  gates  open,  with  our  men  in  the  front  of  it  ; 
which  gave  them  a  short  time  to  consider  v/hat  was  the  best  to  be 
done :  first,  to  see  the  men's  ammunition,  who  if  they  had  anv, 
would  have  certainly  sallied,  and  even  without  it,  had  not  Colonel 
Jennings  and  all  the  officers  thought  the  enterprise  too  hazardous. 
Then  they  considered  if  the  gate  could  be  defended  :  the  breach  in 
the  castle  wall,  could  not  ;  it  being  near  fifty  feet  long ;  and  hav- 
ing but  a  short  time  to  deliberate,  all  agreed  a  parley  should  be 
beat,  and  Lieutenant  Hall  sent  to  know  on  what  terms  they  might 

VOL.    LI.  D 


26  APPENDIX. 

surrender  ;  which  was  done  accordingly,  and  on  his  going  out,  found 
the  greatest  part  of  the  enemy  under  shelter  of  the  old  walls  and 
houses  before  the  castle  gate  ;  and  after  the  usual  ceremony,  de- 
manded of  the  commandant  (the  general  being  wounded)  what 
terms  would  be  given  to  the  troops  on  their  surrender  ;  and  at  the 
same  time  sent  the  drum  to  call  Colonel  Jennings  out  of  the  castle, 
in  order  to  treat  with  the  French  commandant  on  the  articles  of 
capitulation,  which  he  says,  as  well  as  he  can  remember,  were  as 
follows,  viz. 

'^  Colonel  Jennings  demanded  that  the  troops  should  march  out 
"  with  all  the  honours  of  war,  and  the  officers  to  be  on  their  pai'ole 
"  in  Ireland,  and  that  an  equal  number  of  prisoners  should  be  sent 
''  to  France  within  one  month,  or  as  soon  after  as  ships  could  be 
"  got  ready  for  that  purpose Granted. 

*'  That  the  castle  of  Carrickfergus  should  not  be  demolished, 
"  or  any  of  the  stores  destroyed  or  taken  out  of  it Granted. 

"  That  the  town  and  county  of  Carrickfergus  should  not  be 
"  plundered  or  burnt,  on  condition  the  mayor  and  corporation  fur- 

''  nished   the    French  troops    with    necessary  provisions 

"  Granted/' 

That,  as  well  as  he  can  remember,  was  the  verbal  articles  agreed 
on;  though  on  writing  them  the  French  commandant,  after  con- 
sulting his  principal  officers,  declared  he  could  not  by  any  means 
answer  to  his  master,  the  French  king,  for  granting  to  his  Britannic 
majesty  the  stores  in  the  castle,  which  he  insisted  upon  :  and 
Colonel  Jennings,  to  his  great  grief  had  it  not  in  his  power  to 
refuse,  declaring  solemnly,  at  the  same  time  widi  a  grave  counte- 
nance, that  he  would  rather  have  been  buried  in  the  ruins.  To 
which  the  French  commandant  replied,  that  he  could  not  insert  it 
in  the  articles  of  capitulation,  yet  he  vvould  give  his  word  of  honour, 
and  did  so,  that  if  there  was  nothing  of  great  value  in  the  castle, 
belonging  to  the  king,  besides  powder,  he  v/ould  not  touch  it  (which 
there  really  was  not)  :  but  how  far  he  will  keep  his  promise,  is  not 
yet  known.  Likewise  the  magistrates  of  Carrickfergus,  not  fur- 
nishing the  French  with  necessary  provisions,  they  plundered  the 
town,  declaring  it  was  their  own  fault,  as  they  were  convinced  they 
had  it  in  their  power  to  supply  them,  as  they  had  found  enough  in 
the  town  afterwards. 

Mr.  Hall  further  informs  me,  that  he  has  discovered  by  some  of 
the  French,  that  there  was  a  disagreement  betwixt  their  General 
and  Captain  Thurot,  the  General  being  for  the  attack  of  Carrick, 
and  'lliurot  for  landing  at  the  V/hite-house  and  attacking  Belfast, 
He  likewise  judges  the  frigates  to  be  one  of  40  guns,  the  other  two 
about  20  each. 

Lieutenant  Hall  begs  leave  to  present  his  duty  to  your  grace, 
and  hopes  your  grace  will  excuse  any  inaccuracy,  that  may  be  in  his 
description,  as  he  was  no  way  provided  with  any  papers,  and  states^ 


APPENDIX.  27 

but  from  his  memory,  having  been  often  interrupted  by  numbers  of 
gentlemen  of  the  militia,  who  were  crowding  perpetually  into  the 
room  to  receive  orders. 

I  beg  leave  to  subscribe  mvself, 
My  Lord,  &c, 

Wm.  Strode. 
Belfast,  2ZdFtL  1760. 


No.   LXVII. 


THE  ADDRESS  OF  THE  QUAKERS PAGE  66. 

To  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Domini- 
ons thereunto  belonging. 

The  humble  Address  of  the  People  called  Quakers,  of  the  King- 
dom of  Ireland. 

May  it  please  the  ktnc;  ! 

We,  thv  dutiful  and  faithful  subjects,  being 
deeply  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  loss  these  nations  have  sus- 
tained by  the  sudden  and  unexpected  removal  of  tlw  royal  grandfa- 
tlier,  our  late  gracious  king,  beg  leave  to  condole  with  thee  on  this 
affecting  event. 

His  mild  and  just  government  rendered  him  dear  to  all  his  faith- 
ful subjects ;  and  the  particular  indulgence  and  protection  we  have 
enjoyed  in  the  free  exercise  of  our  religious  duties,  have  left  on 
oiir  minds  lasting  impressions  of  gratitude  and  respect  for  his  me- 
mory. 

At  the  same  time  permit  us  to  congratulate  thee  on  thy  accession 
to  the  throne  of  these  realms,  in  which  exalted  station,  we  trust  in 
that  God  by  whom  kings  reign,  that  those  many  virtues  v/hich  we 
hear  adorn  thy  breast  (and  for  which  we  are  humbly  thankful  to 
the  divine  giver)  will  ever  continue  to  animate  thy  conduct ;  and 
thy  gracious  declaration  for  the  encouragement  of  piety,  and  sup- 
pression of  vice  and  immorality,  gives  us  just  grounds  to  hope,  that 
thy  reign  will  be  happy  to  thy  people,  and  honourable  to  thy- 
self. 

Persuaded  of  the  clemency  and  benevolence  of  thy  disposition, 
and  conscious  of  our  ov/n  fidelity  and  affection  to  thy  person  and 
government,  we  are  emboldened  to  ask,  and  assured  o  thy  fi'vour- 
able  protection :  a  protection  we  stand  the  more    in  need   of,  as 


28  APPENDIX. 

some  of  our  religious  tenets  (of  the  truth  of  which  we  are  firmly 
persuaded)  expose  us  to  sulTerings  from  unreasonable  men.  Such 
protection,  we  thankfuUv  acknowledge,  the  kind  acceptance  of  our 
peaceable  and  dutiful  demeanour  hath  procured  to  us,  during  the 
late  reigns  of  thy  royal  ancestors  ;  and  it  is  our  firm  resolution 
(through  divine  assistance)  to  merit  the  continuance  thereof,  by 
behaving  agreeable  to  our  christian  principles,  as  becomes  faith- 
ful subjects. 

We  offer  up  our  fervent  prayers  to  Almighty  God,  that  he  may 
endue  thee  v/ith  wisdom,  to  rule  in  his  fear ;  that  in  thy  days  righ- 
teousness may  exalt  the  nation  ;  and  that  thou  may  be  the  happy 
instrument  of  restoring  a  permanent  peace  ;  that  his  protecting 
providence  may  shield  thee  from  every  danger,  preserve  thee  long 
the  beloved  sovereign  of  a  happy  and  grateful  people  ;  and  perpe- 
tuate their  happiness  by  continuing  the  crown  in  thy  family  to  la- 
test posterity. 

Dublin,  the  13thof  the  11th  month  (called  November)  1760. 


To  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty. 

The  humble  Address  of  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  Kingdom  of 

Ireland. 

MOST    GRACIOUS    SOVEREIGN, 

WE,  your  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  faithful 
subjects,  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  beg  leave 
to  approach  your  majesty  with  this  humble  tender  of  our  unfeign- 
ed loyalty,  on  your  Majesty's  happy  accession  to  the  throne  of  your 
ancestors. 

While  your  Majesty's  subjects  of  all  denominations  are  now  en- 
deavouring to  be  foremost  in  the  exertion  of  every  duty  towards 
your  Majesty's  person  and  government ;  and  while  all  circum- 
stances of  affairs  at  home,  and  abroad,  unite  for  the  present  happi- 
ness and  future  glory  of  your  reign  ;  permit  us  to  condole  with 
your  majesty,  and  pour  out  our  sincere  sorrow  for  the  loss  we  have 
sustained,by  the  death  of  a  monarch,  who  had  always  approved  him- 
self the  common  father  of  all  his  people  ;  a  loss  the  more  sensible 
on  our  part,  as  the  repose  we  have  so  long  enjoyed  proceeded  from 
his  royal  clemency,  and  the  mild  administration  of  his  government 
in  this  kingdom. 

Ever  since  the  accession  of  your  Majesty's  royal  house  to  the 
throne  of  these  realms,  we  have  in  a  particular  manner  experienc- 
ed tht  paternal  interposition  of  your  illustrious  predecessors.  We, 
most  gracio\is  sovereign,  who  are  so  unfortunately  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  our  fellow  subjects,  cannot  subsist  without  a  conti- 
nuance of  the  royal  favour  and  protection. 


APPENDIX.  29 

Sensible  of  the  same  hereditary  compassion  In  your  Majestv^'s 
breast,  we  most  humbly  hope  for  that  share  in  the  happiness' of 
your  reign,  which  our  peculiar  circumstances  can  admit.  *  And  we 
beg  leave  to  assure  your  Majesty  of  our  grateful  and  constant  re- 
turn of  affection  and  loyalty  ;  a  ioyalty  which  our  conduct  has  prov- 
ed, and  our  religion  enforces  ;  happy  !  might  it  entitle  us  to  ex- 
press a  wish,  that  of  all  j^our  majesty's  dutiful  subjects  of  this  king^ 
dom,  v/e  alone  may  not  be  left  incapable  of  promoting  the  general 
welfare  and  prosperity  of  it. 

May  the  Almighty  so  influence  and  direct  your  Majesty's  coun- 
cils, through  the  whole  course  of  your  reign,  that  they  may  be  ever 
productive  of  real  happiness  to  all  your  people  !  and  may  that  reign 
be  as  memorable  for  its  duration  and  felicity,  as  for  the  greatness  and 
variety  of  those  blessings,  which  we  have  already  so  much  reason 
to  expect  from  it. 


No.  LXVIII. 


EXHORTATION     READ    IN    THE    ROMAN    CATHOLIC     CHAPELS    ON 
THE    DAY    OF    PUBLIC    FAST PAGE  67. 

DEAR    CHRISTIANS, 

WE  think  it  our  duty  to  remind  you  of  the  grar 
titude  and  thanks  you  owe  to  the  Almighty  God,  who  in  these  ca- 
lamitous times,  so  fatal  to  other  parts  of  Europe,  leaves  you  in  the 
happy  enjoyment  of  peace  and  all  the  blessings  that  attend  it  ;  bless- 
ings that  ought  to  fill  your  hearts  w^ith  the  deepest  sense  of  God's 
mercy  towards  you,  and  thankfulness  to  our  chief  governor  here, 
whose  paternal  care  and  pity,  equally  generous  and  extensive, 
knows  no  distinction  of  persons  or  people  ;  these  blessings  we  atr 
tribute  in  a  great  measure  to  your  peaceable  and  discreet  behaviour 
hitherto:  wherefore  we  exhort  you  in  the  bowels  of  Jesus  Christ,  to 
continue  to  demean  yourselves  in  the  same  peaceabie  manner,  and 
to  avoid  every  thing  in  public  or  private,  that  might  give  the  least 
shadow  of  offence  ;  that  our  ministry  (as  St.  Paul  says)  may  not  be 
blamed.  Nor  does  this  caution  proceed  from  any  diffidence  we 
have  of  your  future  conduct :  it  is  rather  intended  to  raise  in  your 
minds  a  lively  sense  of  the  lenity  and  mildness  of  our  present  most 
gracious  government.  Length  of  time,  your  constant,  ready,  an^ 
cheerful  submission  to  the  ruling  powers,  and,  above  all,  the  mer- 
ciful and  humane  disposition  of  the  present  royal  family,  have 
greatly  worn  off  the  rigour  of  prejudice  against  you :  these  happy 


30  APPENDIX. 

dispositions,  encouraged  bv  a  continuance  of  the  same  behaviour  in 
you,  may  perhaps  improve  still  more  to  your  advantage  :  but 
whether  we  shall  be  deemed  worthy  of  future  favour  or  not,  it  is  our 
duty  as  ministers  of  Jesus  Christ,  strongly  to  enforce  the  obliga- 
tions of  a  submissive,  obedient,  and  peaceful  behaviour,  and  yours, 
as  christians  and  good  subjects,  to  fuliii  ihem  steadily  in  your  prac- 
tice. 


No  LXIX. 


THE    ADDRESS    OP    THE    MERCHANTS    AND  TRADERS  OF  DUBLIN, 
IN    1761 rAGE    82. 

To  the  Right  Hon.  William  Pitt,  Esq.  late  one  of  his  Majesty's 
Principal  Secretaries  of  State. 

The  grateful  Address  of  the  Merchants  and  Traders  of  the  city  of 

Dublin. 

WE,  his  Majesty's  most  loyal,  dutiful,  and  affecti- 
onate subjects,  the  merchants,  traders,  and  other  citizens  of  the  city 
of  Dublin,  whose  names  are  underv/ritten  judge  these  kingdoms 
too  deeply  interested  in  your  withdrawing  from  the  high  station 
you  have  lately  so  eminently  and  greatly  filled,  to  the  honour  and 
satisfaction  of  the  crov/n  and  the  subject,  to  let  so  important  an 
event  pass  over  in  silence. 

Though  thus  far  removed  from  the  great  scene  of  action,  we 
sensibly  felt  the  manifold  good  of  your  truly  patriotic  and  singular- 
ly wise  and  upright  administration.  To  this  we  must  attribute 
the  rescuing  Britain  from  the  shameful  infection  of  that  pestilential 
ministerial  practice,  which  called  foreign  mercenaries  to  the  defence 
of  a  countiy,  by  her  native  force,  when  properly  exerted,  more 
than  a  match  for  half  the  powers  of  Europe. 

To  your  steady  vhtues  we  stand  indebted  for  freeing  our  mother 
country  from  the  reproach  of  calling  foreign  troops  to  defend  her 
from  a  threatened  invasion,  and  for  chastising  the  insolence  of  the 
vaunting  invader  ;  inspiring  the  councils  and  arms  of  Britain  with 
that  ancient  true  national  spirit,  which  when  duly  exerted,  ever  has, 
and  ever  must  render  the  British  name  terrib.le  to  her  foes  in  the 
utmost  extremities  of  the  globe. 

Under  such  an  administration,  we  must  alwa3^s  see,  instead  of 
private  interest,  merit,  the  only  recommendation  to  places  of  im- 
portant trust.     By  such  measures  as  these,  it  is  that  we  have  seea 


APPENDIX.  SI 

ebmmerce  accompanying  conquest  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth, 
while  faction  was  silenced  andjarring  parties  reconciled  and  united 
at  home. 

Thus,  sir,  have  your  steady  patriot  virtues  raised  monuments  to 
your  fame  more  durable  than  marble  or  brass. 

As  the  enemies  of  these  kingdoms  never  had  so  great  cause  to 
rejoice,  as  th<  y  have  from  your  vv'ithdrawing  yourself  from  the 
sphtTc  in  which  alone  you  could  render  these  unspeakably  great 
services  to  your  country ;  so  the  true  friends  of  these  kingdoms 
never  had  more  just  cause  to  mourn. 

We  shou'd  therefore  think  ourselves  wanting  In  duty  to  our  pa- 
triot king,  to  our  mother  country,  as  well  as  our  native,  did  we 
omit  giving  this  public  testimony  of  the  loss  which  all  sustain  by  the 
withdrawing  of  a  minister  of  such  matchless  abilities  and  equal 
fidelity  at  so  important  and  critical  a  conjuncture  as  the  present. 

Indulge  us  thus,  great  sir,  in  venting  our  griefs,  and  blending 
our  tears  wi'.h  those  of  the  rest  of  our  mourning  brethren  and  fel- 
low subjects  in  Britain,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  tliis  kingdom. 
Accept  our  most  hearty  and  unfeigned  acknowledgments  for  the 
unsp; akable  services  and  lasting  honours  you  have  already  done 
3^our  native  country,  and  all  the  dominions  of  the  crown  of  Great 
Britain.  And  give  us  leave  to  assure  you,  that  we  shall  ever  ad- 
mire, and  ever  with  profound  respect  and  gratitude  remember  the . 
unparalleled  virtues  that  have  so  eminently  distinguished  your  ad- 
ministration. 


No,    LX.  a, 

[page   122.] 


HIS  Excellency  George  Viscount  Townshend,  Lord  Lieut;- 
nant  General  and  General  Governor  of  Ireland,  being  arrayed  in 
royal  robes,  entered  the  House  v/ith  the  usual  ceremonies  of  gran- 
deur ;  the  Earl  of  Tyrone  carrying  the  cap  of  maintenance,  and 
the  Earl  of  Charlemont  the  sword  of  state  ;  two  noblemens'  sons 
bearing  the  train  of  the  royal  robe  :  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant making  his  conge  to  the  throne,  ascended  the  same,  and  seat- 
ed himself  in  the  chair  of  state  under  the  canopy  ;  all  the  Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal  standing  robed  in  their  places,  uncovered, 
till  their  Lordships  took  their  seats. 

The  Lord  Chancellor,  kneeling,  conferred  with  his  Excellency 
the  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  then  standing  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
chair  of  state,  rommanded  the  Gentleman  Usher  of  the  Black  Rod 
lo  repair  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  acquaint  the   Commons 


32  APPENDIX. 

that  it  is  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  pleasure  they  attend 
him  immediately  in  the  House  of  Peers, 

And  the  Commons,  with  their  Speaker,  being  come,  were  con- 
ducted to  the  bar,  with  the  usual  ceremonies  :  where  Mr.  Speaker, 
after  a  speech  to  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  in  relation  to 
the  money-bills,  delivered  them  to  the  Clerk  of  the  Parliament, 
who  brought  them  to  the  table,  where  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown  read 
the  titles,  as  follow,  &c. 

1.  An  act  for  granting  unto  his  Majesty  an  additional  duty  on 
beer,  ale,  strong  waters,  wine,  tobacco,  hides,  and  other  goods 
and  merchandise  therein  mentioned,  and  for  prohibiting  the 
importation  of  all  gold  and  silver  lace,  and  of  all  cambrics  and 
lawns,  except  of  the  manalacture  of  Great-Britain. 

2.  An  act  for  granting  to  his  majesty  the  several  duties,  rates, 
impositions,  and  taxes  therein  particularly  expressed,  to  be  ap- 
plied to  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  the  sums  therein  pro- 
vided for  and  towards  the  discharge  of  the  said  principal  sums, 
in  such  mann^^r  as  therein  is  directed. 

To  these  bills,  ti*ie  Clerk  of  the  Parliament  pronounced  the  Roy- 
al Assent,  severally  in  the  words  following,  viz.  "  Le  Roi  remer- 
"  cie  ses  bons  sujets,  accepte  leur  benevolence,  et  ainsile  veult." 

Then  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Lieutenant  was  pleased  to  make 
a  speech  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament  as  follows,  viz. 

Mfj  Lords  and  Gentlemen^ 
The  attention  you  ha\^e  shewn  to  the  great  objects  which  have 
been  particularly  recommended  by  me  to  your  consideration,  and 
the  provisions  which  have  been  made  for  the  safety  and  security  of 
this  kingdom,  call  upon  me,  not  only  to  express  my  approbation  of, 
but  to  thank  you,  as  I  now  do,  for  your  conduct  in  these  particu- 
lars. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Commons^ 

It  is  with  great  pleasure  that  I  thank  you,  in  his  majesty''s  name, 
for  the  supplies  which  you  have  granted,  and  the  provision  which 
you  made  for  the  present  establishment,  the  public  credit,  and  the 
safety  of  this  kingdom. 

When  I  first  met  you  in  Parliament,  as  I  knew  and  could  relv 
upon  it,  that  nothing  could  move  from  his  majesty,  but  what  would 
be  expressive  of  his  constant  and  ardent  desire  to  maintain  and 
preserve  every  constitutional  right  to  his  people,  I  little  thought 
that  any  thing  would  happen  during  the  course  of  this  session,  that 
could  possibly  affect  the  just  rights  of  his  majesty,  and  of  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain,  so  as  to  afford  his  majesty  any  just  cause  of  dis- 
satisfaction, and  make  it  necessary  for  me,  specially  to  assert  and 
vindicate  those  rights. 

Therefore  it  is  with  great  concern  that  I  have  seen  and  observed 
in  the  Votes  and  Journals  of  the   House  of  Commons,  printed  by 


APPENDIX.  35 

yoiir  order,  a  late  proceeding  by  you,  of  such  a  nature  and  of  such 
effect,  with  respect  to  the  rights  of  his  majesty  and  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain,  as  to  make  it  necessary  for  me,  on  this  day,  and  in 
this  place,  to  take  notice  of  and  animadvert  thereupon ;  I  mean 
the  vote  and  resolution  of  the  21st  day  of  November  last,  by  which 
you.  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Commons,  declare,  that  a  bill,  in- 
tided,  "  An  act  for  granting  to  his  majesty  the  several  dudes,  rates, 
impositions  and  taxes  therein  particularly  expressed,  to  be  applied 
to  the  payment  of  the  interest  of  the  sums  therein  provided  for 
and  towards  the  discharge  of  the  said  principal  sums,  in  such  man- 
ner as  is  therein  directed,"  which  had  been  duly  certified  from  hence 
to  his  majesty,  and  by  his  majesty  had  been  transmitted  in  due 
form,  under  the  great  seal  of  Great  Britain,  and  which  had  been 
read  a  first  time  by  you,  and  which  was  rejected  by  you  on  that  day^ 
was  so  rejected,  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  your  house. 

This  vote  and  this  resolution  of  yours,  declaring  that  the  said 
bill  was  rejected,  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  your  house,  be- 
ing contrary  to  the  acts  of  Parliament  of  this  kingdom  of  the  10th 
of  Henry  VI  r.  and  the  3d  and  4th  of  Philip  and  Mary,  and  the 
usage  and  practice  ever  since,  and  intrenching  upon  the  just  rights 
of  his  majesty  and  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  to  transmit  such 
bills  to  be  treated  of  and  considered  in  Parliament  here  ;  I  am  now 
to  assert  his  majesty's  royal  authority,  and  the  rights  of  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain  in  this  respect,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  may  be 
most  public  and  permanent ;  and  therefore  I  do  here  in  full  Par- 
liament, make  my  public  protest  against  the  said  vote  and  resolu- 
tion of  the  House  of  Commons;  by  which  you,  Gentlemen  of  that 
House,  declare,  that  the  said  bill  was  rejected  by  you,  because  it 
did  not  take  its  rise  in  your  house,  and  against  the  entries  of  the 
said  vote  and  resokition,  which  remain  in  the  Journals  of  the  House 
of  Commons  ;  and  I  do  require  the  Clerks  of  this  House  now  to 
read  my  said  Protest,  and  to  enter  it  in  the  Journals  of  this  House, 
that  it  may  there  remain  to  future  ages,  as  a  vindication  of  the  un- 
doubted right  and  authority  of  his  majesty,  and  of  the  rights  of  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain,  in  this  particular. 

In  this  Protest^  I  think  myself  warranted  in  all  respects,  and  if 
it  needed,  as  I  conceive  it  doth  not,  any  other  strength  than  that, 
which  it  derives  from  the  statutes  which  I  have  mentioned,  and 
from  the  usage  and  practice  ever  since,  it  would  be  found  in  that 
precedent  which  appears  in  the  Journals  of  this  House  of  the  3d  day 
of  November,  1692,  under  the  reign  of  that  glorious  and  immortal 
Prince  King  William  III.  the  great  deliverer  of  these  kingdoms, 
and  the  constant  and  magnanimous  asserter  and  preserver  of  the 
civil  and  religious  rights  of  mankind. 


VOL.  ir. 


34  APPENDIX. 

The  Lord  Chancellor  then,  by  his  Excellency's  command,  deli- 
vered the  said  Protest  to  the  Clerk  of  the  Paiiiaments,  which  he 
read  at  the  table,  and  is  as  follows,  viz. 

TO^VNSHEND. 

Vv  hereas  at  a  Parliament  holden  at  Drogheda,  in  the  10th  year 
of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  VII.  an  Act  was  made  for  and  con- 
cerning the  order,  manner  and  form  of  Parliaments,  to  be  holden 
and  kept  in  this  realm  of  Ireland  ;  and  by  another  Act  made  at  a 
Parliament  holden  at  Dublin  in  the  3d  and  4th  years  of  King  Phi- 
lip and  Queen  Mary,  it  was  ordained,  enacted,  and  established,  that 
no  Parliament  should  be  summoned  or  holden  v.ithin  this  realm  of 
Ireland,  until  such  time  as  the  Lieutenant,  Lord  Deputy,  Lord^Jus- 
tice.  Lords  Justices,  Chief  Governor  or  Governors,  or  any  of  them, 
and  the  council  of  this  realm,  for  the  time  being,  should  have  certi- 
fied the  King  and  Queen  s  Majesties,  her  heirs  and  successors,  un- 
der the  great  seal  of  this  realm  of  Ireland,  the  considerations,  causes 
and  articles  of  such  Acts,  provisions,  and  ordinances,  as  by  them 
should  be  thought  meet  and  necessary  to  be  enacted  and  passed 
here  by  the  Parliament,  and  should  have  received  again  their  Ma- 
jesties' answer,  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  declaring  their 
pleasures,  either  for  passing  the  said  acts,  provisions,  and  ordi- 
nances, in  the  form  and  tenor  as  they  should  be  sent  into  England, 
or  else  for  the  change  or  alteration  of  them,  or  any  part  of  the 
same  ;  and  that  as  well  after  every  authority  and  licence,  sent  into 
this  realm  of  Ireland,  for  summoning  and  holding  a  Parhament,as 
also  at  all  times  after  the  summons,  and  during  the  time  of  every 
Parliament,  to  be  thereafter  holden  within  this  realm  of  Ireland, 
the  Lieutenant,  Lord  Deputy,  Lord  Justice,  Lords  Justices,  Chief 
Governor  or  Chief  Governors,  and  Council  of  this  realm  of  Ireland, 
for  the  time  being,  should  andmjght  certify  all  such  other  conside- 
rations, causes,  tenors,  provisions  and  ordinances,  as  they  should 
further  think  good  to  be  enacted  and  established,  at  and  in  the  said 
Parliament,  to  the  King  and  Queen's  Majesties,  her  heirs  and  suc- 
cessors, under  the  great  seal  of  this  realm  of  Ireland,  and  such  con- 
siderations, causes,  tenors,  provisions  and  ordinances,  or  any  of 
them,  as  should  be  thereupon  certified  and  returned  into  this  realm, 
under  the  great  seal  of  England,  and  no  others,  should  and  might 
pass, and  be  enacted  here  in  any  such  parliament  withinthis  said  realrn 
of  Ireland,  in  case  the  same  considerations,  causes,  tenors,  provi- 
sions, and  ordinances,  or  any  of  them,  should  be  agreed  or  resolv- 
ed on  by  the  three  estates  of  the  said  Parliament.  And  whereas 
in  this  present  session  of  Parliament,  a  bill  intitled,  "  An  Act  for 
granting  to  his  majesty  the  several  duties,  rates,  impositions  and 
taxes  therein  particularly  expressed,  to  be  applied  to  the  payment 
of  the  interest  of  tlie  sums  therein  provided  for,  and  towards  the 


APPENDIX.  $5 

discharge  of  the  said  principal  sums  in  such  manner  as  Is  therein 
directed,"  which  had  been  certified  by  us,  the  LordLieutenant  of 
this  kingdom,  and  by  the  council  of  this  kingdom,  unto  the  King's 
Majesty,  under  the  great  seal  of  this  kingdom  ;  and  by  his  Majes- 
ty approved  of,  and  returned  into  this  kingdom,  under  the   gi-eat 
seal  of  Great  Britain,  and  b}-   us  sent  to  the  House  of  Commons 
to  be  consi  ieredof  in  this  present  Parliament ;  the  said  Commons, 
having  the  said   bill  before  them,  did  read  the   said  bill  the  first 
time  on  the  2ist  day  of  November  last ;  and  on  the  same  21st  day 
of  November,  a  motion  being  made  in  the  said  House,  and  the 
question  put,  '^  That  the  same  bill  be  read  a  second  time  on  the 
morrow  morning  :"  it  passed  in  the  negative.     And  afterwards, 
on  the  same  21st  day  of  November,  another  motion  was  made  in 
the  said   House  of  Commons,  and  the  question  put,  "  That  the 
same  bill  be  rejected  :"  it  passed   in   the  affirmative.     And  after- 
wards, on  the  same  21st  day  of  November,  a  inotion  v/as  made  in 
the  said  House  of  Commons,  and  the  question  put,  "  That  the  said 
bill  is  rejected  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  that  House :"  it 
vv^as  carried  in  the  affirmative.     And  the  said  House  of  Commons 
thereupon,  the  same  day,  resolved,  that  the  said  bill  was  rej^^cted, 
because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  that  House.     Ail  which  motions, 
questions,  votes,  resolutions  and  proceedings,  appear  to  us  in  the 
Journals  or  Votes  of  the    said  House  of  Commons,  printed  and 
published  by  and  under  their  order  and  authority  ;  and  which  vote 
and  resolution  of  the  said  House  of  Commons,  declaring,  that  the 
said  bill  was  rejected,  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  diat  House, 
do  tend  to  exclude  his   M^ijesty  and  the  crown  of  Great  Britain 
from  the  right  of  transmitting  any  bills  for  granting  to  his  ?vlajes- 
ty  and  his  successors,  monev  or  other  aids,  and  are  not  consistent 
with,  but  contrary  to  the  said  recited  acts  of  Parliament,  and  the 
usage  and  practice  ever  since  the  making  thereof ;  and  do,  in  effect, 
intrench  upon  his  majesty's  royal  power  and  authority,  and  the  just 
and  undoubted  rights  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain. 

We  therefore  the  said  Lord  Lieutenant,  as  well  to  assert  the  just 
rights  of  his  jMajestv  and  the  crov/n  of  Great  Britain  (whereof  we 
are,  and  ever  will  be  most  tender)  in  transmitting  such  bills  under 
the  great  seal  of  Great  Britain,  to  be  considered  of  in  Parliament, 
as  to  discharge  the  trust  reposed  in  us,  and  prevent  the  inconveni- 
encies  which  mav  hereafter  happen  by  the  said  vote  and  resolution 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  declaring,  that  the  said  bill  w^as  reject- 
ed for  the  cause  therein  mentioned,  being  made  public  and  remain- 
ing In  their  journals,  without  any  contradiction  or  animadversion, 
have  thought  it  necessary  this  day,  in  full  Parliament  to  protest, 
and  we  do  accordingly  protest  against  the  aforesaid  vote  and  reso- 
lution of  the  said  House  of  Commons,  made  and  passed,  declaring 
that  the  said  bill  was  rejected,  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in 
that  House,  and  appearing  in  their  journals  or  votes.     And  we  do 


36  APPENDIX. 

assert,  protest  and  declare,  that  it  is  the  just  and  undoubted  right  of" 
his  Majesty  and  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  observing  the 
forms  in  the  said  several  acts  prescribed,  to  transmit  bills  under 
the  great  seal  of  Great  Britain,  for  granting  of  aids  to  his  Majes- 
ty, his  heirs  and  successors  ;  which  said  bill  so  transmitted,  ought 
to  be  read  and  considered  of  by  the  House  of  Commons  in  this 
kingdom,  without  being  rejected  by  the  said  House,  on  account  on- 
ly of  their  not  taking  their  rise  in  that  House  ;  and  therefore  the 
rejecting  of  the  said  bill  because  it  did  not  take  its  rise  in  that 
House,  and  the  said  recited  v^ote  and  resolutions  of  the  said  House 
of  Commons,  declaring,  that  the  said  bill  was  rejected,  because  it  did 
not  take  its  rise  in  that  House,  are  not  consistent  with,  but  contra- 
ry to,  the  acts  of  parliament  herein  before  mentioned,  and  the  prac- 
tice and  usage  in  all  parliaments  since  the  making  thereof;  and  al- 
so highly  derogatory  to  his  Majesty's  royal  authority  and  the  rights 
of  the  crown  Great  of  Britain. 

Alter  which  the  lord  chancellor,  by  his  excellency's  further  com- 
mand, said : 

3fij  Lords  and  Gentlemen^ 
It  is  his  Excellency  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  pleasure,  that  this 
Parliament  be  prorogued  to  Tuesday  the  20th  day  of  March  next, 
to  be  then  here  held ;  and  this  Parliament  is  accordingly  prorogued 
to  Tuesday  the  20th  day  of  March  next. 


No,  LXL  a. 


PROTEST    OF    FIVE    LORDS    AGAINST    THE    LORD     LIEUTENANT's 
RIGHT    OF    PROTESTING PAGE    125. 

MOTION  being  made,  that  the  speaker  of  this  house  be  de- 
sired to  direct  that  no  protest  of  any  person  whomsoever,  wdio  is 
not  a  lord  of  parliament,  and  a  member  of  this  house,  and  which 
doth  not  respect  a  matter  which  had  been  previously  in  question 
before  this  house,  and  wherein  the  lord  protestmg  had  taken  part 
with  the  minority  either  in  person  or  by  proxy,  be  entered  in  the 
journals  of  this  house. 

And  a  debate  arising  thereupon,  the  question  was  put,  and  the 
house  divided  : 

The  PLarl  of  Drogheda  reported,  that  the  contents  below  the  bar 
were  5  ;  and  the  non-contents  in  the  house  were  30, 

It  passed  in  the  negative. 


APPENDIX,  Z7 


Dissentient . 


1.  Because  we  conceive,  that  it  is  the  sole  and  exclusive  right 
and  privilege  of  a  lord  of  parliament  and  member  of  this  house, 
to  have  his  protest  entered  on  the  journals  of  this  house :  and 
that  even  a  lord  of  parliament  and  member  of  tliis  house  cannot 
have  his  protest  so  entered,  except  upon  a  matter  previously 
in  question  before  this  house,  wherein  the  lord  protesting  took 
part  with  the  minority,  ekher  in  person  or  by  proxy. 

2.  Because  we  conceive,  that  this  regulation  of  the  privilege 
of  protesting,  stands  upon  the  same  principle  ;  in  consequence 
of  which,  this  privilege  hath  obtained  among  the  lords,  and  not 
^mong  the  representatives  of  the  people,  die  latter,  we  appre- 
hend, are  considered  by  the  constitution,  as  actuated  and  justi- 
fied by  the  sentiments  of  those  whom  they  represent :  whereas 
the  lords,  who  act,  not  as  deputies,  but  in  their  own  right, 
are  more  personally  responsible  for  their  conduct  to  posterity. 
The  practice  of  a  permanent  justification,  also  seems  to  have 
deemed  a  m.ore  necessary  guard  upon  a  body,  whose  pov/er  was 
permanent.  Hence  we  conceive  the  privilege  of  protesting 
arose,  that  a  lord  against  whom  the  majority  had  declared,  might 
have  an  opportunity  of  vindicating  himself  to  future  times, 
%vhich  the  original  custom  of  inserting  the  name  of  each  lord 
on  the  journals,  with  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  question 
rendered  more  unnecessary :  and  we  therefore  apprehend,  as  it 
would  be  absurd  for  a  lorcl  to  justify  his  conduct  where  he  had 
not  acted,  that  the  privilege  of  protesting  had  been  by  reason  as 
well  as  by  practice  confined  to  cases,  in  which  the  lord  protesting 
had  taken  a  part,  and  in  which,  upon  question,  the  majority  had 
been  on  a  different  opinion. 

3.  Because  we  conceive,  that  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  who 
first  attempted,  and  that  but  in  a  single  instance,  to  enter 
his  protest,  as  chief  governor,  upon  the  journals  of  this  house, 
was  a  person  of  such  an  arbitrary  spirit,  and  the  times,  in  which 
he  lived,  of  so  bad  example,  and  his  said  protest  so  informal  and 
faulty  in  itself,  that  such  his  proceeding  ought  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  a  precedent. 

4.  Because  we  apprehend,  that  the  only  subsequent  instance, 
to  wit,  the  protest  of  Lord  Sydney,  which  was  made  in  heat  by 
that  governor,  whose  conduct  v^as  disapproved  on  his  recal  to 
England,  which  soon  followed,  and  founded  upon  the  former 
example,  which  ought  not  to  have  been  imitated,  was  still  more 
irregular  and  improper,  inasmuch  as  it  related  to  a  matter,  which 
had  never  been  before  this  house,  and  respected  the  privileges 
and  proceedings  of  the  other  house  of  parliament. 

5.  Because  we  conceive  it  to  be  peculiarly  necessary,  at  this 
time,  to  express  our  sentiments  upon  this  subject,  v/hen  we  hav^e 


38  APPENDIX. 

reason  to  apprehend,  that  it  is  intended,  that  a  protest  should  be 
entered  upon  the  journals  of  this  house,  relativ^e  to  the  proceed- 
ings and  privileges  of  the  other  house  of  parliament  in  imitation 
of  the  last  mentioned  protest.  ^ 

6.  Because  we  apprehend,  that  we  ought  not  to  suffer  this 
distinguished  privilege  of  the  lords  to  be  invaded  or  assumed 
by  any  person,  in  v/hatever  station.  And  that  we  ought  par- 
ticularly to  resist  any  such  attempt,  v/hen  it  may  be  to  involve 
a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  the  odier  house  of  parliament  also, 
and  may  therefore  be  productive  of  dissension  between  the  two 
houses. 

Louth,  Mountmorres, 

Charlemont,  Longford. 

Powers  court, 


No.   LXII.  a. 


PROTEST     OF     SIXTEEN    LORDS    AGAINST    THE     ENTRY     OF     THE 
LORD    lieutenant's    PROTEST    ON    THE    JOURNALS....?.    135. 

Dissentient^ 
1.  BECAUSE  we  conceive,  that  by  the  entering  of  the 
lord  lieutenant's  protest  upon  the  journals  of  this  house,  at 
the  close  of  the  last  session,  the  privileges  of  this  house,  and 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  peerage,  have  been  most  fla- 
grantly infringed  and  violated ;  and  that  therefore  the  earliest 
opportunity  should  be  seized  of  vindicating  the  rights  and  pri- 
vileges of  the  peerage,  and  of  wiping  away  the  affront,  which  this 
house  has  received  therein,  by  expunging  from  its  journals  this 
matter  of  offence  which  has  been  unwarrantably  and  illegally 
obtruded  upon  them. 

2.  Because  we  conceive,  that  the  above  mentioned  protest 
contains  in  it  matter  in  the  highest  degree  illegal  and  uncon- 
stitutional, inasmuch  as  it  claims  a  right,  and  presumes  to 
animadvert  upon  some  proceedings  of  the  lower  house  of  parlia- 
ment. Now  we  are  bold  to  assert,  that,  whenever  any  one 
branch  of  the  legislature  shall  arrogate  a  right  to  animadvert 
upon  either  of  the  other  two  branches,  the  branch  of  the  legis- 
lature so  subject  to  animadversion  would  instantly  cease  to  be 
part  of  the  supreme  power ;  the  balance  of  the  constitution 
would  be  overturned,  and  that  branch  in  which  this  jurisdiction 
resided,  would  be  completely  sovereign  j  a  supposition,  which 


APPENDIX.  39 

is  equally  abhorrent  to  the  spirit  and  to  the  letter  of  the  con- 
stitution. 

3.  Because  we  conceive,  that  this  house  hath  and  ought  to 
have  the  sole  and  exclusive  dominion  over  its  own  journals,  in 
like  manner  as  the  commons  have  over  theirs  ;  and  that  the  lord 
lieutenant  hath  no  more  right  to  order  an  entry  to  be  m^ade  upon 
our  journals  than  he  hath  to  order  an  entry  to  be  made  upon 
the  journals  of  the  commons  ;  and  we  conceive,  that  as  the 
crown,  though  a  branch  of  the  legislature,  is  no  estate  of  par- 
liament, therefore  the  crown  or  its  representative,  can  have  no 
jurisdiction  over  the  journals  of  the  estates  of  parliament,  which 
are  the  records  of  the  proceedings  of  the  deliberative  blanches 
of  the  legislature,  whereof  the  crown  is  not  one.  And  we  are 
the  more  confirmed  in  this  opinion,  by  reflecting,  that  there  is 
not  a  single  instance  even  in  the  most  arbitrary  times,  of  such 
a  pov/er  being  claimed  or  exercised  by  the  crown,  in  Great 
Britain,  over  the  journals  of  the  British  peers.  We  apprehend 
also,  that  no  matter  can  with  propriety  be  entered  upon  the 
journals  of  this  house,  without  the  leave  of  this  house  previously 
had  or  implied,  as  is  clearly  evinced  by  the  constant  practice  of 
reading  the  minutes  by  the  clerk  before  the  house  is  adjourned, 
in  order  that  every  peer  may  have  an  opportunity  of  preventing 
any  thing  improper  from  being  entered  upon  the  journals.  Now 
on  the  last  day  of  the  last  session,  no  such  opportunity  was 
given,  the  reading  of  the  minutes  having  been  prevented  by  the 
prorogation. 

4.  Because,  though  it  hath  been  asserted,  that  the  journals  of 
this  house,  being  public  records,  it  is  improper  that  any  altera- 
tion should  be  made  therein:  we  are  of  opinion,  that  this  maxim 
extends  only  to  the  judicial  proceedings  of  this  house,  not 
seeing  that  in  other  instances  there  is  any  reason  to  distinguish 
between  the  journals  of  this  house  and  those  of  the  other 
house  of  parliament,  from  which  matters  have  frequently  been 
expunged  :  As  it  is  also  notorious,  that  matters,  not  of  a  judi- 
cial nature,  have  frequently  been  expunged  from,  the  journals  of 
the  House  of  Lords  of  Great  Britain.  -  Indeed,  were  it  other- 
wise, the  speaker  or  even  the  clerk  of  this  house,  or  any  in- 
different person,  who  might  however  irregularly  get  access  to 
the  journal  book,  might  insert  therein  matter  of  the  most 
criminal  import,  amounting  even  to  the  crime  of  treason  ;  and 
it  would  be  a  strange  solecism  to  say,  that  such  insertion 
must  for  ever  remain,  to  the  disgrace  of  this  house,  without 
any  power  in  us  to  expunge  and  purge  away  such  obnoxious 
matter. 

5.  Because  it  hath  been  declared  to  be  a  high  breach  of  the 
privileges  of  parliament,  that  the  crown  should  take  notice  of 


40  APPENDIX. 

the  proceedings  of  either  house  of  parliament,  unless  the  same 
shall  be  regularly  laid  before  it ;  a  circumstance,  in  which  we 
conceive,  that  the  protest  of  Lord  Strafford,  however  in  all  other 
respects  irregular  and  unconstitutional,  hath  the  advantage  over 
those  of  Lord  Sydney  and  of  our  present  chief  governor. 

6.  Because  we  think  this  entry  peculiarly  improper,  inasmuch 
as  the  viceroy  hath  therein,  by  a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  this 
house,  made  our  journals  the  instrument  of  a  breach  of  the  pri- 
vileges of  the  other  house  of  parliament,  a  practice  which,  if  not 
discountenanced  by  us,  might  probably  end  in  a  rupture  between 
the  two  houses. 

Leinster,  by  proxy,  Moira,  by  proxy, 

Westmeath,  Longford, 

Lanesborough,  Mountcashel, 

Shannon,  Knapton, 

Lisle,  Louth, 

Mornington,  Bellamont, 

Powerscourt,  Bective, 

Charlemont,  Molesworth. 
Baltinglass, 


No.  LXIIT.  a. 


•the  catholic's  test  of  allegiance  prescribed  by  13th 

AND    14th    GEO.    III.    C.    XXXV PAGE    149. 

I  A.  B,  do  take  Almighty  God  and  his  only  Son  Jesus 
Christ  my  Redeemer  to  witness,  that  I  will  be  faithful  and  bear 
true  allegiance  to  our  most  gracious  sovereign  lord  King  George 
the  Third,  and  him  will  defend  to  the  utmost  of  my  power 
against  all  conspiracies  and  attempts  whatever,  that  shall  be 
made  against  his  person,  crown,  and  dignity;  and  I  will  do  my 
utmost  endeavour  to  disclose  and  make  known  to  his  majesty, 
and  his  heirs,  all  treasons  and  traitorous  conspiracies,  which 
may  be  formed  against  him  or  them  ;  and  I  do  faithfully  pro- 
mise to  maintain,  support  and  defend,  to  the  utmost  of  my 
power,  the  succession  of  the  crown  in  his  majesty's  family, 
against  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  hereby  utterly  re- 
nouncing and  abjuring  any  obedience  or  allegiance  unto  the  per- 
son taking  upon  himself  the  style  and  title  of  Prince  of  Wales, 
in  the  life  time  of  his  father,  and  who  since  his  death  is  said  to 
have  assumed  the  style  and  title  of  king  of  Great  Britain  and 


APPENDIX.  41 

Ireland,  by  the  name  of  Charles  the  Third,  and  to  any  other 
person  claiming  or  pretending  a  right  to  the  crown  of  these 
realms ;  and  I  do  swear,  that  I  do  reject  and  detest  as  unchris- 
tian and  impious  to  believe,  that  it  is  lawful  to  murder  or  de- 
stroy any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  for  or  under  pretence 
of  their  being  Heretics  ;  and  also,  that  unchristian  and  impious 
principle,  that  no  faith  is  to  be  kept  with  Heretics  ;  I  further 
declare,  that  it  is  no  article  of  my  faith,  and  that  I  do  renounce, 
reject,  and  abjure  the  opinion,  that  princes  excommunicated  by 
the  pope  and  council,  or  by  any  authority  of  the  see  of  Rome, 
or  by  any  authority  whatsoever,  may  be  deposed  or  murdered 
by  their  subjects,  or  by  any  person  whatsoever;  and  I  do  pro- 
mise, that  I  will  not  hold,  maintain,  or  abet,  any  such  opinion, 
or  any  other  opinion,  contrary  to  what  is  expressed  in  this  de- 
claration ;  and  I  do  declare,  that  I  do  not  believe,  that  the  pope 
of  Rome,  or  any  other  foreign  prince,  prelate,  state,  or  potentate 
hath,  or  ought  to  have  any  temporal  or  civil  jurisdiction,  power, 
superiority,  or  pre-eminence,  directly  or  indirectly,  within  this 
realm  ;  and  I  do  solemnly  in  the  presence  of  God,  and  of  his  on- 
ly Son  Jesus  Christ,  my  Redeemer,  profess,  testify  and  declare, 
that  I  do  make  this  declaration,  and  every  part  thereof,  in  the 
plain  and  ordinary  sense  of  the  words  of  this  oath,  without  any 
evasion,  equivocation,  or  mental  reservation  whatever,  and  with- 
out any  dispensation  already  granted  by  the  pope  or  authority  of 
the  see  of  Rome,  or  any  other  person  whatever ;  and  without 
thinking  that  I  am  or  can  be  acquitted  before  God  or  man,  or 
absolved  of  this  declaration,  or  any  part  thereof,  although  the 
pope,  or  any  other  person  or  persons,  or  authority  whatsoever 
shall  dispense  with  or  annul  the  same,  or  declare  that  it  was  nuU 
and  void  from  the  beginning. 

So  help  me  God. 


No.  LXIV.  a. 


from  the  debates  in  the  british  house  of  commons. 
[page   166.] 

AS  soon  as  the  ceremony  of  swearing  in  the  re-elected  and 
new  members  was  over. 

Colonel  Luttrell  rose,  and  reminded  the  house,  that,  previous 
to  the  recess,  he  had  expressed  a  desire  to  say  something  rela- 
tive to  the  very  critical  situation  of  Ireland  ;  and  that  he  had 

VOL.  IT.  F 


42  APPENDIX. 

been  prevented  from  indulging  that  desire  by  a  request  from 
an  honourable  member  (IS^r.  Byng),  that  he  would  not  intro- 
duce any  question  upon  so  important  a  subject  in  the  absence  of 
his  majesty's  ministers,  who  having  been  at  that  time  just  ap- 
pointed, had  vacated  their  seats  in  that  house,  and  consequently 
could  not  be  present  at  the  discussion  of  a  subject,  which  he 
owned  ought  not  to  be  agitated  vv'ithout  them :  that  the  same 
honourable  member  had  requested  he  v/ould  speak  to  them,  be- 
fore he  should  say  any  thing  relative  to  Ireland  m  that  house  ; 
and  assured  him  at  the  same  time,  that  he  would  find  the  new 
servants  of  the  crov/n  most  ready  to  do  every  thing  in  their 
pov/er  to  promote  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  every  part  of  his 
majesty's  dominions. 

He  had  given  way  to  the  desire  of  the  honourable  member, 
and  had  conferred  with  two  of  the  new  ministers,  and  he  felt 
himself  bound  to  say  publicly  of  them  that  he  found  them  ex- 
tremely well  disposed  to  do  every  thing  in  reason  to  quiet  the 
discontents  of  the  people  of  Ireland  ;  as  far  as  they  were  con- 
cerned he  v/as  satisfied ;  but  as  he  then  saw  in  his  place  a  right 
honourable  gentleman  (Mr.  Eden)  v/ho  knew  best  the  situation 
of  Ireland,  he  certainly  wished  that  before  his  return  the  right 
honourable  gentleman  would  explain  to  the  house,  a  little  of  the 
present  posture  of  affairs  in  that  kingdom. 

Mr.  Eden  thought  that  in  a  situation,  such  as  Ireland  then 
stood,  the  eyes  of  men  w^ere  turned  upon  him.,  who  being  a 
member  of  the  legislature  of  that  kingdom.,  as  well  as  of  this, 
and  at  the  same  time  in  a  ministerial  capacity  in  th^s  former, 
must  be  supposed  to  be  well  acquainted  vnt\\  the  nature  of  the 
jealousies  and  demands  of  the  people  of  Ireland  :  he  presumed 
that  it  would  be  expected  of  him  to  say  something  of  affairs  in 
which  he  himself  had  borne  a  part ;  and  to  propose  some  mea- 
sure, which  should  tend  to  conciliation  with  Ireland,  in  the  pre- 
sent very  alarming  situation  of  that  kingdom ;  it  was  his  inten- 
tion therefore,  before  he  should  sit  dov/n,  to  make  a  motion  on 
that  subject;  but  first  he  thought  it  would  be  proper  to  give  a 
short  sketch  of  the  history  of  Irish  affairs  for  the  last  two  years. 

(As  the  public  are  acquainted  with  all  the  political  facts  that 
have  occurred  in  Ireland  during  that  period,  we  shall  not  enter 
into  them  so  minutely  as  Mr.  Eden  did ;  w^e  shall  therefore 
only  state  the  general  heads,  and  the  observations  that  he  made 
on  them.) 

He  said,  that,  when  the  acts  passed  in  England  for  enlarging- 
the  trade  of  Ireland,  and  admitting  that  kingdom  to  an  equal 
participation  of  trade  "with  England,  the  people  of  the  former, 
instead  of  being  filled  with  gratitude  for  the  blessing  which  had 
been  just  extended  to  them,  began  to  be  jealous,  lest  they  should 
lose  that  blessing  which  they  prized  so  much  ;    and,  seeing  be- 


APPENDIX.  43 

fore  ibem  the  bright  prospect  wliich  a  free  trade  opened  to  their 
view,  their  first  sentiment  was  fear,  that,  at  some  future  period, 
the  same  power,  which  had  conferred,  might  resume  that  grant; 
and  some  circumstances  occurred,  v.diich  tended  greatly  to  en- 
crease  the  fears  of  the  people  on  this  head  ;  for  in  the  very  next 
session  of  the  English  parliament,   Ireland  was   mentioned  in 
four  different  acts  ;  so  that  the  Irish  were  thereby  alarmed,  lest 
the  power  which  assumed  a  right  to  bind  Ireland,  even  after  a 
free  trade  had  been  granted  to  her,  might,  when  the   circum- 
stances of  affairs  would  warrant  such  a  proceeding,  resort  back 
again  to  that  commercial  monopoly,  which  had  just  been  bro- 
ken ;    and  they  then  began  to  look  into  thtir  own  constitution. 
It  was  irue,  diat  those  four  acts,   in  which  Ireland  was  bound, 
were  not  of  a  nature  to  afford  grounds  for  any  su6h  apprehen- 
sion ;  for  they  related  to  very  trifling  matters,  no  w^ays  injuri- 
ous, one  of  which,  on  the  contrary,   was  beneficial  to  Ireland  j 
but  stiir  they  created  jealousies,   and  gave  rise  to  many  argu- 
ments in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons,  where  Mr.  Grattan  had 
formerly  complained  of  them,  as  subversive  of  the  constitutional 
independence,   as  it  was  called,  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland. 
The  volunteers  all  complained  of  them  ;  and  when  he  mention- 
ed the  volunteers,  he  might  be  said  to  mention  the  whole  nation,  . 
wdiich,  as  with  one  voice,   maintained  that  no  power  on  earth 
had  a  right  to  legislate  for  Ireland,  but  the  king  and  parliament 
of  Ireland.     In  speaking  of  the  volunteers,  he  must  take  that 
opportunity,  he  said,  to  bear  his  public  testimony  to  their  steady 
loyait}',  and  attachment  to  Great  Britain ;  and  their  constant 
declarations,  that  the  enemies  of  England  should  be  the  ene- 
mies of  Ireland;  but  it  was  not  by  words  only  or  professions, 
that  they   manifested  their  loyalty ;    they   proved  it  by  their 
deeds ;    and  v/hen  the  combined  fleets  threatened  the  country 
v/ith  an  invasion,   it  was  impossible  to  describe  with  what  ala- 
crity and  spirit  they  made  a  tender  of  their  services  to  the  lord 
lieutenant ;  and  this  too  without  any  previous  communication 
among  themselves,  or  concert  whatsoever  :  for  their  noble  and 
generous  behaviour  at  that  alarming  moment,  his  excellency  has 
thought  it  necessary  to  express  his  acknowledgments  to  them 
from  the  throne.     Previous  to  that  session,  the  volunteers,  with- 
out marking  any  disposition  to  those  measures,  which  they  had 
since   adopted,   were  harmlessly  amusing  themselves  with  re- 
views, and   military   parade  ;    and  such  an  opposition  was  ex- 
pected in  parliament,  as  every  free  government  would  wish  to 
see  formed,  as  such  a  constitutional  opposition  must  necessarily 
make    ministers  more  watchful,   and  attentive   to  their  duty» 
When  the  session  v/as  opened,  various   were  the  questions  in- 
troduced into  the  House  of  Commons,  v/hich  he  had  not  been 
able  to  approve,  and  which  appearing  to  a  majority  of  the  house^ 


44  APPENDIX. 

in  the  same  light  as  they  did  to  him,  he  had  been  able  to  post- 
pone:  one  was  for  a  declaration  of  the  rights  of  Ireland; 
another  respecting  the  mutiny-bill ;  a  third  for  a  bill  to  quiet  the 
proprietors,  who  held  estates  in  Ireland,  under  British  acts  of 
parliament.  All  these  measures  had  appeared  to  the  majority 
of  the  house,  as  very  inexpedient ;  but  still  he  must  observe, 
that  even  the  majority  which  had  supported  him,  were  friends  to 
the  principle  of  every  one  of  these  questions ;  and  therefore 
they  were  only  postponed  and  got  rid  of  by  the  previous  ques- 
tion;  but  not^ejected:  At  length,  a  gentleman  of  very  great 
character  and  abilities  (Mr.  Yeiverton)  wishing  to  steer  a  mid- 
dle course,  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  volunteers,  respecting 
a  declaration  of  rights,  and  at  the  same  time  to  prevent  the  mis- 
chiefs or  at  least  the  inconveniences,  which  might  flow  from 
such  declaration,  unqualified,  and  untempered,  had  brought  in  a 
bill  for  enacting  into  laws  in  Ireland,  several  statutes,  which  had 
been  made  in  England  ;  in  this  bill  he  himself  had  taken  no  ac- 
tive part ;  but  he  would  say  thus  much  of  it,  that  it  had  his  most 
hearty  concurrence.  As  this  bill  would  certainly  obviate  the 
principal  inconveniences,  that  would  otherwise  result  from  a  de- 
claration of  what  the  people  of  Ireland  called  their  rights,  and 
as  he  saw  plainly,  that  such  a  declaration  could  no  longer  be  op- 
posed with  success,  he  would  now  give  way  to  necessity,  and 
no  longer  oppose  himself  to  such  a  measure  ;  for  in  the  present 
state  and  disposition  of  Ireland,  he  would  assure  the  house,  that 
they  might  as  well  strive  to  make  the  Thames  flow  up  High- 
gate-hill,  as  to  attempt  to  legislate  for  Ireland,  which  would  no 
longer  submit  to  any  legislature  but  its  own.  Wliat  use  the 
Irish  would  make  of  their  legislative  independence,  he  could 
not  tell ;  but  if  he  could  bring  himself  to  think,  that  they  would 
avail  themselves  of  it  in  making  any  foreign  connections,  inju- 
rious to  the  trade  or  interest  of  this  kingdom,  he  w^as  free  to  say, 
that  sooner  than  agree  to  such  an  independence,  England  ought 
to  risque  a  good  deal.  But  he  believed  a  sensible,  judicious 
people,  like  the  Irish,  would  always  see  that  the  interests  of  both 
kingdoms  were  so  connected,  that  they  could  not  be  separated 
without  the  greatest  loss  to  both  ;  and  therefore  he  trusted,  that 
the  Irish  would  never  attempt  to  break  the  connection ;  he 
trusted  also,  that  they  would  adopt,  from  time  to  time,  such 
laws  of  this  country,  as  it  would  be  for  the  interest  of  both 
should  be  in  force  in  both  kingdoms,  and  as  no  Irish  bill  could 
pass  into  law,  without  the  previous  consent  of  the  king,  in  his 
council  of  England,  so  there  was  no  danger  that  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  legislature  of  Ireland  could  be  made  use  of  to  make 
laws  injurious  to  the  sister  kingdom,  the  English  council  being 
responsible  for  every  advice  they  gave  their  sovereign. 


APPENDIX.  45 

Exclusive  of  the  declaration  of  rights,  the  volunteers,  or  in 
another  word,  •  Ireland,  had  called  for  an  habeas  corpus  act, 
which  as  it  was  proper  she  should  have,  had  not  been  opposed ; 
and  now  it  was  part  of  the  law  of  Ireland.  They  had  called 
also  for  an  act  to  make  the  judges  independent  of  the  crown,  by 
making  them  hold  their  commissions  quamdhi  se  bene  gesserint; 
this  was  a  reasonable  demand,  and  had  consequently  been  com- 
plied with  ;  for  a  bill  was  brought  in  to  that  effect ;  and  it  was 
now  in  its  progress  through  parliament.  An  alteration  of  the 
mutiny  bill  v/as  another  thing  which  they  looked  forj  he  must 
needs  say,  he  could  not  see  the  danger,  which  the  enemies  to 
what  was  called  the  perpetual  clause  in  that  bill,  apprehended 
from  it ;  however,  as  he  made  no  doubt  but  the  people  of  Ireland 
would  be  ready  to  adopt  such  regulations  as  the  parliament  of 
England  might  from  time  to  time  make  for  the  army,  so  he 
flattered  himself  that  the  ground  of  apprehension,  lest  the  regu- 
lations in  England  and  Ireland  for  the  army  should  be  different, 
would  be  removed :  he  saw  no  reason,  why  the  wishes  of  the 
latter  should  be  any  longer  opposed  on  this  head  ;  nay,  Jie  thought 
they  ought  not  to  be  opposed,  since  new  jealousies  had  lately 
been  excited  on  that  subject  by  a  transaction  in  England.  It 
was  understood  in  Ireland  that  the  name  of  that  kingdom  should 
no  longer  be  inserted  in  the  English  mutiny  bill ;  and  still,  when 
that  bill  was  brought  in,  the  word  Ireland,  as  usual,  stood  part 
of  it :  It  had  indeed  been  since  struck  out,  and  the  bill  passed 
without  it ;  but  the  minds  of  the  volunteers  were  not  easy  on 
the  subject.  A  modification  of  Poynings'  law  was  another 
object,  which  the  Irish  had  greatly  at  heart:  On  that  he  would 
not  enlarge  j  but  gentlemen  would  see  that  it  should  be  granted; 
England  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  increased  power  of  the 
Irish  parliament,  as  the  consent  of  the  king  would  still  be  neces- 
sary to  sanctify  all  their  acts. 

Having  made  these,  and  various  other  observations,  he  moved 
for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  repeal  so  much  of  the  act  of  the 
6th  of  George  I.  as  asserted  a  right  in  the  king  and  parliament 
of  Great  Britain  to  make  laws  to  bind  the  kingdom  and  people 
of  Ireland.  He  did  not  wish  to  precipitate  matters  ;  but  gen- 
tlemen must  see  the  necessity  of  doing  something  speedily,  and 
without  the  loss  of  a  moment,  to  prevent  those  consequences, 
which  it  was  not  for  him  so  much  as  to  think  of:  they  all  knew 
that  the  parliament  of  Ireland  was  to  meet  to-morrow  se'nnight, 
and  Mr.  Grattan  would  on  that  day  propose  to  the  House  of 
Commons,  a  vote  for  a  declaration  of  rights.  Would  it  not 
therefore,  says  he,  be  expedient  to  anticipate  the  wishes  of  Ire- 
land on  that  head  ;  and,  to  convince  her  of  our  sincere  inten- 
tion, give  her  every  security  in  our  power  for  the  permanenc)^ 
of  her  constitution,  and  of  that  trade,  which  she  is  so  anxious  to 


<6  APPENDIX. 

preserve  ?  As  for  himself,  he  must  set  out  on  his  return  for 
Ireland,  either  that  night  or  to-morrow  mornirig,  and  he  should 
be  happy  to  have  it  in  his  pov/er  to  carry  over  with  him  the 
agreeable  tidings,  that  the  parliament  of  England  v/as  ready 
to  give  the  Irish  every  satisfaction  they  could  reasonably  re-^ 
quire. 

He  did  not  desire  that  the  bill  which  he  moved  for  should 
be  immediately  passed  ,*  all  he  looked  for  was  a  kind  of  pledge 
from  that  house  to  carry  over  with  him  to  Ireland,  that  the 
English  parliament  would  not  oppose  the  favourite  wish  and 
determined  resolution  of  the  Irish:  tht  bill  might  lie  over,  until 
it  should  be  known  v/hether  it  would  satisfy  the  Irish  parliament 
or  not :  if  it  should,  then  it  might  be  passed  into  a  law ;  if  the 
partial  repeal  he  proposed  should  not  please  the  Irish,  then  he 
would  advise  the  total  repeal  of  the  6th  of  George  I.  But 
if  neither  partial  nor  total  repeal  would  satisf}'  them,  then  he 
certainly  should  leave  the  law,  as  it  now  stood,  without  any  alte- 
ration whatever. 

Mr.  Coartenay  rose,  and  said  he  would  second  the  n>otion;  Lord 
Newhaven  rose  to  do  the  same  thing,  and  Colonel  Luttrell  was 
not  willing  to  give  up  the  point  to  either  of  them.  After  some 
dispute  for  tl^j  priority  in  speaking,  the  chair  decided  in  favour 
of  Lord  Nev/haven,  who  said  that  no  man  v/as  less  connected 
with  the  present  administration  than  he  was  ;  and  yet  he  thought 
3t  would  have  been  proper  to  have  given  the  new  administration 
a  little  more  time  to  turn  their  thoughts  to  the  affairs  of  Ireland: 
however,  as  the  motion  had  been  made,  he  rose  to  give  it  his 
most  hearty  support :  because  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  that  the 
measure  v/as  now  become  absolutely  necessar}-. 

Colonel  Luttrell  said,  that  when  he  rose  to  second  the  motion, 
it  was  under  the  idea,  that  such  a  measure  as  was  then  proposed, 
would  give  general  satisfaction  to  Ireland ;  if  he  thought  it 
would  not,  he  certainly  would  not  second  such  a  motion  ;  because 
he  would  not  consent  to  the  repeal  of  the  6th  of  George  I. 
unless  in  case  of  such  emergency  as  the  present,  when  he  thought 
by  such  a  repeal,  he  might  quiet  the  minds  and  conciliate  the 
affections  of  the  people  of  Ireland  ;  and  therefore  he  called  upon 
the  right  honourable  gentleman,  who  made  the  motion,  to  tell 
the  house,  whether  he  thought  such  a  measure  as  he  had  just 
proposed,  would  produce  the  salutary  eilect  that  was  expected 
from  it. 

Mr.  Eden  could  not  undertake  to  say,  that  the  measure  pro- 
posed would  give  complete  satisfaction  to  Ireland ;  and  there- 
fore would  not  pledge  himself,  that  it  would ;  but  he  knew  that 
so  critical  was  the  situation  of  that  country  at  present,  that  if 
the  motion  then  before  the  house  should  be  rejected,  he  would 
not  answer  for  the  consequences.  The  speaker  read  the  motion 
from  the  chair. 


APPENDIX.  47 

M.  Secretary  Fox  then  rose,  and  claimed  the  attention  of  the 
house  in  a  particular  degree.  He  said  he  never  v/as  more 
astonished  than  at  the  proceedings  of  the  house  upon  that  day, 
and  at  the  manner  in  which  the  right  honourable  gentleman  had 
acted.  For  first  an  honourable  gentleman  had  risen,  and  re- 
stated to  the  house  what  he  had  mentiontd  before  the  recess, 
without  making  any  motion  whatever,  relating  merely  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  country  of  Ireland,  and  the  necessity  that 
there  was  for  serious  and  speedy  measures  being  adopted  for 
quieting  the  jealousies  subsisting  in  that  kingdom.  Upon  this 
another  right  honourable  gentleman,  without  any  previous 
communication,  or  having  consulted  with  any  person  whatever, 
rises  up,  and,  after  many  observations  on  the  circumstances  and 
state  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  concludes  with  a  motion  for 
declaring  Ireland  to  be  totally  independent  of  the  legislature  of 
Great  Britain.  The  right  honourable  gendeman  said,  he  hoped 
it  would  not  be  expected  that  he  should  give  an  answer  to  all 
the  observations  that  had  been  made;  they  had  been  truly  cu- 
rious ;  and  especially  as  they  were  thrown  out,  and  the  house 
moved  upon  the  very  day  when  the  new  servants  of  the  king- 
met  the  representatives  of  the  people  in  parliament,  and  before 
they  could  have  it  in  their  power  to  propose  any  measure  what- 
ever with  respect  to  Ireland.  The  hurry  of  the  right  honoura- 
ble gentleman  was  such,  that  he  came  down  to  the  house,  and 
moved  this  proposition,  which  was  to  divide  the  kingdom  of 
Ireland  from  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain,  without  giving  his 
majesty's  ministers  any  time  to  act  in  their  new  situation,  or 
comi^  to  parliament  with  such  plans  as  would  in  their  opinion 
quiet  the  disturbances,  and  restore  harmony  to  both  nations. 
The  right  honourable  gentleman  had  come  over  from  Ireland  to 
this  country  ;  and  it  was  no  secret  that  he  had  brought  with  him 
a  letter  of  resignation  from  the  lord  lieutenant.  His  majesty's 
ministers  had  scarcely  done  reading  that  letter,  when  they  re- 
ceived another  from  the  right  honourable  gentleman  himself, 
informing  them  that  he  declined  communicating  to  the  confi- 
dential servants  of  the  crown  any  knov/ledge  which  he  might 
possess  relative  to  the  circumstances  and  state  of  Ireland,  to  tell 
them  any  facts,  or  to  state  any  opinion  upon  them  whatever. 
In  the  letter  of  resignation  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  had  said,  th^it  he 
did  not  give  any  account  of  the  situation  of  the  kingdom  of 
Ireland,  because  his  right  honourable  secretary  was  coming  to 
England,  who  would  be  able  to  give  them  the  most  complete 
information  of  every  particular.  But  the  right  honourable 
secretary  chose  to  withhold  this  information  from  his  majesty's 
ministers,  and  to  come  to  this  house  without  communicating 
with  any  one,  without  taking  any  advice,  and  without  giving 
any  time  to  the  new  ministers  to  move  for  a  repeal  of  the  6th 


48  •  APPENDIX. 

of  George  I.  He  had  believed  that  the  purpose  of  the  right 
honourable  gentleman's  visit  to  this  country,  was  to  give  his 
majesty's  ministers  that  information,  for  which  the  lord  lieute- 
nant referred  them  in  his  letter  of  resignation ;  but  now  the  true 
purpose  of  his  journey  was  discovered.  It  was  not  to  give  in- 
formation to  government,  but  to  come  to  that  house,  and,  on 
the  first  day  after  the  recess,  to  make  a  most  unseasonable  and 
unwise  motion,  which,  he  no  doubt  imagined  would  considera- 
bly embarrass  the  king's  servants.  If  this  were  the  sort  of  op- 
position, which  they  were  to  meet  with  in  that  house,  he  had 
too  good  an  opinion  of  tiie  candour  of  parliament  to  fear  it.  ' 
The  disposition  of  the  king's  ministers  towards  Ireland,  he 
believed,  was  sufficiently  understood  ;  and  that  disposition  which 
they  had  expressed,  when  out  of  office  he  sincerely  believed 
they  would  now  maintain,  and  would  take  the  speediest  and 
most  likely  means  of  giving  complete  satisfaction  to  the  people 
of  Ireland.  The  motion  came  with  singularity  from  the  right 
honourable  gentleman,  who  was  one  of  those  persons  who  had 
constantly  talked  in  such  high  language  of  "  the  unity  of  the 
"  British  dominions,"  and  who  thought  proper  to  resist  every 
claim  that  was  made  both  by  the  people  of  Ireland  and  the  people 
of  America  to  that  just  liberty,  and  those  rights  and  privileges 
they  inherited  under  the  constitution.  If  the  administration, 
of  which  he  had  been  a  member  and  a  partisan,  had  been  as 
ready  to  yield  to  the  pretensions  of  Ireland,  when  those  preten- 
sions were  conveyed  in  terms  of  most  respectful  regard,  the 
house  would  not  have  been  insulted  on  that  day  with  a  motion 
from  one  of  the  men  v/ho  had  constantly  and  uniformly  denied 
every  request,  and  withheld  every  boon  that  was  either  sought 
or  wished  for  by  our  sister  kingdom.  But  the  right  honourable 
gentleman  seemed  yet  to  have  the  principles  of  his  late  friends, 
and  to  act  entirely  upon  their  plan  ;  he  seemed  to  wish  to  divide 
the  two  kingdoms ;  and  like  them,  after  talking  of  the  unity 
of  the  British  dominion,  to  strive  to  dismember  the  British 
empire.  He  had  come  post  from  Ireland  for  the  purpose,  as  it 
should  seem,  of  moving  this  repeal  of  the  6th  of  George  I. 
in  the  House  of  Commons  ;  and  this  he  thought  it  his  duty  to 
do,  though  he  did  not  conceive  it  to  be  his  duty  to  give  any 
account  to  government  of  the  state  and  condition  of  Ireland. 
The  nature  of  his  journey  was  now  perfectly  manifest.  He 
had  come  in  this  very  great  hurry.. ..had  contrived  to  come  on 
the  very  first  day  of  the  meeting  after  the  recess. ...on  the  very 
first  day  of  the  ministers  taking  their  seats  in  the  house. ...to 
propose  a  thing  which  demanded  the  most  serious  enquiry,  the 
most  deliberate  investigation,  that  the  wisdom  of  this  countr}7- 
and  of  Ireland  could  give  it.  If  his  late  friends  had  had  a  twen- 
tieth part  of  his  hurry,  if  they  had  had  a  twentieth  part  of  his 


APPENDIX.  49 

present  disposition  to  yield  to  the  requisitions  of  Ireland,  we 
should  not  now  be  brought  to  the  distress  in  which  we  are  at 
this  moment.  If  the  late  ministry  had  conceded  when  they 
might  concede  with  grace,  if  they  had  given  an  extension  of 
commerce,  as  was  the  right  of  Ireland,  as  well  as  it  was  for 
the  benefit  of  England,  when  that  extension  was  decently  called 
for,  and  they  had  taken  that  occasion  finally  to  settle  the  relative 
situation  of  the  two  countries,  it  might  have  been  done  without 
difficulties,  and  all  our  present  embarrassment,  with  its  conse- 
quences, would  have  been  avoided.  But  they  never  looked 
beyond  the  present  instant,  they  never  provided  for  what  was 
to  come,  they  did  things  neither  effectually  or  finally,  and  the 
right  honourable  gentleman  seemed  still  to  partake  of  the  same 
quality  j  for  he  was  only  inclined  to  do  one  thing,  without  tak- 
ing time  to  consider,  or  seeming  to  care  whether  what  he  did 
would  be  sufficient,  whether  it  were  all  they  desired,  and  whether, 
when  they  had  procured  the  repeal  of  one  part  of  the  act  of  the 
6th  George  I.  they  would  not  afterwards  think  that  the  other 
parts  of  that  act  should  also  be  repealed.  He  was  sincerely  of 
/opinion,  that  this  was  not  the  way  of  settling  the  jealousies,  or 
of  restoring  tranquillity  to  Ireland.  His  majesty's  ministers, 
he  could  assure  the  house,  had  not  lost  a  moment  in  bringing 
forward  the  subject.  Out  of  the  short  time  that  they  had  been 
in  office,  they  had  employed  a  considerable  part  on  the  aflPairs  of 
Ireland.  He  wished  to  God  that  their  predecessors  had  been 
as  active,  and  that  they  had  lost  as  little  time  as  those  who  were 
now  entrusted  with  the  government  of  this  country.  If  the  right 
honourable  gentleman  had  given  the  proper  communications  to 
government,  perhaps  the  ministers  would  have  been  prepared 
this  day  to  have  brought  forward  a  proposition  ;  as  it  was,  he 
could  say,  that  before  many  days  elapsed,  before  many  hours, 
the  subject  would  come  before  the  house  in  a  regular  way.  His 
majesty's  ministers,  when  out  of  office,  declared  their  opinion 
with  respect  to  the  claims  of  Ireland.  They  had  said,  that  those 
restrictions,  with  regard  to  commerce,  under  which  they  la- 
boured, were  exceedingly  impolitic  as  well  as  cruel ;  and  that  it 
would  be  for  the  benefit  of  England  as  well  as  of  Ireland,  that 
there  should  be  such  an  extension  of  trade,  and  such  settlement 
of  connection,  as  would  quiet  the  jealousies  of  the  one,  without 
hurting  the  interest,  or  lowering  the  rank  of  the  other.  It 
was  therefore  to  be  presumed,  at  least,  that  they  would  act 
up  to  their  former  declarations  ;  he  sincerely  believed  that  they 
would  do  so  ;  and  he  could  assure  the  house,  for  his  own  part, 
that  he  was  entirely  disposed  to  heal  the  sore  minds  of  our  fel- 
low-subjects, and  to  prevent  the  unhappy  consequences  of  divi- 
sion and  tumult. 

VOL.    n.  G 


50  APPENDIX. 

The  right  honourable  gentleman  had  talked  of  the  measures 
of  the  vokmteer  army  in  Ireland,  during  the  last  summer,  as  a 
matter  of  diversion  and  amusement.  This  was  language  which 
he  confessed  he  did  not  expect  to  hear.  He  should  not  have 
been  surprised  if  the  right  honourable  gentleman  had  said  of 
them,  that  their  measures  were  alarming  to  the  government  of 
Ireland  ;  it  might  have  b£en  said  vvith  truth,  that  they  had  been 
conducted  v/ith  bravery;  perhaps  that  they  originated  in  neces- 
sity ;  certainly  in  the  love  of  their  country,  in  virtue,  and  in  the 
support  of  their  independence,  as  a  people:  but  that  the  secretary 
to  the  lord  lieutenant,  and  one  of  the  ministers  of  the  kingdom, 
should  talk  of  their  measures  as  a  matter  of  diversion  and 
amusement,  was  beyond  all  the  absurdity  that  he  had  ever  heard. 
The  right  honourable  gendeman  had  said,  that  the  opposition 
which  the  government  of  Ireland  had  m.et  with,  was  that  sort 
of  opposition  which  a  government  would  always  choose  to  have. 
Was  it  so  ?  Was  an  opposition  composed  of  all  the  integrity, 
the  talents,  and  the  respect  of  a  country,  such  as  a  ministry 
would  choose  to  meet  with  ?  An  opposition  composed  of  a 
Charlemont,  a  Grattan,  a  Burgh,  a  Yeiverton,  a  Flood,  &:c.  was 
not  to  be  wished  for  by  any  ministry,  who  desired  to  stand  well 
with  their  country.  The  Lord  preserve  him  from  such  an 
opposition  !  He  would  not  wish  to  be  the  minister  who  proposed 
measures,  which  such  men  as  those  must  in  their  hearts  op- 
pose. The  right  honourable  gentleman  had,  by  a  strange  mode 
of  reasoning,  called  the  administration  of  the  Earl  of  Carlisle 
fortunate  and  successful.  Fortunate  and  successful  surely  must 
that  administration  be,  which  concludes  Vv  ith  a  motion  from 
the  secretary  for  reducing  this  country  to  conditional  submis- 
sion, and  humbling  her  at  the  feet  of  Ireland !  Fortunate  and 
successful  must  that  administration  have  been,  when  the  secre- 
tary, after  opposing  evei-y  claim  that  is  made,  comes  over  post, 
and  declares,  that  all  his  opposition  is  fruidess,  and  that  the 
requisition  must  be  complied  with !  Fortunate  and  successiul 
surely  the  administration  of  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  could  not  be 
called  ;  but  in  denying  that  the  noble  lord  had  been  successf  il 
in  his  administration,  he  by  no  means  intended  to  say,  that  ne 
was  to  blame.  He  believed  it  was  the  fault  of  the  late  ministers 
of  this  empire,  v/hose  total  inattention  to  the  affairs  of  that  king- 
dom, had  made  apart  of  that  system  of  negligence  and  lethargy 
which  prevailed  throughout.  He  had  always  thought,  that  .the 
affairs  of  this  country  under  their  management  had  suffered  most 
materially  ;  that  they  had  taken  away  the  pride  which  was  natu- 
ral to  Britain,  and  had  brought  us  into  most  alarming  circum- 
stances. But  within  the  last  fortnight  he  had  received  such 
additional  information,  and  such  insight  into  the  affairs  of  that 
country,  that  all  his  former  conjectures  were  now  ripene4  into 
complete  judgments  j  all  his  former  apprehensions  were  most 


'  APPENDIX.  51 

alarmingly  increased,  and  he  found  that  our  situation  was  much 
vrorse  even  tlian  he  dreaded.  Bad  as  he  always  thought  those 
ministers  were,  he  had.  never  believed  them  to  be  so  inattentive, 
so  remiss,  or  so  totally  careless  of  every  thing  that  regarded  the 
interests  of  their  country,  as  he  had  found  them.  He  trusted, 
that  the  present  servants  of  the  crown  would  think  it  their  duty 
to  make  up  a  state  of  the  affairs  of  the  country  as  they  found 
them  at  this  time,  and  lay  it  before  pariiam.ent  for  their  infor- 
mation. This  was  a  digression  which  the  house  would  pardon. 
It  was,  however,  not  totall}^  foreign  from  the  question  ;  for  their 
neglect  of  the  affairs  of  Ireland  was  one  of  the  most  material 
parts  of  their  guilt. 

The  right  honourable  gentleman  said,  that  he  trusted  in  the 
candour  of  the  house  for  the  confidence  which  they  would  have 
in  the  intentions  of  his  majest}'s  ministers  towards  Ireland; 
and  that  they  vy-ould  believe,  that  they  meant  and  v/ished  most 
ardently  to  bring  the  matter  forward  in  the  most  speedy  manner. 
He  would  again  assure  them,  that  it  had  always  been  his  politi- 
cal sentiments,  that  it  v/as  unjust  and  tyrannical  to  attempt  to 
hold  a  country  in  subjection,  and  to  govern  against  the  v/ill  and 
opinion  of  the  people.  It  had  always  been  his  sentiment  with 
regard  to  America  as  well  as  to  Ireland,  that  they  could  not, 
much  less  ought  not  to  be  governed  by  laws  v/hich  they  r..;iected 
as  unconstitutional.  All  just  government  must  consist  in  the 
perfect  consent,  good  v/ill  and  opinion  of  the  people  ;  it  was  the 
best  and  purest  system  of  government,  where  harmony  pre- 
vailed ;  and  without  it,  it  was  not  government,  but  usurpation. 
This  was  alwavs  his  idea  on  the  subject,  and  he  maintained  it  in 
opposition  to  ail  theories  of  men,  because  it  was  the  only  system, 
which  in  the  end  was  practicable.  It  was  certainly  the  most 
consistent  with  true  policy,  as  well  as  justice.  To  bring  about 
a y?/zfl/ settlement  of  the  cHspute  between  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land ;  to  state  and  precisely  to  declare,  not  for  a  moment,  but  for 
ever,  what  was  the  relative  situation  of  the  two  countries  with 
respect  to  each  other ;  to  take  in  and  conclude  all  points  of  dif- 
ference, and  to  establish  such  a  system  of  connection,  intimacy 
and  relation  l)etween  them,  as  should  be  immediately  and  per- 
manently for  the  interest  of  both,  would  require  much  discus- 
sion, and  a  considerable  deal  of  time;  for  both  countries  must 
come  to  the  discussion  of  the  great  asad  important  subject,  that 
by  mutual  consent  it  might  be  settled  for  ages,  and  not,  as  had 
been  the  conduct  of  the  late  ministers,  sear  up  the  v/ound  for  a 
moment,  without  completing  the  cure.  When  those  ministers 
agreed  to  the  extension  of  th*^  trade  of  Ireland,  they  should  have 
ultimately  settled  the  claims  and  fixed  the  situation.  They 
failed  to  do  this  at  tlie  proper  time,  and  they  ought  to  answer 
for  it  to  their  country.     That  measures,  however,  would  be 


52  appendix; 

taken  for  accomplishing  this  desirable  end,  he  might  safely 
assure  the  house.  He  thought  that  deceit  was  always  perni- 
cious, and  he  wished  to  speak  with  as  much  openness  and  infor- 
mation as  the  nature  of  his  office  could  justify.  He  would, 
therefore,  move  for  the  order  of  the  day,  as  the  best  means  of 
postponing  the  motion  of  the  right  honourable  gentleman.  He 
wished  for  this  to  give  time  to  the  king's  servants  to  determine 
with  precision  on  the  plan  to  be  offered  to  both  countries ;  and 
he  had  the  utmost  reason  to  hope  and  believe,  that  the  matter 
would  be  finally  settled  without  any  of  those  consequences,  which 
the  conduct  of  the  right  honourable  gentleman  in  this  business 
had  been  calculated  to  produce.  He  wished,  he  confessed,  that 
the  right  honourable  gentleman  would  withdraw  his  motion, 
as  the  best  means ;  and  by  which  an  honourable  friend  of  his, 
Mi\  Crewe,  would  be  able  to  move  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill, 
which  he  had  introduced  some  years  ago,  for  disqualifying 
excise  and  custom-house  officers  from  voting  at  elections.  This 
was  a  part  of  the  plan,  which  had  been  formed  when  they  were 
out  of  office,  for  reforming  the  constitution  of  parliament,  and 
which  they  seriously  meant  to  undertake  now  with  the  same 
zeal  and  attention  as  before.  Not  a  day  would  be  lost  until 
the  task  of  reducing  the  improper  influence  of  the  crown,  and 
settling  the  representation  of  the  people  upon  more  equal  grounds, 
was  fulfilled.  The  right  honourable  gentleman,  had  said,  that 
his  opposition  to  the  various  motions  that  had  been  made  in  the 
Irish  House  of  Commons  had  been  supported  by  great  majori- 
ties. He  said,  that  he  w^ished  these  majorities  had  been  less : 
it  w^as  the  greatness  of  these  majorities,  and  the  manner,  in  which 
they  were  constituted,  that  had  given  offence  and  jealousy  to 
the  people  of  Ireland.  They,  no  doubt,  desired  to  see  a  free 
representation,  declaring  honestly  their  voice  in  the  senate. 
To  correct  the  abuses  in  influence  and  representation,  would 
be  the  steady  endeavours  of  his  majesty's  ministers.  He 
concluded  with  moving  for  the  order  of  the  day  ;  this  he 
would  not  have  done  upon  any  other  account,  than  that  the 
motion  was  of  such  a  sort,  and  came  at  such  a  time  ;  but  he 
hoped,  that  the  right  honourable  gentleman  would  yet  with- 
draw it. 

Mr.  Eden  rose  to  explain  what  he  meant  by  saying  the  oppo- 
sition to  government  in  Ireland  was  such,  as  no  person  need 
be  fearful  of;  it  was  not  to  infer,  that  they  were  men  of  no  respect 
or  talents,  but  that  they  were  men  of  such  moderation,  that  no 
fear  was  to  be  apprehended  from  them.  With  respect  to  the 
volunteers  taking  up  arms  as  amusement,  they  certainly  did  so 
at  first,  and  at  the  same  time  Avith  a  laudable  zeal  to  protect  the 
country  from  the  danger  of  an  invasion,  which  was  said  to 
threaten  it;  but  that  amusement  had  grown  into  a  formidable 


APPENDIX.  53 

body  of  men,  who  seemed  determined  to  have  a  total  repeal  of 
the  declaratory  law,  without  properly  weighing,  whether  it 
would  not  be  in  some  measure  detrimental  to  them.  He  men- 
tioned again,  that  he  should  leave  England  to-morrow  ;  and 
was  fearful,  that  if  the  motion  were  not  carried  into  execution, 
notwithstanding  what  the  right  honourable  gentleman  (Mr. 
Fox)  had  said  of  the  intentions  of  government,  it  would  be  too 
late. 

Lord  Mahon  said,  he  thought  it  extremely  indecent  for  the 
right  honourable  gentleman,  who  spoke  last,  to  bring  in  the  mo- 
tion, as  he  had  refused  giving  his  majesty's  ministers  the  infor- 
mation respecting  Ireland,  that  it  was  his  duty  to  have  done. 
His  lordship  read  the  preamble  of  the  act  6th  George  I.  which 
asserted,  that  the  reason  of  its  being  made,  was  the  abuse  of 
power  committed  by  the  House  of  Peers  of  Ireland.  The  de- 
claration of  the  right  honourable  secretary  (Mr.  Fox)  had  been 
such,  he  said,  as  ought  to  appear  fully  sufficient,  that  it  was 
their  intention  to  take  up  the  business  with  all  possible  dis- 
patch. 

Colonel  Luttrell  said,  he  hoped  that  he  stood  free  from  any 
censure  in  the  business ;  that  the  sole  reason  of  his  calling  on 
the  right  honourable  gentleman,  was  from  a  certainty,  that,  as 
he  was  just  arrived  from  that  kingdom,  he  could  be  able  to  give 
the  house  much  information  on  the  state  of  affairs  ;  that  he  was 
himself  at  first  much  inclined  to  second  the  motion  ;  but  as  the 
right  honourable  secretary  (Mr.  Fox),  had  so  openly  declared 
that  councils  had  already  been  held,  and  that  every  considera- 
tion possible  was  meant  to  be  given  to  the  business,  he  thought 
it  would  be  best  for  the  right  honourable  gentleman,  (Mr.  Eden), 
on  his  return  to  Ireland,  to  state  fairly  to  the  house,  that  the 
present  ministry  had  fully  declared  their  intentions  of  redress- 
ing the  grievances  complained  of,  and  to  desire  they  would  post- 
pone their  decision  for  a  short  time,  until  they  saw  what  mi- 
nisters did  do  on  the  subject. 

Lord  Newhaven  said,  he  by  no  means  would  wish  to  embar- 
rass government ;  that  he  believed  the  right  honourable  secre- 
tary on  the  treasury  bench  was  sincere  in  his  declarations ;  vet 
he  was  fearful  of  an  impression  going  over  to  Ireland,  that  we 
had  rejected  the  offer  of  repealing  the  act  complained  of  in  the 
motion. 

The  Right  Hon.  General  Conway  owned  himself  surprised 
that  any  person,  who  was  a  servant  of  the  public,  (for  as  such 
he  undoubtedly  considered  the  Irish  secretary),  should  dare  to 
withhold  information  from  his  majestv's  ministers,  because  they 
were  not  a  set  of  men  that  were  favourable  to  the  wretched  sys- 
tem that  had  occasioned  the  dispute  of  the  present  hour.  Since 
the  new  ministers  had  come  into  place,  no  time  had  been  lost 


54  APPENDIX. 

in  thinking  of  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  means  of  quieting 
the  troubles  that  unfortunately  raged  in  Ireland ;  no  less  than 
three  or  four  cabinet  councils  had  been  held  solely  on  that  bu- 
siness ;  and  the  nevv^  appointed  lord  lieutenant  would  be  em- 
powered with  such  terms,  as  he  trusted  would  establish  a  firm 
and  happy  union  between  the  two  countiies,  which  were  so  in- 
separably connected  together  by  every  tie  of  interest.  It  w^as 
extremely  indecent  in  the  right  honourable  gentleman  w^ho 
moved  the  business,  to  bring  the  matter  on  in  the  manner  he 
had,  without  ever  hinting  the  least  idea  to  any  of  his  majesty's 
ministers  of  his  intention,  or  knowing  whether  ministers  did  not 
intend  themselves  to  move  something  similar  to  it. 

Mr.  Eden  said,  he  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  declare 
the  whole  of  his  transactions  since  he  came  to  England.  He 
arrived  in  tow^n  on  Thursday  last,  he  said,  with  a  letter  of  Lord 
Carlisle's  resignation,  and  was  surprised  to  find  that  a  new  lord- 
lieutenant  had  been  appointed  in  his  stead,  two  days  previous  to 
liis  arrival,  by  wdiich  it  might  possibly  happen,  that  his  Grace 
the  Duke  of  Portland  would  be  the  messenger  of  his  own  ap- 
pointment :  that  treatment  he  thought  extremely  indecent :  it 
was  not  using  Lord  Carlisle  well,  to  recal  him  wuthout  any  no- 
tice, or  alleging  any  faul.  against  him  j  making  no  m.ore  cere- 
mony in  the  removal  of  him,  (although  business  of  the  kingdom 
might  materially  require  his  attendance,)  than  they  would  in  the 
removal  of  a  chancellor  of  the  dutchv  court  of  Lancaster,  or  any 
other  sinecure  place.  Ke  likewise  found  on  his  arrival,  that  the 
lord-liciitenancy  of  the  East-Riding  of  Yorkshire,  was  also  taken 
from  his  lordship :  he  locked  on  that  as  an  additional  insult  of- 
fered to  his  lordship  ;  and  he  had  therefore  determined  to  hold 
no  conference  with  men,  that  liad  treated  the  noble  earl  in  such 
an  unprecedented  manner.  He  had  offered  to  wait  on  any  of 
the  ministry  that  washed  to  see  him  ;  but  he  had  undoubtedly 
declined  giving  his  opinion  on  any  point  whatever. 

Mr.  Secretary  Fox  said,  with  the  right  honourable  gentle- 
man's leave,  he  would  read  his  own  letter,  which  he  did,  stating 
his  reason  for  not  giving  them  any  information  on  account  of 
his  thinking  Lord  Carlisle  ill  treated.  It  w^as  extremely  curious, 
he  said,  that  the  right  honourable  gentleman  should  think  Lord 
Carlisle  ill  treated,  by  a  successor  being  appointed,  when  he  had 
written  hom.e  a  positive  and  unconditional  letter  of  resignation. 
He  had  the  honour,  he  said,  to  be  well  acquainted  with  Lord 
Carlisle,  and  w^as  certain  that  he  was  possessed  of  too  much 
sense  to  think  himself  ill  treated  in  his  resignation  being  ac- 
cepted. With  respect  to  the .  Marquis  of  Carmarthen  being 
restored  to  the  lord-lieutenancy  of  the  East-Riding  of  York- 
shire, it  was  a  measure  so  proper,  that  he  should  have  thought 
himself  no  ways  fit  for  the  trust  reposed  in  him,  if  he  had  ne* 


APPENDIX.  55 

glected  one  moment  after  he  came  into  office,  to  reinstate  that 
nobleman  in  a  post  of  honom\  which  had  been  sliamefully  takea 
from  him,  on  account  of  his  giving  a  free  and  honest  vote  in  the 
house  of  Peers.  The  Duke  of  Portlatid,  v.'ho  was  to  succeed 
Lord  Carlisle,  would,  he  trusted,  have  power  to  form  a  strong 
and  permanent  union,  so  essential  to  the  interest  of  both  king;- 
doms,  and  which  would,  in  his  opinion,  be  far  better  than  a 
hasty,  undigested  motion,  artfully  introduced  to  seek  a  little 
popularity,  although  the  honourable  gentleman  liad  disclaimed 
any  such  idea. 

Mr.  IMartin,  and  Lord  George  Cavendish,  jun.  held  nearly 
the  same  language,  ^ 

Mr.  T.  Pitt  could  scarcely  recover  from  his  astonishment, 
that  any  man,  a  servant  of  the  public,  should  dare  to  refuse  giv- 
ing every  information  in  his  power,  when  called  upon  by  his 
majesty^s  ministers  ;  nor  was  he  able  to  express  sufficiently  his 
indignation  at  finding  a  member  of  that  house  introduce  so 
slightly  a  motion  of  so  much  consequence,  that  upon  it  might 
depend  the  salvation  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

Mr.  Burke  adverted  to  the  arduous  situation  of  the  new  mi- 
nisters, when  so  many  objects  presented  themselves  to  their  con-, 
sideration ;  the  state  of  America,  of  Ireland,  of  our  finances, 
8^c.  The  motion  before  the  house  went,  in  some  measure,  ta 
tear  asunder  the  connection  between  England  and  Ireland,  and 
yet  the  house  was  to  be  hurried  into  a  decision  in  a  moment  up- 
on a  question  of  such  magnitude  :  he  would  not  give  an  opinion 
on  the  subject;  he  would  not  say  whether  the  6th  of  George  I. 
ought,  or  ought  not  to  be  repealed ;  but  he  held  that  nothing 
could  be  more  mad  than  to  call  upon  parliament  to  proceed  to 
such  a  measure  in  a  moment,  without  giving  time  for  any  deli- 
beration. He  then  mentioned  the  necessity  of  bringing  in  his 
own  bill  as  soon  as  possible,  for  regulating  his  majesty's  house- 
hold. 

General  Conway  once  more  called  upon  Mr.  Eden  to  with- 
draw his  motion  ;  but  not  finding  that  gentleman  willing  to  do 
it,  he  grew  very  warm,  and  said,  that  for  having  introduced  such 
a  question,  he  ought  to  have  a  motion  passed  upon  himself..... 
Here  there  was  a  great  cry  of  hear  !  hear  I  move  !  move  ! 

Mr.  Herbert  said,  he  left  Ireland  about  a  tv/elvemonth  since  ; 
that  he  was  perfectly  convinced  the  people  of  that  country  want- 
ed nothing  mors  than  their  rights  ;  and  as  he  was  thoroughly 
convinced  his  majesty's  ministers  were  sincere  in  their  declara- 
tions, he  thought  the  right  honourable  gentleman's  motion  quite 
unreasonable. 

The  Secretary  at  Vv^ar  (Mr.  T.  Townshend),  begged  the 
house  would  recollect,  that  in  every  business  where  Ireland  was 
concerned,  he  had  uniformly  been  an  advocate  for  that  country; 


56  APPENDIX. 

and  if  the  late  wicked  ministry  had  listened  to  the  prayers  of  the 
different  petitions  from  that  kingdom,  the  present  alarming 
crisis  had  never  happened.  He  had,  he  said,  as  high  an  opi- 
nion of  the  honour  of  Lord  Carlisle  as  any  man  breathing,  and 
stood  up  for  his  honour  as  much  as  his  secretary  had  done  ;  his 
abilities  were  such  as  required  but  little  help  ;  they  would  al- 
ways shine  forth  and  shew  themselves.  His  lordship,  he  was 
confident,  would  not  approve  of  the  conduct  of  his  secretary,  in 
withholding  his  knowledge  of  the  state  of  Ireland  from  the  pre- 
sent ministry,  on  account  of  any  little  paltry  personal  grievance. 
His  lordship,  he  was  certain,  did  not  resign  on  purpose  to  be 
pressed  to  stay ;  he  was  a  nobleman  that  would  despise  such 
conduct,  and  would  not  suffer  himself  to  be  made  the  cat's  paw 
of  his  secretary,  or  any  other  man  breathing. 

The  motion  to-day,  he  said,  so  far  from  being  meant  as  a 
conciliatory  measure,  was  intended  as  a  fire-brand,  to  kindle  and 
stir  up  the  flame  between  the  two  countries,  by  first  proposing 
a  thing,  which  it  was  impossible  gentlemen  could  instantly  de- 
cide on,  and  then  threatening,  that  if  it  were  not  instantly  com- 
plied with,  he  should  be  obliged  to  acquaint  the  House  of  Com- 
mons of  Ireland,  that  it  had  been  rejected.  He  advised  the 
right  honourable  gentleman  to  withdraw  his  motion,  and  not 
trouble  the  house  to  divide. 

Mr.  Baker  said,  he  wondered  at  the  learned  gentleman's  de- 
claration, that  there  was  no  difference  between  withdrawing  a 
motion,  or  getting  rid  of  it  by  reading  the  order  of  the  day. 
That  learned  gentleman  was  capable  of  seeing  and  making  pro- 
per distinctions  if  he  chose  it,  he  was  therefore  not  a  little  sur- 
prised to  hear  him  argue  in  so  unaccountable  and  extraordinary 
a  manner.  He  expressed  his  doubts  whether  Mr.  Eden  would 
make  a  fair  representation  of  that  day's  debate  in  Ireland. 

The  Speaker  called  Mr.  Baker  to  order,  and  said,  no  member 
could  consistently  with  the  rules  of  the  house,  argue  in  that 
manner  of  another  member's  fairness. 

Mr.'  Baker  said,  he  spoke  of  Mr.  Eden  as  a  minister,  and  not 
as  a  private  man.  In  the  latter  capacity,  from  early  habits  of 
friendship  and  intimacy,  he  had  a  great  respect  and  esteem  for 
him  ;  but  though  he  wished  him  personally  no  ill-will  whatever, 
he  thought  a  motion  of  censure  necessary,  if  the  motion  were 
not  withdrawn. 

Mr.  Courteney  said,  that  no  man  in  the  house  listened  with 
more  pleasure  than  he  did,  to  the  just  and  liberal  sentiments  of 
the  right  honourable  gentleman  on  the  floor,  (Mr.  Fox),  as  de- 
claratory of  the  wise  and  generous  system  of  policy  meant  to  be 
pursued,  by  the  present  administration,  in  respect  to  Ireland. 
Yet  he  was  extremely  concerned  and  surprised  to  hear  the  right 
honourable  gentleman  assert,  that  the  present  motion  (if  come 


APPENDIX.  s7 

into),  would  be  equivalent  to  unconditional  submission  from 
his  country,  and  a  relinquishment  of  all  her  rig!' tb  over  Ireland. 
He  said,  he  little  expected  such  a  construction  from  tiie  right 
honourable  gentleman.  Unconditional  submission  was  a  term 
often  and  jusdy  stigmatized  by  the  right  honourable  gentleman 
himself  in  respect  to  America,  and  v^hich  he  never  expected  to 
have  heard  in  a  debate,  in  relation  to  Ireland.  No  man  in  that 
house  hated  the  term  more  than  he  did.  The  people  of  Ireland 
were  too  generous,  too  spirited,  and  felt  too  much  for  the  honour 
of  this  country,  to  expect  or  demand  such  a  humiliation  from 
Great  Britain. 

He  declared,  that  from  his  present  correspondence  with  gen- 
tlemen, with   whom  he  had  the  honour  of  serving,  and   who 
now  served  in  the  volunteer  corps,  and  who  would  be  found 
ready  at  every  hazard,  with  temper,  but  with  firmness,  to  main- 
tain their  just  right,  he  found  the  general  opinion  of  the  people 
to  be,   that  nothing  but  a  repeal  of  the  exceptionable  part  of 
the  6th  of  George  I.  which  was  stated  v/lth  so  much  accuracy 
and  pressed  with  so  friendly  a  zeal  to  Ireland,  could  ever  allay 
the  jealousies  of  that  country,  and  totally  efface  all  apprehensions 
at  the  overbearing  authority  of  Great  Britain.  This,  he  observed 
was  the  well-weighed  and  settled  opinion  of  men,  to  whose 
animated  and  generous  exertion  it  was  owing  that  Ireland  was 
at  this  day  a  part  of  the  British  empire  ;   that  nothing  was  so 
dangerous  as  provoking  men,  who,  by  their  uniform  and  loyal 
conduct  for  a  series  of  years,  had  shewn  themselves  slow  to 
anger;  and  v/ho  had  connected  a  due  execution  of  the  laws 
and  maintenance  of  the  internal  civil  police  of  the  country,  with 
those  constitutional  principles  of  liberty,  which  they  were  deter- 
mined to  support. 

He  added,  that  if  it  v/ere  not  presumption  to  suppose,  that 
the  opinion  of  an  individual  could  add  weight  to  that  of  a 
whole  nation,  he  should  not  scruple  to  assert,  that  what  the 
honourable  gentleman  had  declared  to  be  the  claims  of  Ireland 
were  perfectly  reasonable  and  well  founded;  and  as  an  evidence 
that  these  were  his  real  sentiments,  he  pledged  himself  on  all 
occasions,  as  well  as  the  present,  to  second  the  same,  or  even  a 
more  comprehensive  motion,  to  ascertain  and  establish  clearly, 
and  beyond  all  possibility  of  doubt,  the  just  and  constitutional 
rights  of  Ireland. 

He  said,  he  would  not  enter  into  a  formal  discussion  of 
the  right  of  judication  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  England,  that 
not  being  the  direct  object  of  the  honourable  gentleman's  mo- 
tion, though  it  had  been  incidentally  introduced  into  the  debate, 
further  than  to  observe,  that  the  assumed,  jurisdiction  of  the 
English  House  of  Lords  over  the  courts  of  law  in  Ireland  was 

VOf..    II.  *l    , 


58  APPENDIX. 

not  in  practice  till  long  after  the  restoration,  imd  then  arose 
from  necessity  ;  for  there  was  no  parliament  convened  for  many 
years,  and  consequently  no  House  of  Lords  sitting :  in  order, 
therefore,  that  the  subject  might  not  be  deprived  of  the  right 
of  appealing,  it  occasioned  the  necessity  of  allowing  appeals  to 
the  Kouse  of  Lords  in  England.  So  much,  Mr.  Courtenay 
said,  he  had  remarked,  in  respect  to  that  part  of  George  I.  v/hich 
related  to  judicature:  with  regard  to  that  part  of  it,  which 
asserts  the  supremacy  of  the  English  over  the  Irish  legislature, 
he  should  only  observe,  that  clause  was  introduced  unnecessarily, 
and  was  not  called  for  by  the  preamble,  the  professed  object 
of  which  was  only  to  maintain  that  superintendant  judicature  of 
the  House  of  Lords  over  the  courts  of  justice  in  Ireland:  but 
the  act  goes  much  beyond  that  point,  when  it  maintains  the 
supremacy  of  the  legislature  of  this  country  over  Ireland.  In 
short,  what  the  act  professed  to  do  is  limited  to  the  judicature  ; 
and  what  it  enacts,  is  insidiously  extended  to  the  supremacy 
of  one  legislature  over  the  other.  Besides,  he  was  surprised, 
that  gentlemen  seemed  to  consider  their  claim  of  exemption 
from  the  assumed  control  of  that  country,  as  a  novelty,  when,  in 
fact,  the  Irish,  whenever  constitutional  points  were  discussed, 
maintained  their  exemption  from  the  British  legislature,  as 
their  undoubted  right ;  but  having  at  that  time  only  reason  on 
their  side,  they  submitted  through  necessity:  at  this  auspi- 
cious period,  however,  when  they  not  only  had  reason  to  support 
their  claims,  but  volunteers  to  enforce  them,  they  trusted,  that 
bv  the  united  assistance  of  both,  their  loyal  requisitions  would 
be  attended  to,  and  their  just  rights  established. 

He  declared  he  could  not  conclude  without  saying  a  word  to 
the  reprehension,  which  had  been  given  to  the  honourable  gen- 
tleman who  had  made  the  motion,  as  if  it  had  arisen  from 
personal  piq'-ie  and  disappointment.  He  said,  he  was  persuaded, 
the  honourable  gentleman  had  acted  in  England  that  day  as  he 
had  acted  in  Ireland  during  the  whole  course  of  his  administra- 
tion, from  a  sincere  anxiety  to  promote  the  happiness  and  wel- 
fare of  both  countries ;  and  that  it  was  from  that  conviction, 
and  not  from  any  concert  or  previous  information  he  had  taken 
the  liberty  of  seconding  the  motion,  of  returning  the  honoura- 
ble gentleman  thanks  for  it;  and  of  declaring,  that  whenever 
that  motion  should  be  made  again,  he  would  again  do  himself 
the  honour  to  second  it.  He  added,  that  so  little  was  he  ac- 
quainted with  the  intention  of  the  honourable  gentleman  to 
move  the  present  question,  that  he  even  apprehended  the 
honourable  gentleman  had  acted  by  the  approbation,  and  in 
concert  with  the  present  administration.  He  was  induced  to 
believe  this,  by  what  the  honourable  gentleman  had  mentioned 
of  the  precipitate  recal  of  Lord  Carlislcj  as  he  conceived,  that 


APPENDIX.  59 

m  order  to  give  the  noble  lord  credit  and  popularity  on  his 
recal,  his  secretary  had  been  permitted  to  move  for  the  repeal 
of  acts,  which  would  come  as  a  general  obliging  condescension 
from  this  country,  instead  of  superinducing  a  necessity  in 
the  Irish  House  of  Commons  to  come  to  an  explicit  and  strong 
resolution  of  what  they  and  their  constituents  conceived  to  be 
their  just,  invariable,  and  constitutional  rights. 

He  concluded  vv'ith  declaring,  that  in  his  earnest  desire  to 
second  the  motion,  he  had  no  other  motive  than  zeal  to  pro- 
mote a  cordial  conciliation  betv/een  the  two  countries ;  and 
to  remove  forever  all  cause  of  jealousy  and  dissatisfaction  ;  and 
he  sincerely  trusted  that  this  debate  would  tend  to  no  other 
consequences. 

Mr.  Alderman  Townshend  spoke  with  indignation  of  the 
conduct  of  the  right  honourable  gentleman  who  came  over  to 
this  country:  he  withheld  all  information  from  government; 
forgot  or  neglected  his  duty  as  a  servant  of  the  public ;  and 
just,  because  he  chose  to  fiincy  that  the  Earl  of  Carlisle  had  a 
feather  plucked  from  his  cap,  he  refused  to  serve  his  country 
in  one  of  the  most  critical  and  alarming  moments  that  we  ever 
saw.  He  thought  that  this  conduct  was  so  truly  improper  and 
dangerous,  that  parliament  could  not,  with  any  regard  to  its 
own  dignity,  overlook  so  flagrant  a  neglect  of  duty  in  one  of 
the  public  servants.  Was  the  right  honourable  gendeman  to 
conceive,  that  he  was  the  servant  of  the  lord  lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  and  not  the  servant  of  the  public ;  or  that  he  could 
thus  mix  personal  considerations  with  official  duty?  It  was 
certainly  fit  and  candid,  that  his  majesty's  ministers  should  be 
allowed  the  necessary  time  to  frame  and  bring  forward  their 
measures,  and  not  on  the  first  day  of  their  appearance  in  the 
house  be  treated  as  they  had  been  by  the  right  honourable  gen- 
tleman. The  obligation  which  that  gendeman  was  under,  as 
one  of  the  ministers  of  Ireland,  to  give  every  aid  and  assistance 
to  government  which  he  could  do,  and  by  which  the  interest 
of  his  country  might  be  promoted,  was  of  so  serious  a  nature,  tl:kat 
it  ought  not  to  be  sported  with  ;  and  he  should  not  be  surprised, 
if,  when  he  vrent  back  to  the  country  of  which  he  is  a  minister, 
the  House  of  Commons  should  impeach  him  for  his  neglect 
of  duty.  The  right  honourable  gentleman  declared,  that  he 
absolutely  believed,  that  if  the  order  of  the  day,  or  the  previous 
question,'  should  be  put  upon  his  motion,  it  wovdd  produce  the 
most  alarming  consequences.  If  this  then  were  his  opinion, 
whv  did  he  force  the  house  to  this  dangerous  measure,  by  per- 
sisting in  his  motion  ?  He  would,  and  he  ought  to  be  responsible 
for  all  the  consequences  of  his  conduct. 

Mr.  Mansfield  (late  Solicitor  General),  defended  Mr.  Eden's 
<^onduct^  but  declared  it  appeared  to  him  to  be  a  matter  perfectly 


60  APPENDIX. 

indifferent  whether  his  honourable  friend  withdrew  his  motion., 
or  wiiether  it  were  got  rid  of  by  a  previous  question,  or  by  read- 
ing the  order  of  the  day  upon  it.  Mr.  Mansfield  said,  he  was 
somewhat  amazed  to  hear  his  honourable  friend  treated  with  so 
much  harshness,  and  his  motion  talked  of,  as  if  it  were  taking  the 
house  by  surprise.  There  was  not  a  gentleman  present,  he 
conceived,  who  must  not  be  well  aware,  that  Ireland  was  in  a 
most  alarming  and  critical  state.  The  journals  of  the  Irish 
parliament,  and  all  our  own  newspapers,  plainly  evinced  the 
fact.  It  therefore  struck  him  as  an  idea  perfectly  absurd,  to 
call  his  honourable  friend's  motion  precipitate  or  rash.  It  was 
in  his  mind  highly  necessary  ;  but  if  the  house  were  of  another 
opinion,  it  mattered  not,  in  his  idea,  whether  it  were  got  rid  of 
one  way  or  the  other. 

Lord  Newhaven  hoped,  that  it  was  perfectly  understood  in 
that  house,  and  that  it  would  go  forth  to  the  w^orld,  that  his 
majesty's  ministers  did  not  reject  this  motion  from  any  dislike 
to  the  business,  but  that  they  would,  with  all  possible  speed, 
give  every  attention  in  their  power  to  so  important  an  object. 

Mr.  Eden  rose,  andv/ished  to  know  if  he  gave  up  his  motion, 
vrhether  the  right  honourable  secretary  would  pledge  him- 
self that  a  repeal  of  the  act  of  the  6th  of  George  I.  should  take 
place. 

Mr.  Sheridan  said,  he  could  not  set  still  and  see  a  question  of 
this  importance,  v/hich  was  then  just  going  to  be  put  from  the 
chair,  rejected  or  evaded  in  the  manner  wliich  it  was  likely  to 
be.  He  could  not  dismiss  liis  hopes  that  the  right  honourable 
gentleman,  who  had  moved  it,  might  yet  be  induced  to  with- 
draw it:  and  he  was  convinced  the  greatest  mischief  would 
follow  its  being  otherwise  disposed  of.  The  learned  gentle- 
man, who  was  the  only  person  who  had  attempted  to  defend 
the  extraordinary  conduct  of  the  secietary  for  Ireland,  had 
taken  great  pains  to  prove,  that  it  made  no  difference  in  what 
manner  the  motion  was  got  rid  of.  He  differed  entirely  from 
him  on  that  head;  and  he  had  the  authority  of  the  honourable 
gentleman  himself,  who  had  made  the  motion  on  his  side,  for 
he  had  expressly  declared,  that  if  the  motoon  were  evaded  by 
the  previous  question,  or  by  moving  the  order  of  the  day,  he 
apprehended  the  most  serious  mischiefs  to  Ireland  would  fol- 
low. He  called,  therefore,  upon  that  honourable  gentleman, 
if  he  had  any  real  feeling  for  the  interests  and  peace  of  either 
country,  not  to  persevere  in  bringing  on  the  mischiefs  which  he 
acknowledged  he  foresaw.  Mr.  Sheridan  then  proceeded  to 
state  the  whole  of  Mr.  Eden's  conduct  which  he  attacked  with 
great  acrimony,  as  scandalously  unfair  to  the  ne^y  ministers, 
who,  he  was  convinced,  had  the  fairest  intentions  towards  Ire- 
land i  yet  if  he  declared  himself  so  decided  an  enemy  to  the 


APPENDIX.  61 

principle  of  tlie  declaratory  law  in  question,  which  he  had  al- 
ways regarded  as  a  tyrannous  usurpation  in  this  country,  that 
though  he  could  not  but  reprobate  the  motives  which  iniiuenced 
the  present  mover  for  its  repeal,  yet  if  the  house  divided  on  it 
he  should  vote  with  him.  With  regard  to  the  fair  representation 
of  the  intentions  of  the  new  ministers,  which  the  honourable  gen- 
tleman had  been  called  on  by  the  noble  lord,  who  seconded  the 
motion,  to  give  to  the  Irish  on  his  return,  he  could  give  but  little 
crbdit  to  his  intentions  on  that  head  ;  it  was  his  business,  and 
his  direct  and  explicit  duty,  to  have  given  a  fair  representation, 
and  full  information  of  the  state  of  Ireland  to  his  majest)  's  pre- 
sent ministers  here,  for  v»hich  purpose  he  had  been  sent  to  Lon^ 
don.  He  had  deserted  that  duty,  and  from  motives  of  private 
pique  and  resentment,  had  withheld  all  information  from  them 
on  the  subject.  It  was  but  reasonable,  therefore,  to  suppose, 
that  the  same  principles  v/ould  direct  his  conduct  on  his  return 
to  Ireland,  ancl  the  same  little  motives  of  resentment  v/ould  lead 
him  to  withhold  from  the  parliament  of  that  country  the  satis- 
factory information  of  the  intentions  of  the  new  ministers,  though 
it  were  equally  his  duty  to  report  it. 

He  then  animadverted  on  the  assertion  of  the  solicitor  gene- 
ral, that  every  attention  had  been  given  by  the  late  ministers  to 
prevent  these  jealousies  rising  in  Ireland,  which  he  said  was  so 
far  from  being  the  case,  that  the  whole  of  the  present  commo- 
tions there  were  chargeable  to  their  scandalous  neglect,  in  hav- 
ing suffered  the  name  of  Ireland  to  be  inserted  in  no  less  than 
five  British  acts  of  parliament ;  one  of  which  had  been  pubHshed 
by  the  secretary  himself  in  the  Dublin  Gazette,  after  they  had 
given  the  Irish  the  most  solemn  assurances,  that  this  claim 
should  never  be  attempted  to  be  exercised  in  a  single  instance. 
Mr.  Grattan  had  produced  these  acts  in  the  Irish  House  of  Com^* 
mons,  and  this  apparent  violation  of  faith  with  them  it  was, 
which  had  roused  the  present  spirit  of  jealousy  and  resentment 
in  their  parliament,  as  well  as  among  the  volunteers.  Pie  con- 
cluded with  repeating  his  call  on  Mr.  Eden,  to  withdraw  his 
motion,  and  not  to  mangle  and  disgrace  a  good  and  honourable 
cause,  through  the  selfish  motives  of  party,  pique,  and  private 
disappointment. 

The  speaker  was  again  proceeding  to  put  the  question,  when 
Mr.  Eden  rose  once  more,  and,  after  some  hesitation  and  ex- 
planation, consented  to  withdraw  his  motion. 


62  APPENDIX. 


No.  LXV.  a. 


DEBATE    UPON    IRISH    AFFAIRS    IN    THE    BRITISH    HOUSE    OF 
PEERS. ...PAGE    194. 

MARQUIS  of  Rockingham  rose,  and  entered  into  a  long, 
computative,  and  arithmetical  detail,  shewing  the  comparative 
ability  of  Ireland  to  bear  burdens,  to  what  it  had  been  at  former 
periods,  not  far  distant.  His  lordship's  opening  was  chiefly  di- 
rected to  meet  such  objections  as  he  imagined  might  be  made 
against  the  proofs  he  meant  to  adduce,  of  the  real  distress  of 
Ireland.  His  detail  was  accurate  and  important,  as  it  presented 
two  objects  worthy  the  attention  of  the  British  administration ; 
first,  so  far  as  the  consequences  might  be  supposed  to  affect  them 
personally ;  secondly,  as  it  might  probably  aifect,  and  that  in  a 
most  serious  manner,  the  people  of  Great  Britain.  He  first 
stated  the  revenues  of  Ireland,  the  outgoings  and  savings  in  the 
year  1775,  during  the  administration  of  the  late  Marquis  of 
Hartington,  afterv/ards  Duke  of  Devonshire,  and  proceeding 
regularly,  through  each  successive  administration,  till  he  brought 
it  down  to  the  present  viceroy,  Lord  Buckinghamshire.  In  1755, 
and  for  some  years  after,  the  whole  of  the  civil  and  military 
establishment  amounted,  for  the  two  years,  that  being  the  mode 
of  voting  the  parliamentary  grants  of  that  kingdom,  to  about 
1,200,000/.  on  an  average,  600,000/.  per  annum  ;  whereas,  of 
late  years,  the  grants  were  litde  short  of  2,000,000/.  or  1,000,000/. 
per  annum.  At  that  period  too,  in  the  course  of  five  years 
peace,  the  debts  contracted  during  the  preceding  war  had  not 
only  been  paid  off,  but  there  was  a  surplus  of  260,000/.  in  the 
national  treasury,  the  greater  part  of  which  was  applied  to  pub- 
lic uses,  such  as  canals,  churches,  bridges,  &c.  in  bounties  for 
the  encouragement,  and  promoting  the  extension  of  agriculture, 
arts  and  manufactures,  land-carriage  of  corn,  carrying  it  coast- 
wise, to  the  Dublin  Society,  linen  manufacture,  and  the  fishe- 
ries. Plis  lordship  made  a  progressive  statement  of  the  grants 
and  taxes,  the  civil  and  military  establishments,  and  pension  list, 
under  each  successive  administration,  that  of  the  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford, Lord  Halifax,  Duke  of  Northumberland,  and  the  Lords 
Weymouth,  Bristol,  Townshend,  Harcourt,  and  the  present 
viceroy,  in  the  course  of  which  he  shewed,  that  the  public  ex- 
penditure imperceptibly  increased  in  each  respective  branch. 
He  stated,  that  a  debt  was  necessarily  incurred  during  the  late 
war,  as  the  outgoings  exceeded  the  public  income.     But  what 


APPENDIX.  63 

rendered  the  condition  of  Ireland  a  inobt  extraordinary  one  in- 
deed, arid  contiary  to  the  usage  of  ail  other  states  under  the  sun, 
v/as,  that  after  the  peace  of  1762,  instead  of  paying  oft  the  debts 
incurred  during  the  preceding  war,  they  yearly  continued  to 
augment  gradually  and  regularly,  for  the  last  fifteen  years  of 
peace  ;  a  circumstance  not  paralleled  in  any  country  he  ever 
heard  or  read  of;  nay,  more,  that  the  debt  increased  in  opposi- 
tion to  new  taxes.  Taxes,  in  the  coarse  of  the  last  four  sessions, 
were  h/id  on  ;  money  was  uniformly  borrowed  ;  and,  at  the  end 
of  the  tv/c  years,  when  the  national  accounts  came  to  be  settled, 
fresh  deficiencies  appeared  on  each  new  loan,  and  fresh  taxes 
were  laid  on,  in  consequence  of  them.  In  short,  it  was  a  mode 
of  p<^  iicy,  adopted,  that  of  taxing  and  borrowing  and  pledging 
the  puib'ic  faith,  till  not  a  shilling  more  could  be  procured.  A 
tontine  scheme,  or  a  plan  of  paying  an  high  interest  on  annuities 
granted  upon  lives,  with  benefit  of  survivorship,  was  the  first ; 
this  not  answering  the  exigencies  of  government,  stamp  duties 
were  then  laid  on  ;  and  lastly,  a  vote  of  credit ;  notv/ithstanding 
which,  such  was  the  exhausted,  impoverished  state  of  that  coun- 
try, that  no  money  could  be  procured  upon  so  precarious  a  se- 
curity. Indeed,  the  security  amounted  to  no  more  than  a  mere 
national  engagement,  that  the  public  creditors  would  be  paid 
some  time  or  other :  but  that  the  funds  offered  as  a  specific  se- 
curity would  prove  equally  deficient  and  unproductive,  with 
those,  which  had  caused  the  very  necessity  of  the  desired  loan. 
The  debt  still  continued  to  accumulate,  and  in  the  year  1777^ 
the  expenditure  exceeded  the  receipts  in  the  sum  of  260,000/. 
So  long  as  England  continued  in  a  prosperous  situation,  though 
Ireland  were  drained,  she  had  recourse  to  this  country ;  but 
such  was  the  state  of  both  countries,  in  the  spring  of  1778,  al- 
though the  revenues  of  Ireland  were  hawked  about  London 
streets,  and  offered  to  be  mortgaged  for  the  sum  of  300,000/.  a 
single  shilling  could  not  be  procured  or  borrowed  upon  them. 
After  dwelling  on  those  circumstances  for  a  considerable  time, 
he  opened  another  head  of  argument,  that  of  the  immediate  dis- 
tresses of  Ireland,  which,  he  said,  must  in  the  end  materially 
affect  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain.  His 
lordship  stated  the  average  of  the  exports  to  that  kingdom,  both 
from  Scotland  and  England,  for  the  last  eleven  years,  ending 
1777.  From  Scotland,  upwards  of  three  millions  ;  from  Eng- 
land, upwards  of  eighteen  millions  :  or  from  Scotland,  300,000/. 
and  a  fraction  ;  from  England,  1,600,000/.  and  a  fraction  year- 
ly ;  the  whole  making  twenty-two  millions,  or  upv/ards  of  two 
millions  a  year,  British  export.  It  might  be  said,  does  not 
Great  Britain  take  the  linen,  provisions,  &c.  of  Ireland  in  re- 
tiirn  ?  Certainly  ;  but  it  was  to  be  considered  on  which  side  the 
balance  ky,  whether  in  favour  of  this  or  that  country.     He  then/, 


^4  APPENDIX. 

from  authentic  papers,  shewed  that  the  balance  of  trade  in  fa- 
vour of  Scotland  was  above  a  million  and  a  half^  and  in  favour 
of  England  above  five  millions,  for  these  last  eleven  years.  This 
led  him  to  his  grand  conclusion,  that  of  motives  of  interest; 
because,  by  the  accounts,  at  last. made  up,  it  appeared,  that  the 
exports  to  Ireland  for  the  last  year  had  decreased  one  fourth : 
for  in  1777  it  was  upwards  of  two  millions,  in  1778  under  a  mil- 
lion and  a  half.  His  lordship  entered  into  several  circumstances, 
which  came  v/ithin  his  own  knowledge,  particularly  in  the  West 
Riding  of  the  county  of  York  :  by  the  last  returns  of  the  num- 
ber of  broad  woollens  manufactured  in  that  district,  it  appeared, 
that  there  had  been  twenty-one  thousand  pieces  less  than  the  ave- 
rage of  several  years  before,  and  eight  thousand  narrows,  or  forest 
cloths ;  that  he  had  made  it  his  business  to  enquire  the  reason, 
and  found  it  had  been  the  failure  of  the  trade  of  Ireland.  He 
some  time  since  conversed  with  a  very  considerable  manufactu- 
rer in  his  neighbourhood  in  the  country,  relative  to  the  state  of 
the  trade  of  Ireland,  so  far  as  it  was  connected  with  the  woollen 
manufacture  carried  on  in  the  West  Riding  of  York,  who  con- 
stantly every  year  went  over  to  Dublin  to  take  orders,  and  who 
assured  him  by  a  letter  received  from  his  correspondent  in  that 
city,  he  was  warned  not  to  come  or  send ;  for  he  could  not  en- 
sure safety  to  either  his  property  or  person.  His  lordship,  be- 
sides the  proof  of  the  poverty  of  Ireland,  by  its  daily  incurring 
new  debts,  the  insufficiency  of  the  funds  appropriated  for  the 
payment  of  interest  and  annuities,  payable  to  the  public  credi- 
tors ;  the  almost  bankrupt  state  of  the  exchequer,  and  several 
other  evidences  of  a  similar  nature,  mentioned  the  circumstance 
of  our  being  obliged  to  provide,  in  the  committee  of  supply  of 
the  present  year,  64,000/.  for  the  pay  of  six  regiments  of  foot, 
and  one  of  dragoons,  serving  in  America,  or  consent  to  have 
them  disbanded.  His  lordship  then  proceeded  to  enumerate 
the  several  petitions  sent  by  some  of  the  counties  of  Ireland,  the 
associations  at  the  Tolscl  in  Dublin,  and  at  several  of  the  county 
meetings,  particularly  at  Cork,  Kilkenny,  Wicklow,  and  Ros- 
common, some  of  them  expressly  resolving  not  to  import,  or 
use,  or  purchase,  any  of  the  manufactures  of  this  country;.... 
others,  less  violent,  Cork  in  particular,  not  to  purchase  or  use 
any  goods,  but  such  as  were  manufactured  in  that  kingdom. 
His  lordship  earnestly,  nay,  very  warmly,  pressed  the  necessity 
there  was  for  giving  Ireland  relief,  upon  every  principle  of  gra- 
titude, interest,  and  sound  policy,  and  pointed  out  the  danger  of 
irritating  the  people,  lest,  by  being  driven  to  extremities,  they 
might  in  an  act  of  despair,  be  forced  into  resistance.  He  expa- 
tiated greatly  on  their  loyalty  to  the  government,  and  their  re- 
verence, zeal,  and  affection  for  the  people  of  this  country ;  it 
would  therefore,  he  thought,  as  a  mere  matter  of  policy,  be  ex- 


APPENDIX.  65 

tremely  imprudent  to  do  any  thing,  which  might  tend  to  estrange 
Ireland  from  her  respect  and  veneration  for  her  elder  sister. 
His  lordship,  as  well  by  his  details  as  in  arguments,  contended, 
that  administration  had  neglected  its  duty  towards  Ireland  ;  that 
all  care  and  protection  had  been  withdrawn  ;  and  that  Ireland 
was  precisely  in  that  situation,  which,  if  not  speedily  remedied, 
would,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  justify  resistance.  He  said,  the 
people  of  Ireland,  by  the  most  accurate  computation,  amounted 
to  two  millions  three  hundred  thousand  souls,  whereof  five  hun- 
dred thousand  were  believed  to  be  Protestants,  in  the  propor- 
tion of  three  hundred  thousand  Dissenters  to  two  hundred  thou- 
sand of  the  established  church.  The  Irish  Catholics,  it  was 
true,  had  been  favoured  with  some  degree  of  religious  toleration, 
and  he  was  happy  to  say,  so  far  as  the  example  set  by  England 
could  be  supposed  to  operate  upon  the  ruling  powers  in  our  sister 
kingdom,  he  took  a  share  in  the  merit  of  that  measure.  On 
the  other  hand,  so  respectable  and  powerful  a  body  as  the  Irish 
Dissenters  were,  ought  not  to  be  treated  with  contempt  and  un- 
kindness,  as  they  certainly  had  been  in  one  instance  ;  he  meant 
the  clause  inserted  in  the  bill  for  giving  an  indulgence  for  Ko- 
man  Catholics,  which  clause  was  lost  in  the  privy  council  of  this 
kingdom.  But  he  did  not  found  his  argument  upon  this  or  that 
distinction.  People  of  all  ranks,  qualities,  and  religions  there, 
were  united  as  one  man  ;  they  forgot  all  animosities  and  jealou- 
sies in  the  ruin,  which  threatened  them ;  and  the  great  point  of 
union  and  national  cement  which  kept  them  together  was,  not 
to  import,  purchase,  or  deal  in  any  article  of  the  produce  or 
manufacture  of  this  country.  In  this  part  of  his  argument  he 
censured  ministers  highly,  for  their  total  neglect  of  the  defence 
of  that  country ;  and  pointed  out  the  danger  of  permitting  the 
people  there  to  associate  and  embody  in  troops  and  companies 
contrary  to  law.  When  he  said  this,  it  was  his  opinion  they 
had  done  very  properly,  in  endeavouring  to  defend  themselves 
when  neglected  by  government.  But  ministers  should  have 
prevented  the  necessity  of  having  recourse  to  such  military  as- 
sociations ;  or  if  that  were  not  practicable,  in  the  present  state 
of  affairs,  the  people  should  have  been  legally  commissioned  and 
enabled  to  take  arms.  The  matter  now  wore  a  very  serious  ap- 
pearance ;  for  though  he  were  firmly  persuaded,  in  case  that 
country  should  be  invaded  by  a  foreign  force,  which  was  gene- 
rally believed  to  be  in  contemplation,  the  Irish,  with  their  usual 
loyalty  and  spirit,  would  defend  themselves,  and  bravely  repel 
the  invaders  ;  yet  it  was  worth  considering  how  far  the  same 
spirit  might  be  exerted  in  resisting  oppression  and  injustice  from 
any  other  quarter.  After  recapitulating  the  many  and  very 
important  advantages  we  derived  from  Ireland,  through  the 

VOL.    II.  I 


661  APPENDIX. 

medium  of  our  trade  and  commerce,  the  accession  of  strength 
she  afforded  in  time  of  war,  and  the  immense  sums  she  remitted 
to  her  absentees,  monies  paid  officers,  pensioners,  or  spent  on 
motives  of  pleasure  or  business,  at  the  universities,  inns  of 
court,  appeals  in  huv  and  equity,  &c.  he  observed,  how  unkindly- 
she  had  been  treated  in  every  instance,  how  cruelly  and  oppres- 
sively in  some.  He  reminded  their  lordships  of  the  compact 
made  between  both  kingdoms  in  King  William's  time,  when 
the  parliament  of  Ireland  consented  to  prohibit  the  export  of 
their  ow^n  woollen  manufacture,  in  order  to  give  that  of  PLngland 
a  preference,  by  laying  a  duty  equal  to  a  full  prohibition  upon 
every  species  of  woollens  or  even  of  the  raw  commodity ;  and 
of  the  solemn  assurance  given  by  both  the  houses  of  the  British 
parliament,  that  they  would  give  every  possible  encouragement, 
and  abstain  from  every  measure,  which  could  prevent  the  linen 
manufacture  to  be  rendered  by  the  staple  of  Ireland.  But 
how  had  England  kept  its  w^ord?  by  laying  duties  or  granting 
bounties  to  the  linens  of  British  manufacture,  equal  to  the  pro- 
hibition of  the  Irish,  and  at  the  same  time  giving  every  kind  of 
private  and  public  encouragement  to  render  Scotland  a  real 
rival  to  Ireland,  in  alm.ost  every  species  of  her  linen  fabrics. 
After  describing  the  private  as  well  as  public  distresses  of 
Ireland  in  the  most  feeling  language,  his  lordship  proceeded  to 
contrast  the  deserts  of  the  Irish  nation,  whose  loyalty  kept 
pace  Avith  the  extent  and  magnitude  of  the  calamities  they 
felt.  He  instanced,  in  particular,  their  friendly  and  affec- 
tionate behaviour  since  the  commencement  of,  the  American 
war;  the  Zealand  fidelity  of  that  kingdom  in  the  time  of  the  two 
last  Scotch  rebellions;  the  uncommon  efforts  she  made  during  the 
late  war,  and  her  uniform  loyalty  and  attachment  to  this  country 
in  every  trying  exigency  when  engaged  in  a  foreign  war.  lie 
said,  he  hoped,  the  importance  of  the  object  would  strike  every 
noble  lord  vv^ith  the  propriety,  nay,  the  absolute  necessity  of  his 
motion  ;  that  the  house  would  treat  it  with  that  temper,  cool- 
ness, and  moderation,  which  it  so  apparently  merited;  and  at- 
tend to  it  as  a  matter  in  vfhich  every  man  in  the  nation  was 
most  deeply  interested.  He  trusted,  that  their  lordships  would 
not  be  led  away  by  any  partial  ideas  or  narrow  distinctions  of 
local  benefit  or  advantage,  but  meet  it  fairly  as  a  question  of 
state,  in  which  both  kingdoms  had  an  equal  interest.  He  would 
be  extremely  sorry,  that  this  or  that  town  or  district,  that  Man- 
chester or  Glasgow,  or  any  other  place,  w^ould  supersede  or 
render  of  none  effect  the  v.'isdom  of  their  lordships'  delibera- 
tions. He  wished  farther,  that  on  the  present  occasion,  all 
party  or  personal  considerations  would  give  way  to  the  general 
good, and  that  as  they  meant  all  the  same  thing,  the  interest  of  both 
kingdoms,  their  Itjrdships  would  not  entertain  a  second  opinion 


APPENDIX.  67 

on  the  subject.     It  was  a  great  object,  and  should  neither  be 
lost,  abandoned,  or  evaded.     It  had  for  some  years  been  unfor- 
tunately too  much  neglected,  but  matters  were  at  length  arrived 
just  at  that  critical  state,  which  would  render  it  not  only  unwise 
and  impolitic  to  lose  a  moment,  but  would  afford  an  instance  of 
obstinacy  and  want  of  feeling,  little  short  of  political  insanity. 
His  lordship  concluded  a  very  long  speech,  in   the  course  of 
which,  he  spoke  to  a  great  variety  of  matter  of  less  importance 
with  making  the  following  motion :  "  That  this  house  taking 
"  into  consideration  the  distressed  and  impoverished  state  of 
"  tiie  kingdom  of  Ireland,  and  being  of  opinion,  that  it  is  con- 
"  sonant  to  justice  and   true  policy  to  remove  the  causes  of 
"  discontent  by.  a  redress  of  grievances,  and,  in  order  to  demon- 
"  strate  the  sense,  which  this  house  entertains  of  the  merits 
'•'-  of  that  loyal  and  well  deserving  nation,  this  house  doth  think  it 
"  highly  expedient  that  this  important  business  should  be  no 
"  longer  neglected,  and  that  an  humble  address  be  presented  to 
'■'■  his  majesty,  that  his  majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
"  take  the  matter  into  his  most  serious  consideration,  and  direct 
"  his  niinisters  to  prepare  and  lay  before  parliament  such  par- 
"  ticulars  relative  to  the  trade  and  manufactures  of  Ireland,  as 
"  may  enable  the  national  wlsdgm  to  pursue  effectual  measures 
"  for  promoting  the  common' strength,  wealth,  and  commerce  of 
''  his  majesty's  subjects  in  both  kingdoms."     Lord  Viscount 
Weymouth  rose  in  reply,  and  opposed  the  marquis's  motion  on 
two  groimds  ;    because  the  house  had  no  paper  whatever  regu- 
larly before  them,  relative  to  the  distressed  state  of  Ireland, 
which  was  held  out  as  the  ground  of  the  motion  that  amounted 
to  a  matter  of  fact ;   secondly,  because  if  a  relaxation  or  repeal 
of  any  of  the  restrictive  laws  relative  to  the  trade  of  Ireland 
should  be  moved,  that  could  properly  originate  only  in  the  other 
house.     His  lordship,  after  expressing  his  best  wishes  for  Ire- 
land, said,  the  matter  at  a  future  period  might  be  taken  up,  and 
the  necessaiy  measures  for  affording  relief  to  Ireland  be  adopted; 
but   at  present,  without  proof  suihcient  to  warrant  the  terms 
in  which  the  address  was  couched  and  without  the  means  of 
originating  specific  relief,  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  move  the 
previous  question.     Duke  of  Chandos,  after  giving  his  opinion, 
that  that  part  of  the  address  which  conveyed  a  censure  or  a 
charge  of  neglect   in  ministers,   did  not  meet  his  idea,   both 
because  he  thought  with  the  noble  viscount,  that  the  house  were 
rot  in  possession  of  any  evidence  of  the  fact  of  neglect  therein 
charged ;   and,  that  he  had  a  full  confidence  in  the  conduct  of 
administration.     He  highly  approved,  in  other  respects,  of  the 
motion  made  by  the  noble  marquis ;   and  said,  one  principal 
cause  of  the  distress  felt  by  Ireland,  was  the  continual  drain 
from  that  country,  in  order  to  pay  the  great  land  owners  resi- 


68  APPENDIX. 

dent  here.,  many  of  whom,  hi  their  whole  lives,  never  spent  a 
shilling  in  the  country  from  whence  they  drew  their  incomes. 
That,  he  said,  was  systematic  grievance,  which  admitted  of  no 
remedy  but  a  tax   upon  absentees.     Though  he  possessed  a 
considerable  property  in  that  country,  he  should  cheerfully  assist 
in  any  measure  for  giving  the  Irish  that  species  of  relief,  for  he 
was  persuaded,  that  whatever  else  might  be  done  to  relieve 
them,  if  that  cause  of  impoverishment  should  not  be  met  in 
some  way  or  other,  the  same  principle  would  continue  to  pro- 
duce similar  effects,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree.     His  grace 
before  he  sat  down  expressed  his  approbation  of  the  previous 
question,  the  propositions  made  by  the  noble  marquis  being 
such,  as  that  he  could  neither  give  it  a  direct  negative  nor 
affirmative.     Marquis  of  Rockingham  rose,  he  said,   to  take 
notice  of  some  expressions,   which  had  fallen  from  the  noble 
viscount  high  in   office,   and  the  noble  duke  v/ho   spoke  last, 
affirming,  that  he  had  heard  with  much  surprise  the  objections 
now  started.     He  repeated,  with  some  warmth,  that  Ireland 
had  been  cruelly  and  injuriously  treated,  and  that  it  would  pre- 
sent a  mixture  of  folly  and  ingratitude,  which  nothing  but  the 
dullest  obstinacy  and  ignorance  could  explain,  if  we  refused  to 
lighten  those  intolerable  burthens,  which  the  restriction  of  our 
trade  laws  laid  upon  that  loyal,  affectionate,  and  enduring  peo- 
ple.    As  an  additional  argument,  why  it  made  it  necessary  and 
prudent  in  the  king's  servants  to  agree  to  his  motion,  he  adverted 
to  the  formidable  military  associations  now  on  foot  in  that  king- 
dom ;   and  desired  to  know  if  they  had  been  informed  of  their 
nature  and  extent.     This,  he  said,  was  a  matter  truly  alarming, 
if  the  British  government  meant  to  adhere  to  their  former  sys- 
tem of  oppression  and  injustice;    and  therefore  it  highly  be- 
hoved ministers,  if  they  were  obstinately  bent  to  throw  every 
part  of  the  empire  into  a  flame,  to  seriously  investigate  the  de- 
gree of  resistance  they  were  likely  to  meet.     With  regard  to 
the  particular  sentiments  of  the  noble  viscount  and  the  noble 
duke,  he  confessed,  he  w\^.s  unable  to  repress  his  feelings,  when 
they  imputed  to  his  motion  that  it  was  so  framed  as  to  contain 
a  censure  upon  administration.     Nothing  on  earth  was  more 
distant  horn  his  thoughts,  as  he  endeavoured  all  in  his  power 
to  draw  it  up  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  prevent  the  possibility  of 
any  objection  that  might  arise  on  the  ground  of  personality. 
When  a  motion  was  made  a  short  time  since  for  the  removal  of 
a  noble  earl  over  the  way  (Sandwich)  from  his  majesty's  coun- 
cils, he  did  not  ^t  all  wonder  at  his  brethren  in  office  rising  to 
oppose  the  motion ;  "  no,  let  our  noble  friend's  crimes  be  ever 
"  so  great,  we  cannot  abandon  him.     We  do  not  care  a  farthing 
"  about  that ;  he  is  a  pleasant  companion,  and  we  do  not  chuse 
"  to  part  with  him."     There  is,  added  the  marquis,  nothing 


APPENDIX.  69 

extraordinary  in  all  this ;  but  it  appeared  to  him  very  unac- 
countable indeed,  how  ministers   should  object  to   the  giving 
relief  to  Ireland,  for  certainly  any  opposition  to  it  could  admit 
of  no  other  fair  or  rational  construction.  "  Lord  Townshend 
rose,  he   said,   to  defend  his   own   administration  against  the 
general  charge  of  an  increased  establishment,  which  the  noble 
marquis  said,  at  the  opening  of  his  speech,  had  gone  on  in  a 
progressive  state  of  augmentation  since  the  viceroyship  of  the 
Marquis  of  Hartington,  afterwards  Duke  of  Devonshire.     He 
compared  the  establishment  during  his  lieutenancy  with  those 
of  his   predecessors  and   successors   in    office  since  the   year 
1763.     In  that  year  the  civil  establishment  amounted  to  no  more 
than   105,000/.     In  that  of  the  noble  earl  over  the  way  (Hert- 
ford)   there    was  a  small  addition.     In  the  administration  of 
Lord  Bristol  8000/.  had  been  added.     During  his  ov/n  admi- 
nistration, in  the  course  of  six  years,  from  September  1767  to 
1772,  the  civil  expences  were  less  by  8000/.  but  since  that  time 
the  civil  expences  had  risen  to  137,000/.     His  lordship,  in  ex- 
pressions of  the  warmest  affection  for  the  people  of  Ireland, 
pleaded  their  distresses  and  deserts  in  very  forcible  language ; 
said,  he  should  be  wanting  in  the  feelings  which  gratitude  ought 
ever  to  inspire,  if  he  did  not  take  the  present  opportunity  of 
testif3^ing  his  regard  for  them,   and  his  earnestness  to  procure 
them   every   degree   of  redress    and  indulgence,   v.hich   their 
melancholy    situation  demanded,    which  justice   dictated,  and 
generosity  and  national  gratitude  rendered  a  positive  duty  on 
the  part  of  a  great  nation.     His  lordship  adverted,  in  confirma- 
tion of  those  favourable  expressions  of  the  noble  marquis,  to 
the  many  proofs   Ireland  had  given  in  the  course  of  almost  a 
century  to  assist  Great  Britain  in  her  wars  ;  and  contended,  that 
all  the  public  distresses  she  now  felt  were  in  consequence  of 
her  loyalty  and  affection,  particularly  her  recent  distress,  which 
solely  arose  from  the  assistance  she  had  given  to  this  country  in 
carrying  on  the  war  against  our  rebellious  subjects  in  America. 
With  regard  to  local  or  partial  distinctions,  he  disclaimed  them, 
as  beneath  a  \vise  and  great  nation  ;   they  should  never  be  per- 
mitted to  mix  in  questions  of  such  vast  magnitude  and  extent 
as  the  present.     He  resided  himself  in  a  country  full  of  manu- 
facturers.    His    estate  and  property  were  within  that   county 
(Norfolk),  and  if  the  manufacturer  was  to  be  affected  by  grant- 
ing any  indulgence  to  Ireland,  he  must  suffer  his  share  of  the 
loss  ;  but  though  he  wished  them  and  himself  every  thing  which 
could  be  derived  from  trade  and  manufactures  carried  on  upon 
a  liberal  plan,  God  forbid  he  should,  upon  any  motives  of  pre- 
judice or  self-interest,  give  countenance  to  measures  formed 
upon  a  narrow  or  partial  scale  of  politics.     He  should,  in  point 
of  union  and  national  strength,  ever  consider  England  and  Ir-e- 


ro  APPENDIX. 

land  as  one  countiy,  and  the  people  of  each  bound  and  connected 
by  the  same  objects,  the  prosperity  of  the  whole.  The  noble 
marquis  had  dwelt  upon  one  argument  to  induce  their  lordships 
to  agree  to  the  proposed  redress,  which,  he  confessed,  did  not 
strike  him  in  the  same  light  it  did  the  noble  lord  ;  that  was  the 
possibility  or  probability  of  resistance,  in  case  this  country 
should  not  think  it  expedient  to  en:;er  into  a  consideration  of 
the  subject  matter  at  present.  That  was  an  argument  ill  founded, 
that  should  never  operate  upon  his  conduct,  as  a  peer  of  parlia- 
ment. He  hoped  that  their  lordships  v/ould  be  induced  to  act 
upon  principles  of  justice  and  humanity,  from  motives  .^f  afr; 
fection  and  sound  policy,  and  not  from  threats  of  resistance 
or  compulsion  on  our  part.  But  he  would  speak  to  the  fact 
from  his  own  knowledge;  he  believed,  as  the  truest  test  of 
their  affection,  the  Irish  v/ere  no  less  remarkable  for  their  pa- 
tience and  endurance  than  for  their  loyalty.  He  knew  them 
well  in  every  possible  light  they  coulcl  be  viewed,  either  po- 
litically or  individually  ;  and  he  could  affirm  from  his  own 
actual  knowledge,  that  no  provocation  (such  as  had  been  al- 
leged by  the  noble  marquis)  could  drive  them  to  any  act  of 
violence,  tending  to  a  separation  or  resistance  to  this  country : 
but  if  relief  were  not  speedily  given  to  Ireland,  there  v/as  another 
mcitive  more  serious,  and  an  event  much  m.ore  probable  than  re- 
sistance, Vvdiich,  he  feared,  would  be  the  consequence  of  cold 
indifference  and  neglect  on  our  part;  and  that  was,  the  people 
of  Ireland  emigrating  to  America,  which  would  inevitably  be 
the  consequence.  He  had  often  taken  the  liberty  to  press  that 
consideration  on  the  house  ;  and  he  was  extremely  sorry  to  find, 
that  hip  early  information  respecting  Washington's  army  had 
proved  so  fatally  true,  and  that  we  had  been  in  part  baffled  in  our 
attempts  to  subdue  our  rebellious  colonies,  by  the  great  number 
of  Irish  emigrants,  who,  driven  by  poverty  and  oppression  from 
their  native  country,  were  compelled  to  enlist  in  the  rebel  army. 
He  concluded  with  saying,  that  he  agreed  entirely  in  principle 
with  the  noble  marquis:  but  that  as  to  the  motion,  so  far  as  it 
related  to  the  form  in  which  it  was  drawn  up,  he  should  reserve 
his  ultimate  opinion  till  a  farther  progress  should  be  made  in 
the  debate,  and  until  he  heard  the  opinions  of  others  of  his  ma- 
jesty's confidential  servants.  Marquis  of  Rockingham  rose  to 
explain  some  matters  relative  to  the  independent  corps  and  com- 
panies then  in  arms  in  Ireland.  He  said,  the}^  amounted  to  up- 
wards often  thousand  men,  all  acting  under  illegal  powers,  un- 
der a  kind  of  supposition  that  all  government  was  at  an  end. 
This  was  one  unanswerable  proof  to  shew  the  neglect  of  mi- 
nisters in  the  performance  of  their  duty.  Why  were  not  those 
men  embodied  in  the  king's  name  ?  Why  was  not  there  a  con- 
stitutional militia  raised  to  answer  the  same  purpose  ?     In  fine, 


APPENDIX.  71 

Vfhv  were  not  the  gentlemen  and  yeomanry  of  Ireland  put  into 
some  form,  or  under  some  regulation,  wliich  might  subject  them 
to  a  legal  or  constitutional  control?      He  was  no  less   satisfied 
than  the  noble  viscount  of  the  zeal,   loyalty,  and  fidelity  of  the 
people  of  Ireland.     He  was  ready  to  go  as  far  as  the  noble  lord 
in  every  degree  of  confidence  which  prucience  and  sound  polic}?- 
would  warrant,  but  no  fardier.     He  remembered  the  American 
war  commenced  in  addresses  and  petitions ;   that  when  those 
were  turned  a  deaf  ear  to,  they  were  follo%ved  with  non-impor- 
tation  agreements.     He  remembered,  that  when  bills  of  pains 
and  penalties  were  enacting  in  that  house,  a  syllable  would  not 
be  heard  which  seemed  to  tend  to  m.easures  of  lenity.    The  bill 
was  brought  in  a  hurr)-,  passed  in  a  hurry,  and  we  run  in  a  hurry 
headlong  to  cur  ruin.     To  engage  therefore  for  what   Ireland 
might  bear  with  patience,   or  draw  the  line  exactly  upon  what 
particular  occasion  or  period  of  oppression  she  might  resist,  Vv^as 
a  language  which  fatal  experience  had  warned  them  sufficiently, 
he  believed,  not  to  put  too  great  a  reliance  upon.     After  speak- 
ing for  some  time  in  this  strain,  he  called   upon  ministers  to 
speak  out,  and  recommended  most  warmly  the  necessity  of  giv- 
ing Ireland  speedy  and  effectual  relief.     We  had  lost  the  great- 
est part  of  America ;    we  vrere  fighting  with  a  powerful  enemy 
for  all  our  distant  possessions  ;    Scotland  was  in  a  state  little 
short  of  actual  rebellion,  and  Ireland  was  united  as  one  man 
against  us,  not  to  purchase  a  single  shilling's  worth  of  British 
property.     Earl  Gower  proposed  a  kind  of  compromise.     He 
moved,  to  omit  that  part  of  the  recital  of  the  noble  marquis's 
motion,  which  stated  the  existing  grievances  Ireland  labours 
under,  and  the  neglect  imputed  to  administration,  in  not  taking 
measures  for  their  removal.     His  lordship  pressed  very  warmly 
the  impropriety  and  danger  of  coming  to  too  hasty  or  precipi- 
tate a  vote  upon  a  question  of  such  importance.     The  very  cure 
proposed  would,  in  his  opinion,  rather  serve  to  increase  than 
remove  the  disorder,  which  had  been  so  fully  and  ably  described. 
It  ought  to  be  seriously  considered,  that  holding  out  false  hopes 
or  creating  ill-founded  expectations,  which  could  not  be  gratified, 
would  in  the  end  promote  those  evils,  which  it  was  the  duty  of 
parliament  to  prevent.     He  could  never  subscribe  to  the  opinion 
that  adopting  to  the  extent  contended  for,  or  agreeing  to  the 
claims  of  Ireland,  v/ould  be  the  means  of  preventing  rebellion  : 
on  the  contrary,  he  feared  it  might  produce  the  very  reverse ; 
if  not  in  Ireland,  nossibly  nearer  home.     The  kingdom  was  to 
be  consulted.     1  he  gr::?t  body  of  British   manufacturers  had 
rights  and  claims  of  their  own,   which  they -would  not  readily 
part  with,  and  though  the  arguments  used  by  noble  lords  might 
seem  specious  and  plausible,  he  begged  their  lordships  to  consi- 
der, that  perhaps  the  very  m.easures  which  might  promise  to 


72  APPENDIX. 

prevent  a  rebellion  in  Ireland  might  prove  the  cause  of  an  actual 
rebellion  in  England.  He  spoke  very  fully  on  the  motion,  said 
there  was  no  proof  of  several  of  the  matters  contained  in  the 
motion,  and  if  there  were,  it  did  not  appear  that  the  distresses 
which  Ireland  felt  were  owing  to  the  government  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, or  the  restrictions  laid  upon  the  Irish  trade.  If  that  part 
of  the  motion  which  took  the  facts  as  proved,  and  the  inferences 
flowing  from  them,  as  self-evident,  were  omitted,  he  was  ready 
to  meet  the  noble  marquis,  and  adopt  the  other  part  of  his  lord- 
ship's proposition ;  for  at  present  there  was  no  evidence  before 
the  house,  that  the  affairs  of  that  country  had  been  neglected, 
nor  was  the  house  in  possession  of  any  documents  respecting  the 
existence  of  grievances  there,  sufficient  to  induce  them  to  come 
to  the  proposed  vote.  Earl  of  Bristol  replied,  that  he  believed 
there  was  not  a  noble  lord  present  who  entertained  the  shadow 
of  a  doubt,  that  those  grievances  stated  by  the  noble  marquis 
really  existed.  He  delivered  himself  very  favourably  in  behalf 
of  Ireland,  and  said  he  looked  upon  them  to  be  the  most  op- 
pressed and  injured  people  under  the  sun.  Duke  of  Manches- 
ter declared  himself  of  the  same  opinion ;  and  said,  he  could 
never  think  of  giving  up  the  ground  of  the  motion;  for,  what 
was  it,  if  the  people  in  Ireland  were  not  labouring  under  the 
greatest  national  distress  ?  And  how  could  that  be  true,  if  mi- 
nisters had  not  neglected  their  duty,  by  forbearing  to  grant  them 
any  species  of  relief?  His  grace  urged  the  necessity  of  doing 
something  effectual,  and  the  doing  it  speedily,  and  that  for  the 
following  important  reasons.  It  was  no  secret,  that  France  in- 
tended, in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  summer,  to  make  an  at- 
tempt on  either  or  perhaps  both  kingdoms.  He  was  well  in- 
formed, that  the  first  attempt  would  be  made  on  Ireland.  He 
had  it,  he  said,  from  the  best  authority,  that  France  would  not 
appear  as  an  enemy  on  the  coasts  of  that  kingdom,  to  commit 
hostilities,  but  to  offer  her  alliance,  friendship  and  protection, 
in  assisting  her  to  throw  off  the  yoke  laid  upon  the  Irish  nation 
by  Great  Britain :  in  short,  she  meant  to  hold  out  independency 
and  a  free  trade.  The  mischievous  policy  of  that  ambitious 
people  was  no  longer  to  appear  as  conquerors  come  to  enslave, 
but  as  friends  to  succour  and  relieve  ;  no  longer  as  the  foes,  but 
the  friends  of  human  kind,  come  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  in- 
jured and  oppressed  nations.  This  was  her  policy  respecting 
America,  and  this  he  feared  would  be  her  policy  respecting  Ire- 
land ;  and  he  had  good  reason  already  to  believe,  that  overtures 
of  that  nature  had  been  thrown  out,  and  that  several  French 
emissaries  had  been  in  that  kingdom,  in  order  to  sound  the  dis- 
positions of  the  people.  This  was  the  invasion  and  conquest  of 
Ireland,  which  he  feared,  and  which  it  was  their  lordship's  bu- 
siness to  adopt  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  measures  to  pre- 


APPENDIX.  rs 

vent.  His  grace  therefore  conjured  and  intreated  ministers  to 
interfere  in  time,  and  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  prevent 
France  from  acting  so  insidious  a  part,  by  removing  those  evils, 
the  existence  of  vi^hich  could  only  have  given  rise  to  so  deep- 
laid  a  scheme  of  policy  and  ambition.  He  was  as  well  as  his 
noble  friend  (Grafton)  glad  to  see  ministers  shew  any  disposi- 
tion to  relent.  He  was  fully  persuaded  of  the  necessity  of  con- 
vincing Ireland,  that  we  were  candid,  and  meant  at  length  to  be 
serious ;  but  he  nevertheless  was  of  opinion,  that  a  subject  of 
such  transcendent  importance,  involving  in  it  such  a  variety  of 
interests  and  objects,  ought  not  to  be  lightly  taken  up,  nor  hasti- 
ly decided  on.  Earl  Gower's  motion  being  at  length  framed, 
it  was  suggested  that  the  original  motion  should  Be  first  with- 
drawn, (A  cry  of  withdraw,  withdraw.)  His  lordship's  mo- 
tion was  then  read,  after  a  few  words  from  the  Marquis  of 
Hockingham,  to  shew  the  propriety  of  retaining  that  part  of  his 
motion  respecting  the  distresses  of  Ireland,  and  was  as  follows  : 
"  That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty  that  he 
"  will  be  pleased  to  take  into  his  gracious  consideration,  the  dis- 
"  tressed  and  irnpoverished  state  of  the  loyal  and  well-deserving 
"  people  of  Ireland,  and  to  direct  an  account  to  be  laid  before 
"  parliament  of  such  particulars  relative  to  the  trade  and  manu- 
"  factures  of  Ireland,  as  may  enable  the  national  wisdom  to  pur- 
"  sue  methods  for  promoting  the  common  strength,  wealth,  and 
"  commerce  of  his  majesty's  subjects  in  both  kingdoms."  The 
Duke  of  Grafton  said,  though  he  liked  the  address  as  first 
moved  better  than  as  it  stood  amended,  he  would  be  ready  to  ac- 
cept of  it,  sooner  than  run  the  risque  of  having  a  negative  put 
upon  it;  for  though  it  took  no  retrospective  view,  it  looked  for- 
ward to  what  he  believed  was  the  universal  wish  of  every  noble 
lord  present ;  it  pointed  to  redress,  and  for  the  sake  of  unanimi- 
ty he  was  ready,  for  one,  to  adopt  it.  Marquis  of  Rockingham 
said,  so  far  as  the  new  motion  pointed  to  future  redress,  he 
heartily  coincided  with  the  noble  duke  ;  but  however  willing  he 
might  be  to  submit  to  the  prevailing  sense  of  the  house,  so 
strongly  manifested  on  the  present  occasion,  he  could  see  no 
reason  against  declaring,  as  an  act  of  justice,  and  the  best  pledge 
of  our  being  in  earnest,  that  the  affairs  of  Ireland  had  been  ne- 
glected. Earl  of  Shelburne  recommended  great  caution,  and 
deliberation  ;  and  put  in  his  claim  thus  early  to  be  understood 
as  not  pledging  himself  to  support  any  measure,  which  might 
in  its  consequences  put  the  Irish  upon  a  better  footing  than  the 
British  manufacturer.  The  Duke  of  Richmond,  in  a  very  able 
speech,  endeavoured  to  shew,  that  all  local  distinctions  were 
the  creatures  of  prejudice  and  seliishness.  He  said,  that  Ire- 
land and  Englajid  were  in  fact  the  same  nation  and  people  ; 

VOL.  II.  K 


74  APPENDIX. 

that  any  distinction  made  in  favour  of  the  latter,  was  a  species 
of  injustice  to  the  former.  A  great,  a  loyal,  and  a  brave  people, 
were  not  to  be  ruined,  beggared  or  oppressed,  because  Man- 
chester thought  this,  or  this  or  that  country  were  alarmed.  All 
those  petty  motives  must  cease  to  operate,  nor  be  permitted  to 
influence  our  public  councils,  which  ought  never  to  lose  sight 
of  justice  and  sound  policy.  His  noble  friend  (Duke  of  Graf- 
ton) had  talked  of  an  union.  He  was  for  an  union,  but  not  an 
union  of  legislature,  but  an  union  of  hearts,  hands,  of  affections^ 
and  interests,  as  had  been  well  pointed  by  his  other  noble  friend, 
who  made  the  motion.  This  was  his  opinion,  and  he  should 
ever  prefer  such  a  connection  to  any  other  which  might  give 
offence  to  the  people,  or  be  effected  by  means,  however  well 
intended,  that  would  lie  open  to  many  objections. 

A  kind  of  conversation  now  succeeded,  in  which  the  Duke  of 
Richmond  said,  he  had  no  objection  to  the  motion,  provided  it 
were  fully  understood  on  every  side  of  the  house,  and  candidly 
declared,  that  immediate  measures  of  relief  would  be  adopted; 
and  that  it  was  not  merely  thrown  in  the  way  to  stop  any  effectual 
proceedings. 

Earl  Gower  protested,  so  far  as  he  could  answer,  he  meant 
to  act  with  candour.  It  .was  his  wish,  and  it  now  became 
his  particular  duty;  but  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  speak 
with  any  degree  of  precision.  It  was  a  subject  of  great  delicacy, 
called  for  great  consideration,  and  he  thought  whatever  might 
be  done,  it  would  not  be  prudent  or  politic  to  hold  out  to  Ire- 
land any  promise,  which  might  be  received  as  restraining  the 
wisdom  and  deUberation  of  parliament. 

The  amended  motion  was  put  and  carried  nem,  con. 


No.  LXVI.  a, 

LETTER  FROM  MR.  FRANCIS  DOBES  TO  LORD  NORTH, 
[page  203.] 

My  Lord, 

FROM  what  has  fallen  from  your  lordship 
ill  regard  to  Ireland,  I  conceive  you  are  greatly  misinformed,  as 
to  the  ideas  of  the  people  at  large.     It  is  of  the  utmost  conse- 


APPENDIX.  r5 

quence,  in  such  a  moment  as  this,  that  our  sentiments  should 
not  be  misunderstood.  If  they  are,  apparent  satisfaction  may 
conceal  real  jealousy  and  distrust;  the  bane  of  friendship  in 
nations,  as  well  as  in  men. 

Your  lordship  dwells  on  the  address  of  our  parliament  being 
a  petitioa  for  indulgence,  not  a  demand  of  rights.  My  lord,  I 
conceive  that  address  was  to  the  Kingoflreland,  without  whose 
approbation  our  laws  cannot  be  altered  or  enlarged.  If  your 
lordship  conceives  that  it  was  a  supplication  to  the  parliament  of 
Great  I3ritdin,  I  apprehend  you  are  m'staken.  When  the  par- 
liament of  Ireland  addressed  their  king,  and  told  him  that 
nothing  but  a  free  trade  could  save  their  country,  they  could  not, 
I  am  persuaded  they  did  not,  forget  why  Ireland  had  not  a  free 
trade ;  they  could  not  forget  that  Ireland  v/as  bound  by  British 
acts  of  parliament. 

But,  my  lord,  should  it  even  be  possible  that  our  parliament 
could  forget  the  great  question  of  right,  it  cannot  be  forgot 
by  the  people ;  they  know  it,  and  will  remember  it.  As  one  of 
that  people,  I  deem  it  essential  to  freedom,  and  think  myself 
justified  as  a  man  entitled  to  be  free,  to  publicly  argue  for 
my  own  and  my  countrymens'  rights.  The  investigation  of 
truth  cannot  be  improper.  In  this  instance,  I  am  convinced 
that  the  surest  mode  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  both  kingdoms, 
is  to  have  our  connection  fully  explained  and  perfectly  under- 
stood. 

As  an  Irishman,  give  me  leave  to  express  my  obligations  to 
your  lordship,  for  the  kind  intentions  which  you  have  mani- 
fested to  my  country ;  I  do  not  even  believe  my  countrymen 
want  more  than  it  is  your  wish  to  give.  But,  my  lord,  they 
want  it  in  a  different  mode  ;  they  want  what  they  have  a  right 
to,  separated  from  the  bounty  of  England.  It  shall  there- 
fore be  the  object  of  this  letter  to  point  out  my  own,  and 
what  I  apprehend  to  be  their  reasons,  for  wishing  for  such  a 
distinction. 

At  first,  my  lord,  your  propositions,  which  have  now  in  part 
become  a  law,  gave  pretty  general  satisfaction.  Men  hitherto 
restrained  in  almost  every  branch,  naturally  rejoiced  at  the 
first  view  of  an  extended  commerce  ;  but  when  reason  had 
investigated  the  principles,  on  v/hich  that  extension  was  given ; 
w^hen  it  was  found  to  be  a  matter  of  expediency,  not  of  right: 
when  it  was  perceived  that  it  rather  established  than  relinquished 
the  power  of  British  legislation  over  Ireland,*'  our  transports 
sunk  into  a  very  moderate  degree  of  pleasure  ;  and  even  that 
pleasure  was  lessened  by  the  precariousness  of  enjoyment. 

*  The  act  of  parliament  lately  made,  only  repeals  part  of  the  Eng-lisli  acts 
hindlng-  Ireland. 


"r^  APPENDIX. 

My  lord,  we  claim  to  be  a  kingdom,  with  every  right  be- 
longing to  a  kingdom ;  governed  by  om'  own  legislature,  the 
king,  lords  and  commons  of  Ireland.  We  complain  of  the 
British  legislature  making  laws  to  bind  Ireland.  We  allege  it 
is  without  right,  and  we  require  that  the  legislature  of  Great 
Britain  should  relinquish  a  claim  that  we  say  they  are  not  enti- 
tled to,  and  that  they  should  obliterate  the  name  of  Ireland  from 
their  statutes. 

This  is  a  short  creed,  but  like  all  creeds  admits  of  much  ex- 
planation; let  us  fairty  discuss  it;  the  examination  will  be  no 
impeachment  even  to  your  lordship's  abilities,  though  it  should 
oblige  you  to  correspond  with  a  man  so  much  your  inferior 
in  rank  and  understanding.  If  my  ideas,  if  the  ideas  of  my 
countrymen  are  unjust  and  unreasonable,  we  are  surely  entitled 
to  an  explanation  why  they  are  so.  If  they  are  just  and  rea- 
sonable, they  should  be  complied  with.  If  they  are  just  and  rea- 
sonable, and  not  complied  with,  we  have  a  right  to  do  ourselves 
justice,  if  ever  we  have  the  power. 

Here,  my  lord,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  ask  two  questions :  Is  the 
kingdom,  of  Ireland  considered  by  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain 
as  a  conquered  nation  t  If  not,  is  Ireland  considered  as  a  free 
kingdom,  united  with  England  by  long  usage,  similarity  of  man- 
ners, vicinage,  and  a  common  king  ? 

If  we  are  deemed  a  conquered  nation,  and  as  such  to  hold 
every  thing  we  possess  at  the  will  of  the  English  our  conquer- 
ors; if  we  are  in  all  things  subject  to  their  caprice  ;  still,  my  lord, 
there  is  one  right  that  I  apprehend  cannot  be  taken  from  us  :  It 
is  a  right  I  almost  blush  to  mention ;  it  is  the  right  of  the  van- 
quished; the  right  of  regaining  our  freedom,  whenever  we  are 
able  to  throw  off  your  yoke.  If  you  say,  as  I  trust  you  will, 
that  we  are  a  free  people,  you  must  allow  us  those  rights  which 
are  indispensably  necessary  to  the  very  existence  of  freedom ; 
and  if  on  enquiry  it  should  be  found  that  Ireland  has  not  such 
rights,  because  Great  Britain  has  exerted  an  arbitrary  power  to 
which  she^was  not  entitled.  Great  Britain  must  either  relinquish 
such  an  evasion  of  our  rights,  or  support  it,  as  she  made  it.. ..by 
power. 

What,  my  lord,  constitutes  the  freedom  of  a  people  ?  What  is 
the  boasted  freedom  of  a  subject  of  Great  Britain  ?  Is  it  not, 
that  he  is  governed  by  laws  to  which  he  has  assented  either  by 
himself  or  his  representative  ?  Is  it  not  that  he  cannot  be  bound 
by  laws  that  do  not  affect  those  who  make  them,  as  well  as  him- 
self? What,  my  lord,  is  the  defmition  of  a  slave  ?  Is  it  not  where 
n  man  is  bound  by  laws,  to  which  he  never  assented,  and  lies  at 
the  mercy  of  a  power,  over  which  he  has  no  control  ?  Weigh 
these  two  defmitions,  and  tell  me  what  is  Ireland  ? 

Great  Britain's  repealing  part  of  those  laws  by  which  I  appre- 
hend she  has  unjustly  bound  Ireland,  is  no  satisfaction,  nor  are 


APTENDIX.  77 

we  less  enslaved.  In  fact,  your  propositions,  and  the  law  founded 
upon  them,  establishes  that  power,  which  I,  and  I  believe  mv 
countrymen  deny.  The  word  expedient  conveys  a  thousand 
things  repugnant  to  the  rights  of  Ireland.  It  may  hereafter  be 
deemed  expedient  to  revoke  the  very  indulgences  you  now  find 
it  expedient  to  grant.  It  may  be  expedient  to  dissolve  our  par- 
liament, and  never  call  another;  it  may  be  expedient  to  tax 
Ireland  bv  a  British  act  of  parliament,  and  enforce  it  by  a  British 
armament ;  where  shall  we  set  bounds  to  expediency,  and  how 
can  its  limits  be  ascertained  ?  But,  my  lord,  I  will  venture  to 
assert,  and  I  now  call  on  your  lordship  to  refute  it  if  you  can, 
that  Ireland  is  not  free,  whilst  England  has  the  power  of  binding 
Ireland  by  British  acts  of  parliament.  I  will  venture  to  assert, 
we  are  not  less  slaves,  though  British  legislation  never  found  it 
expedient  to  exert  the  power  it  claims  ;  the  most  absolute  mo- 
narch on  earth  may  make  his  subjects  happy,  but  whilst  he  has 
the  means  of  making  them  miserable,  they  are  not,  they  cannot 
be  free. 

The  Irish  for  a  long  time  remained  in  ignorance  as  to  their 
situation ;  those  amongst  them  who  perceived  it,  thought  it 
would  be  cruel  to  shew  them  rights,  without  a  possibility  of 
their  obtaining  them.  Particular  circumstances  have  led  them 
to  particular  enquiries.  Enquiry  has  made  them  acquainted 
with  their  situation  ;  and  it  is,  my  lord,  the  chLiracteristic  of  my 
countrymen  to  be  impatient  under  their  wrongs,  which  they  feel 
and  understand. 

I  do  not  deceive  you  when  I  say,  that  this  reasoning  is  very 
general  amongst  Irishmen.  I  do  not  deceive  30U  when  I  say, 
we  are  attached  to  England,  and  seek  a  connection  with  her,  in 
preference  to  the  rest  of  mankind.  But,  my  lord,  our  first 
attachment  is  to  freedom,  and  ever\'  other  is  a  secondar)-  con- 
sideration. To  be  in  possession  of  freedom,  we  must  know 
what  is  our  right.  As  to  favours,  we  ought,  and  I  am  "persuaded 
are  willing  to  give  an  equivalent.  But,  my  lord,  we  wish 
to  have  the  line  between  rights  and  favours  ascertained  ;  the 
blending  them  together,  if  possible,  we  are  determined  to 
avoid. 

My  lord,  we  conceive  that  we  are  a  free  people,  and  as  such 
entitled  to  a  free  trade.  We  admit  your  right  to  shut  your  ports 
against  us,  but  we  claim  a  similar  power  as  to  you.  If  we  are  as 
free  as  England  this  must  be  the  case  ;  if  we  are  not,  we  are 
surely  entitled  to  the  reasons  why  we  are  not  so.  We  surely 
have  a  right  to  know  why  we  are  excluded  from  the  undoubted 
privileges  of  a  free  people.  Can  your  lordship  blame  us  if  we 
deem  it  necessary  to  know  how  we  stand  in  point  of  right,  in 
regard  to  Great  Britain  ?  We  cannot  build  on  a  sure  foundation^ 
or  expect  a  lasting  fabric,  till  this  is  ascertained* 


78  APPENDIX. 

Your  lordship  says  the  Irish  parliament  is  to  do  certain  things? 
in  consequence  of  English  resolutions.  How,  my  lord,  can  this 
be?  How  can  England  treat  with  Ireland,  until  the  English 
parliament  relinquishes  her  claim  of  binding  Ireland  in  all  cases 
whatsoever?  Is  it  not,  my  lord,  absurd  ?  Is  it  not  a  contradic- 
tion in  terms,  that  an  English  parliament  should  enter  into  a 
treaty  with  an  Irish,  if  an  Irish  parliament  is  to  be  subject  to 
the  will  of  an  English :  and  if  an  English  act  can  bind  Ireland 
in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

I  am  aware  it  will  be  said,  that  this  overture  from  an  English 
to  an  Irish  parliament,  tacitly  admits  that  an  English  parliament 
has  not  a  right  to  bind  Ireland.  Why  tacitly  ?  If  England 
means  to  give  up  this  claim,  why  not  openly  ?  The  doing  so 
would  give  confidence  here.  If  on  the  other  hand  it  should  be 
meant  to  deceive,  to  mislead  by  the  natural  idea  that  must  arise 
from  die  one  parliament  treating  with  the  other,  I  will  not  he- 
sitate in  proclaiming  it  a  mean  subterfuge. ...a  low  cunning..., 
unworthy  of  a  man. ...unworthy  of  a  nation. 

In  consequence  of  your  lordship's  propositions,  I  will  suppose 
v.-ealth  pouring  into  this  kingdom  from  every  quarter.  Here, 
my  lord,  I  will  again  ask  a  question :  What  security  have  we 
for  wealth  so  acquired  ?  If  you  have  a  right  to  bind  us  in  all 
cases  whatsoever,  you  must  have  a  right  to  tax  us.  If  you  have 
a  right  to  tax  us  one  shilling,  you  have  a  right  to  twenty  in  the 
pound  ;  and  had  we  the  v/'Calth  of  the  Indies,  whilst  you  claim 
that  power,  and  have  force  to  execute  it,  we  are  but  a  treasury, 
filled  for  the  use  of  Great  Britain.  In  absolute  governments, 
tvealth  and  danger  go  hand  in  hand,  and  poverty  is  happiness. 
If  individuals  grow  rich  they  dare  not  enjoy  their  wealth,  and 
are  careful  to  conceal  it.  Their  lives  are  often  forfeited  for 
supposed  offences,  to  give  a  colour  to  the  seizing  of  their  acqui- 
sitions. The  same  reasoning  will  hold  in  this  instance.  If, 
whilst  poor,  you  claim  absolute  power  over  us,  by  what  chain  of 
reasoning  are  we  to  suppose  you  will  relinquish  it,  should  we 
become  rich  ?  It  makes  no  difference  that  this  power  is  vested 
in  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain,  and  not  in  a  single  hand. 
Absolute  power  in  one  or  in  many  is  the  same.  Its  effect  is 
equally  destructive  to  the  happiness  of  a  state  or  individual. 

I  have  frequently  observed,  my  lord,  when  the  subject  of  Irish 
rights  has  been  broached,  that  the  distressed  situation  of  Eng- 
land has  been  introduced ;  that  England  has  been  represented 
as  a  nation  sunk  in  debt,  and  overwhelmed  with  difficulties.  If 
it  be  so,  I  am,  ^  and  I  am  persuaded  my  countrymen  are  sorry 
for  it.  But,  my  lord,  as  an  Irishman,  I  cannot  conceive  that  I 
am  to  be  a  slave,  because  England  has  been  imprudent  or  unfor- 
tunate. I  cannot  conceive  if  England  was  sinking,  that  Ireland 
is  bound  in  any  way,  to  go  to  the  bottom  with  England.     We 


APPENDIX.  f9 

are  called  sister  kingdoms,  but  if  we  were  married,  there  is  biit 
one  coumry*  that  I  have  her.rd  of,  where  the  wife  sacrifices 
herself  on  the  funeral  pile  of  the  huoband,  and  I  trust. Ireland 
is  not  inclined  to  follow  so  singular  an  example.  » 

Bt  the  situation  o{  England  what  it  may,  what  has  Ireland  to 
say  to  it  ?  Have  we  ever  exposed  you  to  war  ?  Have  we,  en- 
creased  your  taxes  ?  Have  we  been  the  cause  of  a  single  misfor- 
tune ?  If  your  fleets  have  protected  us,  who  occasioned  our 
wanting  that  protection  ?  Have  we  not  contributed  both  with 
our  blood  and  treasure  in  support  of  your  quarrels,  without 
sharing  in  your  conquests  ?  Are  we  not  indebted,  from  our  con- 
nection with  you,  beyond  our  ability  to  pay  ? 

My  loid,  I  will  go  so  far  as  to  say,  if  the  ruin  of  England 
was  to  follow  justice  to  Ireland,  yet  still  we  are  entitled  to  that 
justice.  The  question  must  still  resort  to  first  principles,  and 
Irishmen  cannot,  ought  not  to  have  a  confidence  in  Great  Britain, 
till  those  principles  are  fully  ascertained. 

It  is  said,  my  lord,  that  we  have  long  acquiesced  under  this 
claim.  For  argument  sake  I  will  grant  it.  England  herself 
has  been  obliged  in  particular  times  to  submit  to  the  most  severe 
exertions  of  arbitrary  power,  but  it  has  been  the  most  distin- 
guished feature  in  the  character  of  your  countrymen,  to  watch 
for  and  seize  the  moment  in  which  they  had  the  prospect  of  re- 
gaining their  freedom.  Witness  your  barons  compelling  the 
infamous  John  to  grant  them  Magna  Charta,  Witness  the  de- 
capitation of  the  misinformed  and  unfortunate  Charles.  And 
witness  the  glorious  revolution,  by  which  the  present  king  of 
England.... of  Ireland,  is  entitled  to  his  crown.  Will  your  lord- 
ship then,  or  your  countrymen,  be  so  unjust  as  to  say,  we  ought 
to  acquiesce  in  a  claim,  because  we  have  not  hitherto  had  power 
to  oppose  it  ?  Will  you  assert  if  at  first  the  claim  was  unjust,  it 
has  changed  its  nature  from  the  inattention  or  impotence  of 
Ireland  ? 

Strange  arguments,  however,  sometimes  suggest  themselves, 
I  have  heard  it  argued,  my  lord,  that  the  king  of  Ireland,  re- 
siding in  Great  Britain,  gives  a  right  to  supremacy  there.  To 
this  there  is  a  short  and  conclusive  question  ;  one,  my  lord,  that 
I  borrow  from  the  elegant  and  well-informed  Guatimozin.... 
Had  the  king  of  Great  Britain  been  in  reality,  what  he  is  nomi- 
nally, king  of  France ;  had  he  held  his  court  at  Paris  ;  would 
Great  Britain  have  allowed  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  in  con- 
junction with  the  parliaments  of  France,  to  bind  them  in  all 
cases  whatsoever  ?  Apply  this,  my  lord,  to  the  subject  of  this 
letter,  and  answer  the  question  as  you  please. 

*  A  country  in  Asia,  where  the  bodies  of  the  dead  are  burned,  and  the  wife 
is  placed  on  the  funeral  pile  of  the  husband. 


80  APPENDIX. 

In  all  connections  between  free  kingdoms  advantages  mu&t 
be  reciprocal.  It  must  be  the  interest  of  both  to  preserve  the 
connection  ;  or  that  kingdom  who  finds  herself  hurt  by  the  al- 
liance, will  infallibly  quit  it  the  moment  it  is  in  her  power.  In- 
terest is  the  grand  spring  of  action  even  amongst  men,  though  a 
few  individuals  may  gloriously  deviate  from  it ;  but  between 
nations  it  is,  it  must  be  the  ruling  principle. 

My  lord,  it  is  my  wish,  and  I  hope  and  believe  it  is  the  wish 
of  every  good  man  in  this  kingdom,  to  form  an  alliance  with 
Great  Britain,  which  nothing  can  disturb.  I  conceive  this  can 
only  be  done  by  a  fair  and  candid  enquiry  into  the  natural  rights 
of  each  kingdom.  If  Great  Britain  treats  with  Ireland  under 
the  idea  of  giving  as  little  as  she  can,  and  that  little  from  neces- 
sity, Ireland  can  neither  be  thankful  nor  satisfied.  You  your- 
selves will  say  that  Ireland,  from  particular  situation,  has  got 
more  than  you  intended  for  her ;  and  when  that  situation  ceases, 
you  will  naturally  endeavour  to  recal  what  you  have  so  granted. 
On  the  other  hand,  Ireland  looking  for  an  establishmenl  of 
rights,  cannot  conceive  herself  obliged  by  what  is  given  from 
expediency.  Whilst  the  great  question  of  right  remains  unas- 
certained, mutual  jealousies  and  distrusts  must  affect  the  peace 
of  both  kingdoms.  Irishmen  cannot  seriously  wish  the  pros- 
perity of  a  country  which  they  conceive  to  be  oppressing  them  ; 
and  England  cannot  be  cordially  our  well-wisher,  whilst  she  con- 
siders us  as  a  people  she  has  wronged  ;  as  a  people  she  must  sup- 
pose anxious  for  an  opportunity  of  procuring  justice. 

It  may  be  said,  that  finding  f^mlt  is  easy,  but  that  it  will  be 
difficult  to  point  out  a  mode  of  relief  more  satisfactory  than  the 
one  your  lordship  has  adopted ;  I  shall,  therefore,  in  a  few 
words,  lay  dov/n  what  I  believe  would  be  satisfactory  to  my 
countrym.en  ;  what  I  know  v/ould  be  satisfactory  to  my  country- 
'men  ;  what  I  know  would  be  satisfactory  to  myself. 

Let  England  declare  she  has  no  right  to  bind  Ireland  by  Bri- 
tish acts  of  parliament,  and  entirely  repeal  all  laws  hitherto  made 
for  that  purpose.  It  has  been  my  endeavour  to  prove  that  Eng- 
land in  doing  this,  would  only  do  justice  ;  suppose  it  done,  Ire- 
land would  have  a  right  to  trade  with  all  the  world,  but  all  the 
world  would  also  have  a  right  of  choosing  upon  what  terms,  and 
in  what  instances,  they  would  enter  into  commercial  alliances 
with  Ireland  ;  Great  Britain  of  course  would  have  a  right  to  say, 
you  shall  not  trade  with  us,  but  on  such  conditions  as  we  shall 
think  proper  to  require.  The  colonies  would  have  the  same 
right ;  and  at  this  moment  Ireland  v/ould  have  less  than  what 
your  propositions,  and  the  law  founded,  and  to  be  founded  on 
them,  would  give  us  ;  but  then,  my  lord,  the  matter  of  right 
would  be  adjusted  ;  whatever  wealth  we  acquired  would  be  the 
wealth  of  freemen,   and  could  not  be  taken  from  us  but  by  our 


APPENDIX,  St 

own  legislature  ;  then  that  frightful  spirit  raised  in  the  reign  of 
George  the  First  would  be  laid,  and  the  fears  and  apprehensions 
of  Irishmen,  with  the  Ghost,  would  vanish.'* 

If,  my  lord,  we  are  admitted  to  trade  with  Great  Britain  and 
her  colonies,  I,  as  an  Irishman,  think  we  should  make  a  suita- 
ble return.  If  your  fleets  protect  us,  protect  our  trade.  I  think 
we  ought  in  proportion  to  that  protection,  in  proportion  to  that 
trade,  contribute  to  their  support.  These,  my  lord,  in  my  hum- 
ble apprehension,  ought  to  be  the  subjects  of  treaty  between  the 
two  legislatures  ;  then  rights  and  favours  would  be  distinct ;  a 
distinction  which  must  give  universal  satisfaction  here.  If 
Great  Britain  really  means  to  give  us  a  permanent  Free  Trade, 
what  can  be  her  objection  to  being  fully  explicit  ?  My  lord,  the 
consequence  would  be,  that  industry  would  diffuse  her  blessings 
over  this  heretofore  devoted  land  ;  then,  my  lord,  the  merchant 
would  plow  the  ocean,  and  the  farmer  his  land  with  satisfaction 
and  security  ;  then  Ireland  would  become  the  cheerful  and  pow^ 
ful  supporter  of  Great  Britain. 

My  lord,  I  cannot  expect  you  will  take  either  my  word  of 
opinion  for  the  sentiments  of  my  countrymen  ;  but,  my  lord,  it 
is  surely  worth  your  lordship's  attention  to  enquire  how  far  I 
am  right  in  my  opinion ;  if  by  that  enquiry,  you  find  that  the 
people  of  Ireland,  almost  to  a  man,  deny  the  right  in  a  British 
parliament  to  bind  them ;  if  you  find  that  they  acknowledge  no 
power  on  earth  but  their  king,  lords,  and  commons ;  and  will 
not,  if  they  can  help  it,  pay  obedience  to  the  laws  of  any  other ; 
I  submit  it  to  your  lordship,  whether  it  would  be  wise  in  the 
British  legislature  to  voluntarily  declare  the  statute  of  6  George 
I.  c.  5.  no  longer  in  force,  so  far  as  relates  to  Ireland,  and  that 
it  was  made  on  the  mistaken  idea,  that  England  had  a  right  to 
bind  Ireland.  This,  my  lord,  v^^ould  heal  every  dissension, 
would  banish  every  jealous  idea  from  our  mhids. 

jNIany  other  things  relative  to  Ireland  croud  upon  my  imagi- 
nation, but  as  they  are  in  general  things  that  ought  to  be  looked 
to  at  home,  and  as  I  wish  to  confine  myself  to  the  one  great 
question,  I  shall  not  longer  intrude  on  your  lordship. 

In  the  course  of  this  letter  I  have  endeavoured  to  steer  clear 
of  the  least  offence  to  your  lordship.  I  have  endeavoured  to 
argue  without  passion  or  prejudice,  and  I  trust  I  have  in  some 
degree  succeeded. 

I  feel  the  fullest  conviction,  that  an  explanation  of  the  matter 
of  right  is  essential  jto  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  both  king- 

*  The  law  declaring-  a  right  to  bmd  Ireland  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 
VOL.    II.  h 


82  APPENDIX. 

doms,  and  it  is  from  that  conviction  I  have  thus  ventured  to  ad- 
dress your  lordship. 

I  am,  with  great  respect, 
Your  Lordship's 

Most  humble  servant, 

Francis  Dobbs, 
Ut  January^  1780. 


No.  LXVII.  a. 


addresses  and    resolutions  of  different  corps  or 

volunteers.. ..PAGE  276. 

To  the  Right  Hon.  and  Hon.  the  Minority  in  both  Houses  of 

Parliament. 

My  Lords  and  Gentlemen, 

We  thank  you  for  your  noble  and  spirited, 
though  hitherto  ineffectual  efforts  in  defence  of  the  great  consti- 
tutional and  commercial  rights  of  your  country.  Go  on. ...the 
almost  unanimous  voice  of  the  people  is  with  you ;  and  in  a 
free  country,  the  voice  of  the  country,  the  people,  must  prevail. 
We  know  our  duty  to  our  sovereign,  and  are  loyal.  W^e  know 
our  duty  to  ourselves,  and  are  resolved  to  be  free.  W^e  seek 
for  our  rights,  and  no  more  than  our  rights,  and,  in  so  just  a  pur- 
suit, we  should  doubt  the  being  of  a  Providence,  if  we  doubted 
of  success. 

These  proceedings  were  generally  approved  of,. ..the  spirit  of 
the  Dungannon  meeting  was  diffused  throughout  the  kingdom, 
and  its  resolutions  were  seconded  by  almost  every  volunteer 
corps  in  Ireland. 

On  the  17th  of  February,  the  corps  of  Independent  Dublin 
Volunteers  unanimously  agreed  to  the  following  resolutions  and 
preamble : 

Natural  justice  and  eqitity  having  established  the  universal 
rights  of  mankind  upon  an  equal  footing,  the  inhabitants  of 
Ireland  have  a  claim  to  a  free  trade  with  all  nations  in  amity 
with  Great  Britain ;  yet  their  ports  have  been  kept  shut,  their 
trade  has  been  monopolized,  and  their  industry  has  but  served 
to  aggrandize  the  proud  traders  of  a  neighbouring  kingdom. 


APPENDIX.  83 

Necessity,  which  compels  to  ingenuity,  has  lately  led  up  that 
ti'ade,  dignified  with  the  spacious  name  oifree:  yet  trade,  which 
enriches  industrious  nations,  serves  but  to  impoverish  the  na- 
tives of  this  kingdom,  because  they  have  purchased  at  an  high 
price,  an  illusion ;  defrauded  thus  of  their  birthright,  there  is 
nothing  but  (economy  as  a  counterpoise.  This  unsubstantial 
freedom  of  commerce,  ha;j'ing  originated  from  the  united  spirit 
of  the  people  against  the  use  of  foreign  manufactures,  the  same 
spirit  which  procured  the  fallacious  grant,  may  yet,  by  a  perse- 
vering unanimity,  establish  a  real,  permanent,  and  substantial 
trade. ...There fore  resolved,  that  these  our  thoughts  and  opinions 
be  laid  before  our  countrymen,  reminding  them  at  the  same 
time,  that  not  only  they,  but  their  posterity  are  interested  in  the 
event  \\  and  that  to  do  away  eifectually  the  yoke  of  monopoly,  a 
non-consumption  and  non-importation  agreement  should  be 
entered  into  without  delay. 

Resolved^  That  for  the  more  effectually  furthering  this  great 
national  point,  the  several  corps  (as  private  citizens)  of  this  city 
be  requested  to  send  each  a  delegate  to  the  Royal  Exchange,  on 
Monday  the  25th  inst.  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  the 
foregoing  resolutions  be  published. 


Thefollorving  Resolutions  ivere  passed  a  fexu  Days  afterxvards 
at  a  full  Meeting  field  by  the  Lawyers''  Corps* 

Resolved^  That  we  do  highly  approve  of  the  resolutions  and 
address  of  the  Ulster  volunteers,  represented  at  Dungannon  on 
the  15th  day  of  February  instant. 

That  as  citizens  and  volunteers,  we  will  co-operate  v/ith  the 
several  corps,  whose  delegates  met  at  Dungannon,  in  every 
constitutional  mode  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  the  grievances 
mentioned  in  their  resolutions. 


The  Address  published  by  the  Committee  of  the  Ulster  Volunteers* 

To  the  Electors  of  Members  of  Parliament,  in  the  Province 

.  of  Ulster. 

Gentlemen, 

DELEGATED  by  the  volunteers  as- 
semblecl  at  Dungannon,  we  call  on  you  to  support  the  con- 


S4  APPENDIX. 

stitutional  and  commercial  rights  of  Ireland ;  to  exert  the  im- 
portani  privileges  oi  freemen  at  the  ensuing  election,  and  to  pro- 
claim to  the  world,  that  you  at  least  deserve  to  be  free* 

Regard  not  the  threats  oi  landlords  or  their  agents,  when  they 
require  you  to  fail  in  your  duty  to  God,  to  your  country,  to 
youiseives,  to  your  posterity.  The  first  privilege  of  a  man  is 
the  right  of  judging  lor  himself,  and  now  is  the  time  for  you  to 
exert  that  right.  It  is  a  time  pregnant  with  circumstances, 
Wiiicli  revolving  ages  may  not  again  so  favourably  combine. 
The  spirit  of  hberty  is  gone  abroad,  it  is  embraced  by  the  peo- 
ple ai  large,  and  every  da}-  brings  with  it  an  accession  of  strength. 
The  timid  have  laid  aside  their  fears,  the  virtuous  sons  of  Ire- 
land stand  secure  in  their  numbers.  Undue  influence  is  now 
as  despised  as  it  has  ever  been  contem.ptible  :  and  he  who  would 
dare  to  punish  an  elector  for  exerting  the  rights  of  a  freeman, 
would  meet  w^hat  he  would  merit,  public  detestation  and  abhor- 
rence. 

Let  no  individual  neglect  his  duty.  The  nation  is  the  aggre- 
gate oi  individuals,  and  the  strength  of  the  whole  is  composed 
of  exertion  of  each  part ;  the  man,  therefore,  who  omits  what  is 
in  his  power,  because  he  has  not  more  in  his  power,  and  will 
not  exert  his  utmost  efforts  for  the  emancipation  of  his  country, 
because  they  can,  at  best,  be  the  efforts  of  but  one  man,  stands 
accountable  to  his  God  and  to  his  country,  to  himself  and  to  his 
posterity,  for  confirming  and  entailing  slavery  on  the  land  which 
gave  him  birth. 

An  upright  House  of  Commons  is  all  that  is  wanting,  and 
it  is  in  the  power  of  the  electors  to  obtain  it.  Vote  only  for 
men  v/hose  past  conduct  in  parliament  you  and  the  nation  ap- 
prove, and  for  such  others  as  will  solemnly  pledge  themselves  to 
support  the  measures,  which  you  and  the  nation  approve.  Do 
your  duty  to  your  country,  and  let  no  consideration  tempt 
you  to  sacrifice  the  public  to  a  private  tie,  the  greater  duty  to  a 
less. 

We  entreat  you,  in  the  name  of  the  great  and  respectable  body 
we  represent ;  we  implore  you,  by  every  sociable  and  honoura- 
ble tie  ;  we  conjure  you  as  citizens,  as  freemen,  as  Irishmen,  to 
raise  this  long  insulted  kingdom,  and  restore  to  her  her  lost 
rights.  One  great  and  united  effort  will  place  us  among  the 
first  nations  of  the  earth,  and  those  who  shall  have  the  glory 
of  contributing  to  that  event,  will  be  for  ever  recorded  as  the 
saviours  of  their  country. 


APPENDIX,  85 

It  would  be  impossible  and  unnecessary,  to  state  here  the 
numerous  resolutions  agreed  to  by  the  several  volunteer  corps 
and  other  assemblies,  where  these  subjects  were  taken  into 
consideration :  they  were  substantially  the  same,  and  differed 
but  in  words.  We  shall  therefore  only  add  the  proceedings  of 
a  few  other  bodies,  that  were  not  under  the  military  character, 
to  shew  that  the  same  disposition  and  sentiments  pervaded  all 
ranks  of  people. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freemen  and  Freeholders  of  the  City  of 
Dublin^  convened  by  the  High  Sheriffs^  at  the  Tholsely  on 
Tuesday  the  19th  of  March,  1782,  the  foUoxving  Address  was 
unanimously  agreed  to. 

To  Sir  Samuel  Bradstreet,    Bart,  and  Travers  Hartley,  Esq. 
Representatives  in  Parliament  for  the  City  of  Dublin. 

Gentlemen, 

AS  men  justly  entitled  to,  and  Rrmly  re- 
solved to  obtain  a  free  constitution,  we  require  you,  our  trustees, 
to  exert  yourselves  in  the  most  strenuous  manner,  to  procure 
an  unequivocal  declaration,  "  That  the  king,  lords,  and  com- 
"  mons  of  Ireland  are  the  only  power  competent  to  make  laws 
*'  to  bind  this  country."  And  we  solemnly  pledge  ourselves  to 
you  and  to  our  country,  that  we  will  support  the  representatives 
of  the  people  at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  in  every  con- 
stitutional measure,  whicli  may  be  pursued  for  the  attainment 
of  this  great  national  object. 

Be  assured,  gentlemen,  that  your  zeal  upon  this  occasion  will 
insure  you  a  continuance  of  our  esteem  and  regard. 

(Signed)  James  Campbell  \  o,      -^ 

David  Dick         I  ^i^eritts. 

The  Sheriffs,  having  xuaited  on  the  Representatives,  received  the 
folloToing  Answer, 

To  the  Sheriffs,   Freemen,   and    Freeholders  of  the    City  of 

Dublin. 

Gentlemen, 

IT  has  ever  been  my  wish  to  receive  with 
pleasure,  and  to  obey  the  instructions  of  my  constituents. 

You  may  depend  on  my  using  every  means  in  my  power  to 
procure  an  explicit  and  unequivocal  declaration,  "  That  the 


86  APPENDIX. 

"  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland  are  the  only  power  com- 
"  petent  to  make  laws  to  bind  this  country  ;"  and  I  rely  on  your 
solemn  engagement  to  support  your  representatives  in  every 
constitutional  measure,  which  may  be  necessary  for  the  attain- 
ment of  this  great  national  object.  Permit  me  to  assure  you, 
that  my  zeal  for  the  accomplishment  of  your  wishes  can  be 
equalled  only  by  my  desire  to  convince  you  how  sacred  I  es- 
teem the  trust  you  have  reposed  in  me,  and  how  much  I  value 
a  continuance  of  the  good  opinion  of  my  fellow  citizens. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect, 
Your  obliged  and  faithful  servant, 

Samuel  Bradstreet. 


To  the  Sheriffs,  Freemen,  and  Freeholders  of  the  city  of  Dublin. 

Gentlemen, 

I  SHOULD  be  very  unworthy  of  that 
honourable  and  important  trust,  with  which  you  have  so  recently 
invested  me,  did  I.  not  receive  with  the  highest  respect,  the  most 
perfect  satisfaction,  and  cheerful  conformity,  your  instructions 
on  a  subject  in  which  the  national  honour  and  security  are 
essentially  engaged.  To  suppose  that  any  power,  except  that 
of  the  "  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland,  is  competent  to 
"  make  laws  to  hind  this  kingdom,"  is  utterly  inconsistent  with 
the  idea  of  freedom  ;  it  is  equal  liberty  alone,  which  can  secure 
that  perfect  harmony  to  the  subjects  of  the  same  crown,  so 
necessary  to  the  prosperity  both  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

You  may  rely,  gentlemen,  on  every  exertion  I  am  capable 
of,  to  procure  an  unequivocal  declaration  of  the  sole  rights 
of  the  legislature  of  this  kingdom,  to  enact  laws  obligatory  on 
the  people  of  Ireland ;  and  I  doubt  not  in  this,  and  every  con- 
stitutional measure,  I  shall  be  always  secure  of  the  support  of 
my  constituents.  Your  instructions  on  this  occasion  wiU  give  a 
dignity  to  the  vote  you  have  intrusted  me  with,  which  it  must 
have  wanted,  if  considered  as  merely  proceeding  from  my  own 
private  judgment. 

I  have  the  honour,  gentlemen,  to  be. 

With  the  most  perfect  respect,  and  sense  of  obligation, 
Your  faithful  and  obedient  servant, 

Travers  Hartley, 


APPENDIX.  87 


At  a  Meeting  of  the  High  Sheriff  and  Grand  Jury  of  the 
Count!)  of  Dublin^  on  the  11th  of  April,  1782,  the  following 
Resolutions  were  agreed  to. 

Resolved,  That  no  power  on  earth,  but  the  khig,  lords,  and 
con^mons  of  Ireland  can  in  right  make  laws  to  bind  the  people 
of  this  land. 

Resolved,  That  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  are 
representatives  of,  and  derive  their  power  solely  from,  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  that  a  denial  of  this  proposition  by  them  would  be  to 
abdicate  the  representation. 

The  following  Address  zvas  then  read  by  the  Chair  yuan,  and 

agreed  to* 

To  the  Right  Hon.  Luke  Gardiner,  and  Sir  Edward  New- 
enham,  Knight. 
Gentlemen, 

WE,  the  high  sheriff  and  grand  jury  of  the 
county  of  Dublin,  warmly  coinciding  with  the  determination  re- 
specting the  constitutional  rights  of  Ireland,  with  which  the 
mind  of  every  man  in  this  nation  is  deeply  impressed,  think  it 
our  duty  to  express  those  feelings  in  the  strongest  terms. 

As  you  have  already  evinced  your  intention  to  support  the 
sole  and  undoubted  authority  of  the  legislature  of  Ireland,  to 
make  laws  for  its  government,  we  confidently  hope  and  expect, 
that  you  will  persevere  in  pursuing  the  most  decisive  and  im- 
mediate measures,  that  may  effectually  carry  that  great  object 
into  execution,  by  a  solemn  ratification  of  our  rights. 

Though  this  is,  at  the  present  crisis,  the  principal  matter 
under  the  consideration  of  parliament,  we  have  no  doubt  but 
that  you  must  consider  it  your  duty  to  act  in  all  things  that 
affect  the  freedom  of  our  constitution,  in  such  manner  as 
may  become  the  representatives  of  a  great  and  independent 
county. 

Resolved,  That  copies  of  the  above  resolutions  and  address, 
signed  by  the  high  sheriff  and  foreman,  be  presented  to  the 
Right  Honourable  Luke  Gardiner  and  Sir  Edward  Newen- 
ham,  knight,  and  that  the  same,  together  with  their  answers  be 
published. 


88  APPENDIX. 

The  following  Ansxvers  -were  returned. 

To  the  High  Sheriff  and  Grand  Jury  of  the  County  of  Dublin. 

Gentlemen, 

IT  gives  me  very  sincere  satisfaction,  that  my 
past  conduct,  relative  to  the  sole  and  undoubted  authority  of  the 
legislature  of  Ireland,  has  merited  your  approbation.  You  may 
be  assured,  that  I  shall  persevere  in  giving  my  warmest  sup- 
port to  the  great  and  important  object,  as  I  consider  it  so  deci- 
sively founded  in  right,  that  no  ni-m  who  loves  to  be  free,  can 
hesitate  to  acknowledge  and  to  assert  it. 

With  respect  to  any  other  matter  that  may  affect  the  freedom 
of  our  constitution,  I  am  so  conscious  of  my  intentions  to  pro- 
mote the  perfect  contentment  of  this  country,  that  I  have  no 
doubt  I  shall,  in  every  particular  deserve  that  confidence,  v/ith 
which  you  have  hitherto  honoured  me. 

I  am  very  glad  that  you  have  given  me  an  opportunity  of  de- 
claring my  sentiments  thus  publicly  at  this  crisis  ;  as  I  think  that 
the  time  is  now  come,  which  demands  an  explicit  and  a  perma- 
nent settlement  of  the  constitution  of  Ireland,  as  the  certain  means 
of  establishing  the  tranquillity  of  this  country,  and  of  perpetuat- 
ing the  harmony,  which  ought  to  subsist  between  us  and  Great 
Britain. 

I  have  the  honour  to  t?e.  Gentlemen, 
With  the  greatest  respect, 

Your  very  obliged  and  humble  servant, 

Luke  Gardiner. 
Henrietta  Street^  April  13,  1782. 

To  the  High  Sheriff,  Foreman,  and  Grand  Jury  of  the  County 

of  Dublin. 

Gentlemen, 

I  x\LWAYS  received  your  instructions  with 
respect  and  pleasure,  for  it  is  equally  my  duty  and  inclination  to 
obey  them  ;  if  I  did  not,  I  should  betray  that  delegated  trust, 
with  which  you  have  honoured  me. 

In  respect  to  those  great  objects  in  which  you  desire  "  I  will 
persevere,"  I  assure  you,  I  will  most  faithfully  pursue  that  line 
of  conduct  marked  out  by  you,  confident  that  his  majesty  can- 
not, in  justice  to  this  independent  kingdom,  refuse  his  royal 
assent  to  such  acts,  as  may  be  deemed  by  the  Irish  parliament 
*'  a  solemn  ratification  of  our  rights."  I  flatter  myself  that  no 
Irish  minister  will  be  found  to  be  so  presumptuous,  as  to  impede 


APPENDIX.  89 

the  total  annihilation  of  foreign  usurpation  ;  if  such  a  minister 
should  be  found,  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  supported  by  the 
general  voice  of  the  people,  ought  to  do  their  duty.  Though 
effectual  impeachments  have  been  too  long  neglected,  and  there- 
by our  sister  kingdom  has  nearly  fallen  a  martyr  to  the  corrup- 
tion and  wickedness  of  its  ministry,  the  spirit  of  this  nation  is 
too  high,  to  submit  patiently  to  national  insults. 

You  are  also  pleased  to  direct  me  '-'  to  act  in  all  things,  that 
"  affect  the  freedom  of  our  constitution,  as  may  become  the  re- 
'^  presentative  of  a  great  and  independent  county."  in  order  to 
accomplish  that  object,  I  have  frequently  introduced  heads  of  a 
bill  to  secure  the  freedom  of  parliament,  by  limiting  the  num- 
ber of  placemen,  and  totally  excluding  pensioners  irom  sitting 
therein  j  a  hostile  band  of  parliamentary  placemen  and  pension- 
ers is  the  foundation  of  internal  and  external  corruption. 

Every  measure  tending  to  maintain  the  freedom,  or  promote 
the  trade  and  manufactures  of  your  great,  respectable,  and  in- 
dependent county,  shall  meet  my  warmest  support  in  every  sta- 
tion of  life. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect, 
Your  most  obliged  and  faithful  trustee, 

Edward  New^enham. 

At  a  full  Meeting  of  the  Grand  Jury^  Gentlemen^  Clergy^  and 
Freeholders  of  the  County  of  Gahvay,  assembled  pursuant  to 
public  Notice  from  the  High  Sheriffs  at  the  County-Hall^  in 
Galway^  March  31,  1782,  the  following  Resolutions  xv  ere  una" 
nimously  entered  into : 

RESOLVED,  That  a  seat  in  parliament  was  never  in- 
tended by  our  constitution  as  an  instrument  of  emolument  to 
individuals  ;  and  that  the  representative,  who  perverts  it  to  such 
a  purpose,  particularly  at  so  momentous  a  period  as  the  present, 
is  guilty  of  betraying  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  the  people  for 
their,  not  his  benefit. 

Resolved^  That  the  people  who  could  tamely  behold  their 
suffrages  made  the  tool  of  private  avarice  or  ambition,  are  still 
more  criminal  than  the  venal  representatives,  as  they  become 
the  panders  without  even  the  wages  of  prostitution. 

Resolved^  That  when  we  daily  see  the  mandate  of  the  minis- 
ter supersede  all  conviction  in  debate ;  when  placed  and  pen- 
sioned membei-s  of  parliament  notoriously  support  in  public 
measures,  which  they  condemn  in  private  ;  when  the  hirelings 
of  corruption  avow,  and  government  have  exemplified  in  recent 
instances  of  distinguished  characters,  that  to  vote  according  to 

VOL.    TI.  M 


90  APPENDIX. 

conscience  amounts  to  a  disqualification  to  hold  any  office  in  the 
service  of  our  country,  it  is  time  for  the  people  to  look  to  them- 
selves, and  in  great  national  questions  to  assert  their  right  to 
control  these,  who  ewe  their  political  existence  to  thtir  breath, 
and  may  be  annihilated  by  their  displeasure. 

Resolved^  That  at  an  sera  when  every  thing  which  can  be  dear 
to  a  nation  is  at  stake,  we  are  called  upon  by  our  duty  to  our- 
selves, to  our  countr}^,  and  to  posterity,  to  stand  forth,  and  by 
the  most  unremitting  exertions  stem  the  returning  torrent  of 
corruption  at  home,  and  resist  the  usurpation  from  abroad,  that 
all  mankind  may  see  we  are  determined  to  preserve  the  puritv, 
while  w^  vindicate  the  rights  of  our  legislature. 

Resolved^  therefore,  That  w^e  do  hereby  solemnly  pledge  our- 
selves to  each  other,  and  to  our  country,  by  every  tie  of  honour 
and  religion,  which  can  be  binding  to  man,  that,  as  the  sacred 
duty  which  we  owe  to  the  community  supersedes  all  ties  and 
obligations  to  individuals,  we  will  not  suffer  private  friendship 
or  private  virtues,  to  warp  our  settled  determination  not  to  vote 
for  any  man,  at  a  future  election,  either  for  county,  town,  or 
borough,  who  shall  act  in  opposition  to  our  instructions,  and 
who  will  not  subscribe  a  test  to  obey  them  previous  to  the  elec- 
tion, or  who  shall  absent  himself  when  those  questions,  on  which 
w^e  instruct  him,  are  agitated  in  parliament. 

Resolved^  That  the  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland  are 
the  only  power  competent  to  make  laws  to  bind  this  kingdom, 
and  that  we  will  resist  the  execution  of  any  other  laws,  with  our 
lives  and  fortunes. 

Resolved^  That  if  force  constitutes  right,  the  people  of  this 
country  have  a  right  to  use  force  against  the  man,  who  dares  to 
maintain  doctrines  subversive  of  their  constitution  ;  but  as  the 
object  is  beneath  the  dignity  of  the  national  resentment,  we  shall 
only  bid  such  a  man  beware  how  he  hereafter  trifles  with  the 
rights  of  his  country,  and  provokes  the  vengeance  of  a  people 
determined  to  be  free. 

Resolved^  That  we  highly  approve  of  the  resolutions  of  the 
volunteer  delegates,  assenibled  at  Dungannon  and  Ballinasloe. 

Resolved^  That  the  thanks  of  this  county  be  returned  to 
the  minority  in  parliament,  and  particularly  to  our  countrymen 
Anthony  Daly,  Sir  Henry  Lynch  Blcsse,  and  Robert  Dillon, 
Esqrs. 

Resolved^  That  the  following  address  be  presented  to  the 
Right  Honourable  Denis  Daly,  and  W.  P.  Keating  French^ 
Esqrs.  representatives  in  parliament  for  this  county. 


APPENDIX.  ^1 


to  denis  daly,  esqv. 

Sir, 

THERE  is  a  moment  in  the  affairs  of  nations  as  well 
a,s  of  individuals,  which  if  seized  and  happily  improved,  may- 
lead  to  prosperity,  if  neglected,  may  terminate  in  the  riveting  of 
its  oppressions.  Such  a  moment  is  the  present :  the  eyes  of 
Europe  are  upon  us,  and  posterity  v/ill  read  our  conduct  with 
applause  or  execration  according  to  the  use  we  make  of  the  op- 
portunities, which  a  providential  combination  of  events  has  af- 
forded us.  When  the  rights  of  a  nation  become  objects  of 
public  question  or  discussion,  not  to  assert  is  to  relinquish,  to 
hesitate  is  to  betray.  1  he  die  is  cast ;  if  we  advance  with  a 
manly  and  determined  step,  we  ensure  success  ;  if  we  recede  or 
divide,  we  sink  for  ever;  in  so  awful  an  hour,  who  is  the  man 
that,  however  unwilling  to  provoke  the  question,  will  not  at  the 
day  of  trial  be  found  in  his  post  ?  Your  private  opinion.  Sir, 
must  give  wTiy  to  the  national  voice ;  the  assemblage  of  quali- 
ties which  formed  and  elevated  your  character,  raised  you  to 
one  of  the  most  exalted  situations  a  subject  could  arrive  at. 
Your  abilities  remain,  we  h.ve  relied  on  your  integrity  ;  yet  we 
cannot  but  lament,  that  at  the  moment  we  stood  in  need  of  all 
the  influence  of  such  a  character,  its  brightness  should  have 
been  shaded,  and  its  weight  lost  to  the  nation  by  being  placed 
in  a  station  in  which,  hov/ever  chaste,  it  may  at  least  be  suspect- 
ed. But  waving  at  present  the  consideration  of  tliis  subject,  we 
now  call  upon  you,  as  one  of  our  representatives,  as  you  value 
our  future  appiobation  and  support,  to  give  your  fullest  assis- 
tance to  the  following  measures,  whenever  they  shall  be  pro- 
posed in  parliament,  viz.  a  declaration  of  our  national  rights ; 
an  ademption  of  the  assumed  power  of  the  privy  council  to  stop 
or  alter  bills  ;  a  mutiny  bill  limited  in  its  duration ;  a  bill  ren- 
dering the  judges  independent  of  the  crown;  and  a  bill  to  re- 
duce the  expences  of  the  nation  to  a  level  with  its  revenues,  as 
we  cannot  conceive  a  conduct  more  insane,  than  for  a  people 
scarce  em»erging  from  ruin,  like  a  profligate  heir,  to  anticipate 
its  funds,  and  ground  certain  extravagance  on  uncertain  pros- 
perity. 

to  w.  p.  keating  french,  esq^. 

Sir, 

THE  present  period  calls  upon  every  man  in  this 
country  to  take  an  active  and  decided  part  in  the  common  cause. 
I'he  nation  is  not  now  to  be  trifled  with.  Upon  our  conduct  at 
this  eventful  hour  depends  the  establishment  of  our  constitution, 


92  APPENDIX. 

and  the  liberties  of  unborn  generations.  We  shall  not,  Sir,  suf- 
fer our  atttiition  to  be  drawn  from  the  great  objects  in  which 
we  are  engaged,  by  a  retrospect  into  your  past  pariiamentary 
conduct,  however  dissonant  in  many  points  from  our  opinions; 
but  we  call  upon  you,  if  you  value  our  future  approbation,  to 
give  your  fullest  support  to  the  following  measures,  whenever 
they  shall  be  agitated  in  parliament,  viz.  a  declaration  of  our 
national  rights ;  an  ademption  of  the  power  of  the  privy  council 
to  stop  or  alter  bills  ;  a  mutiny  bill  limited  in  its  duration ;  a 
bill  to  render  the  judges  independent  of  the  crown;  and  a  bill 
to  reduce  the  national  expences  to  a  level  with  its  revenues. 


At  a  Meetmg  of  the  Electors  of  the  University,  on  the  3d  of 
April,  the  following  Address  xvas'  unanimously  agreed  to, 
and  ordered  to  be  presented  to  their  Representatives. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  Walter  Burgh  and  John  Fitzgibbon, 
Esq.  Representatives  in  Parliament  for  the  University  of 
Dublin. 

Gentlemen, 

WHEN  the  murmurs  of  a  people,  struggling 
.for  their  rights,  have  been  heard  even  in  the  quiet  retreat  oi  sci- 
ence, we  should  deem  it  a  breach  of  duty  to  our  countrymen  and 
ourselves,  did  we  neglect  to  second  their  virtuous  exertions : 
we  are  never  forv/ard  in  political  contests :  we  shall  always  be 
decided  and  steady  ;  although  v/e  have  not  been  the  first  to  com- 
plain of,  yet,  we  have  not  been  the  last  to  feel,  the  repeated  in- 
juries this  country  has  suffered,  not  only  from  those  who  may 
have  separate  duties  and  separate  interests,  but  from  men  who 
are  bound  bv  the  strongest  duty,  and  the  dearest  interest,  to  vin- 
dicate its  rights,  and  cherish  its  prosperity. 

The  power  of  binding  Ireland  by  acts  of  a  foreign  legislature, 
is  what  nothing  but  a  spirit  of  arrogance  or  oppression  would 
insist  upon,  nothing  but  the  most  abject  servility  submit  to  ;  for 
we  cannot  suppose,  thiit  the  appearance  of  a  claim,  which  irri- 
tates the  whole  body  of  the  people,  would  be  retained,  unless 
there  was  an  intention  of  enforcing  this  claim  hereafter;  we  are 
therefore  convinced,  that  an  express  declaration  of  rights,  is  the 
only  measure  upon  which  this  countr;^  can  build  its  legislative 
independence,  and  that  a  reluctance  to  assert  the  constitution  of 
the  land,  may  furnish  Great  Britain  with  a  pretence  for  denying 
the  justice  of  our  requisition. 


APPENDIX.  93 

We  do  not  think  the  present  situation  of  Great  Britain  to  be 
any  objection  against  such  a  declaration,  as  we  can  never  sup- 
pose that  she  could  derive  strength  from  our  weakness,  or  any 
security  to  her  liberties  from  the  oppression  of  oars ;  and 
that  time  is  undoubtedly  to  be  preferred  for  the  assertion  of 
our  right,  when  the  object  is  likely  to  be  obtained  with  the  least 
struggle. 

The  insecure  attachment  of  Ireland  to  the  crown  of  England 
at  a  former  period,,  furnished  a  pretext  for  divesting  the  houses 
of  parliament  of  their  right  to  originate  bills,  unless  previously 
certified  into  England  under  the  great  seal  of  this  kingdom ; 
now,  as  the  loyalty  of  this  country  for  several  centuries,  so  often 
tried,  and  so  often  acknowledged,  has  removed  every  cause  of 
distrust ;  we  conceive  that  this  injurious  and  humiliating  restric- 
tion should  also  cease. 

The  dependance  of  the  judges  of  Ireland  on  the  will  of  the 
sovereign,  may,  in  the  hands  of  an  aspiring  monarch,  prove 
a  powerful  instrument  of  oppression ;  now,  holding  ourselves 
entitled  to  every  constitutional  security  vvhich  our  sister  kingdom 
possesses,  we  consider  it  necessary  that  the  judges  of  this  king- 
dom should  be  made  equally  independent  with  those  of  Great 
Britain. 

But  since  every  advantage,  which  could  result  from  these 
reformations  must  be  precarious,  as  long  as  a  perpetual  mu- 
tiny bill  exists,  by  which  force  may  be  made  to  supersede 
right,  and  the  soldiery  of  Ireland  are  subject  to  trial  and 
punishment  by  any  future  articles  of  v/ar,  v.hich  the  king 
and  privy  council  of  Great  Britain  may  think  proper  to  adopt ; 
we  are  persuaded,  that  every  concession  must  be  imperfect, 
unless  accompanied  by  the  repeal  of  so  dangerous  a  law. 

We  therefore  expect  you  will  exert  your  most  strenuous 
efforts,  to  obtain  a  declaration  of  the  rights  of  Ireland  :  a  repeal 
or  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  law  of  Poynings ;  an  act  for 
making  the  tenure  of  the  judges  independent  of  the  crov.'n  ;  and 
a  repeal  of  the  perpetual  mutiny  bill. 

We  declare,  that  these  are  our  fixed  and  unalterable  senti- 
ments, and  we  are  convinced,  that  nothing  short  of  the  requisi- 
tions herein  contained,  can  be,  in  any  degree,  satisfactory  to  the 
people  of  Ireland. 

It  is  our  v/ish  to  render  the  connection  between  this  country 
and  Great  Britain,  as  close  and  permanent  as  possible,  and  we 
are  persuaded,  that  this  is  only  to  be  accomplished  by  abolishing 
all  usurped  authority  of  the  one  over  the  other,  and  removing 
every  invidious  distinction  between  the  constitutions  of  two 
countries  equally  entitled  tc  be  free. 


Q4  APPENDIX. 

To  this  Address  the  following  Answers  were  returned. 
To  the  Electors  of  the  University. 

Gentlemen, 

WHEN  I  reflect  on  my  past  parliamentary 
conduct,  it  affords  me  the  highest  satisfaction,  to  find  that  it 
entirely  corresponds  with  the  tenor  of 'your  instructions. 
Whenever  the  objects  that  you  recommend  have  come  into  dis- 
cussion, I  have  given  them  my  uniform  and  decided  support. 
My  conduct  has  been  founded  upon  principles,  which  no  motives 
of  interest  or  ambition  have  been  able  to  shake,  and  in  which 
I  shall  persevere  unto  the  last  hour  of  my  life. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect, 
Gentlemen, 
Your  most  faithful  humble  servant, 
Walter  Burgh. 

To  the  Electors  of  Trinity  College. 

Gentlemen, 

I  AM  just  now  honoured  with  your  in- 
structions, which  have  been  forwarded  to  me  by  post.  Be  as- 
sured, that  I  shall  always  feel  the  utmost  satisfaction  in  re- 
ceiving the  instructions  of  that  very  great  and  respectable 
body,  which  I  have  the  honour  to  represent,  and  that  you  shall 
ever  find  me  ready,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  to  vindicate  your 
rights. 

1  have  always  been  of  opinion,  that  the  claim  of  the  British 
parliament  to  make  laws  for  this  country,  is  a  daring  usur- 
pation on  the  rights  of  a  free  people,  and  have  uniformly 
asserted  this  opinion  both  in  public  and  in  private.  When  a 
declaration  of  the  legislative  right  was  moved  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  I  did  oppose  it,  upon  a  decided  conviction,  that  it 
was  a  measure  of  a  dangerous  tendency,  and  withal  inadequate 
to  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  intended.  However,  I  do,  with- 
out hesitation,  }  ield  my  own  opinion  upon  this  subject  to  yours, 
and  will,  whenever  such  a  declaration  shall  be  moved,  give  it  my 
support. 

With  respect  to  an  explanation  of  the  law  of  Poynings,  I 
confess,  the  more  I  consider  the  subject,  the  more  difficult  it 
appears  to  me.  AUov/  me  to  remind  you,  that  the  University 
did,  upon  a  very  recent  occasion,  experience  that  this  law,  in 
its  present  form,  may  operate  beneficially.     A  total  repeal  of 


APPENDIX.  95 

it,  will  I  hope,  on  consideration,  appear  to  you  to  be  not, 
by  any  means,  a  desirable  object.  You  may  rest  assured^  that 
the  best  attention  which  I  can  ^ive  to  the  subject  shall  be  ex- 
erted ;  and  I  trust  and  doubt  not,  that  upon  a  communication 
with  you  upon  this  topic,  I  shall  be  able  to  give  you  full  satis- 
faction. 

I  agree  with  you  most  warmly,  that  any  advantage,  which  we 
may  derive  from  reformation,  must  be  precarious,  so  long  as 
the  articles  of  war  shall  continue  to  be  a  permanent  and  estab- 
lished branch  of  municipal  law,  which  they  certainly  are  under 
the  present  act  for  regulating  the  king's  army  in  Ireland.  I  have 
riot  a  doubt,  in  my  mind,  that  a  perpetual  mutiny  law  lays  the 
foundation  of  a  military  govern m.ent  in  this  country ;  upon  this 
principle  I  did  oppose  it  as  strenuously  as  I  could,  from  the  first 
moment  it  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
upon  this  principle  I  will,  whilst  I  live,  make  every  effort  within 
my  power  to  procure  a  repeal  of  it.  The  administration  of  jus- 
tice in  this  country  is  certainly  an  object  of  the  first  importance, 
and  therefore  I  will,  at  all  times,  concur  in  any  measure,  which 
can  be  proposed  to  make  the  judges  of  the  land  independent  and 
respectable. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
Gentlemen, 

With  great  respect. 
Mount  Shannon^  Your  most  obedient,  and 

April  11th,  1782.  very  humble  servant, 

John  Fitzgibbon, 


No.  LXVIII.  a, 


FROM     THE    DEBATES    IN    THE     BRITISH    HOUSE    OF     COMMONS, 

[page  294.] 

THE  Right  Honourable  T.  Townshend  spoke  fully  upon 
the  privileges  of  the  House  of  Commons.  He  maintained, 
that  the  only  true  substantial  meaning  or  idea  those  privileges 
conveyed  was  that  they  were  the  indubitable  right  of  all  the 
Commons  of  England,  who  had  one  general  interest  in  them. 
That  to  be  sure  in  a  more  confined  sense,  they  were  particularly 
applied  first  to  that  house,  as  a  deliberative  body,  and  one  of  the 


96  APPENDIX. 

branches  of  the  legislature.  Secondly  to  the  hidividual  mem- 
bers who  compose  that  body.  He  did  not  intend  to  make  them, 
however,  the  subject  of  this  day's  business ;  they  were  but  of 
secondary,  nay  indeed  of  very  inferior  consequence,  when  op- 
posed to  that  great  privilege,  the  power  of  granting  money,  of 
keeping  the  purse  of  their  constituents  safe  from  the  hands  of 
violence,  art  or  fraud.  This  was  a  trust  of  the  first  magnitude  ; 
in  fact,  it  included  every  other  j  for  so  long  as  that  was  pre- 
served inviolate,  the  crown  would  remain  under  the  constitu- 
tional control  of  parliament;  so  soon  as  that  was  wrested  by 
open  force,  defeated  by  indirect  means,  or  done  away  by  fraud, 
the  liberties  and  the  privileges  of  the  people  would  be  for  ever 
annihilated.  Ke  expatiated  on  the  commendable,  wise,  and 
•well-founded  jeeilousy  of  that  house  whenever  the  least  attempt 
had  been  made  in  that  way  evei\  by  the  other  house;  but  when 
any  endeavours  were  made  by  the  crown,  or  its  minisrerial 
agents,  the  commons  at  all  times  caught  the  alarm ;  they  had  at 
all  times  uniformly  united,  as  if  they  were  actuated  by  one  soul, 
to  resist  any  attempt  of  the  crown  to  encroach  upon  their 
power  of  granting  or  refusing  the  money  to  be  raised  on 
themselves  or  their  constituents.  He  then  opened  the  cause 
which  induced  him  to  make  these  observations,  and  read  the 
following  papers. 

"  Message  to  the  Irish  House  of  Commons^ 

Jovis,  Nov*  2Sd,  1774^. 

HARCOURT. 

I  have  his  majesty's  command  to  acquaint  you,  that  the  situa-- 
tion  of  affairs,  in  part  of  his  American  dominions,  is  such,  as 
makeS'  it  necessary,  for  the  honour  and  safety  of  the  British 
empire,  and  for  the  support  of  his  majesty's  just  rights,  to  desire 
the  concurrence  of  his  faithful  parliament  of  Ireland,  in  sending 
out  of  this  kingdom  a  force  not  exceeding  four  thousand  men, 
part  of  the  number  of  troops  upon  this  establishment,  appointed 
to  remain  in  this  kingdom,  for  its  defence,  and  to  declare  to 
you,  his  majesty's  most  gracious  intentions,  that  such  part  of 
his  army  as  shall  be  spared  out  of  this  kingdom,  to  answer  the 
present  exigency  of  aifairs,  is  not  to  continue  a  charge  upon 
this  establishment  so  long  as  they  shall  remain  out  of  the  king- 
dom. I  am  further  commanded  to  inform  you,  that  as  his 
majesty  has  nothing  more  at  heart  than  the  security  and  pro- 
tection of  his  people  of  Ireland,  it  is  his  intention,  if  it  be  the 
desire  of  the  parliament,  to  replace  such  forces,  as  may  be  sent 
out  of  this  kingdom,  by  an  equal  number  of  foreign  Protestant 


APPENDIX.  ^r 

troops,  as  soon  as  his  majesty  shall  be  enabled  so  to  do.  The 
charge  of  such  troops  to  be  defrayed  without  any  expence  to  this 
kingdom. 

Extract  from  the  Address  of  Knights^  ^c.  to  Lord  Harcourt* 

That  your  excellency  will  be  pleased  to  return  his  majesty- 
cur  most  gracious  thanks  for  his  gracious  declaration,  that  his 
majesty  has  nothing  more  at  heart  than  the  security  and  pro- 
tection of  his  people  of  Ireland,  of  which  his  majesty  has  given 
a  signal  proof,  by  his  offer,  if  it  shall  be  the  desire  of  parlia- 
ment, to  replace  such  forces  as  may  be  sent  out  of  this  king- 
dom, by  an  equal  number  of  Foreign  Protestant  troops,  the 
charge  thereof  to  be  defrayed,  without  any  expence  to  this 
kingdom. 

Extract  from  the  Votes  of  the  House  of  Commons  of  Ireland. 

AN  amendment  was  proposed  to  be  made  to  the  resolution, 
by  inserting  after  the  word  resolved,  the  following  words,  viz. 
"  that  having,  in  consequence  of  his  majesty's  gracious  recom- 
*'  mendations,  and  of  our  mature  considerationof  the  state  of  this 
''  country,  repeatedly  declared  our  opinion,  that  twelve  thousand 
"  men  are  necessary  for  the  defence  of  this  kingdom  ;  being 
"  sensible  that  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  trust  reposed  in 
*'  us,  should  we  have  subjected  our  constituents  to  a  very  heavy 
"  expence,  in  times  of  perfect  tranquillity,  for  the  purpose  of 
"  providing  a  force,  which  we  are  to  part  with  in  times  of  dan- 
"ger;  and  being  convinced,  that  since  the  time  at  which  we 
"  first  declared  twelv^e  thousand  men  to  be  necessary,  the  pro- 
"  bability  of  a  war  has  increased,  and  not  diminished." 

Bight  Honourable  Mr,  Speaker'^s  Speech  to  his  Excellency  Simon 
Earl  of  Harcourt* 

Lunce  25  die  Decemhris^  1 775, 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

THE  conduct  of  the  commons,  in  the 
course  of  this  session,  has  marked  more  strongly,  if  possible, 
than  in  any  former  period,  their  loyalty,  duty,  and  affection  to 
his  majesty,  and  their  zeal  for  the  interest  and  honour  of  Great 
Britain.  At  the  hazard  of  their  o\Yn  safety  they  have  consented 
to  part  with  one-third  of  the  forces  deemed  necessary  to  be 
maintained  at  all  times  within  this  kingdom  for  its  defence  in 

VOL.    II.  N 


9B  ^         APPENDIX. 

a  season  vrhen  powerful  reasons  existed  for  retaining  them, 
without  putting  Great  Britain  to  the  expence  of  replacing  them, 
though  generously  offered ;  and  they  have  cheerfully  granted 
to  his  majesty  a  very  considerable  supply,  in  addition  to  all 
former  duties,  though  the  liberality  of  the  last  session  served 
only  to  expose  the  weakness  of  their  resources.  This  disposition 
of  the  commons  they  doubt  not  your  excellency  will  improve  to 
their  advantage,  and  they  trust  that  through  jour  excellency's 
favourable  representation,  it  will  serve  to  unite  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  in  still  closer  bonds  of  mutual  affection,  so  necessary 
to  the  security  and  prosperity  of  both.  They  acknov/ledge  with 
gratitude  vour  excellency's  generous  efforts  to  open  to  them 
new  sources  of  commerce,  and  to  remove  some  restraints  upon 
the  old ,'  they  see  with  joy  a  beam  of  light  break  through  that 
dark  cloud  which  has  so  long  overshadowed  this  nation  ;  and 
they  are  animated  vv'ith  the  hope  that  the  honour  is  reserved 
for  yoiu'  excellencj^'s  administration,  of  establishing  this  impor- 
tant truth,  that  nothing  will  more  contribute  to  augment  the 
strength  and  wealth  of  Great  Britain,  than  the  increase  of  both 
in  this  kingdom. 

Having  read  these  papers,  Mr.  Townshend  said,  the  message 
contained  two  propositions,  by  both  which  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain  was  pledged  to  that  of  Ireland,  if  it  should  accept 
the  conditions  held  forth  by  this  message,  to  pay  for  the  troop;* 
to  be  sent  to  America,  and  to  replace  them  with  4000  foreign 
Protestants  ;  and  further  to  induce  the  Irish  nation  to  accept 
this  insidious  bargain,  she  was  to  have  12,000  within  the  king- 
dom, and  at  the  same  time  to  be  relieved  of  a  burthen  of  80,000/, 
per  annum.     Such  a  proposition  could  only  have  originated  in 
the  worst  designs,  or  must  have  been  tlie  effect  of  the  most 
consummate  folly.     For  what  vvas   the  whole   measure   taken 
together?     The  minister  on  this  or  the  other  side  of  the  water, 
no  m.atter  which,  makes  the   king  engage  his  royal  word,  that 
the  expence  shall  be  borne  by  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  ; 
but  adding  folly  to  temerity,  m^akes  him  promise,  that  Great 
Britain  shall  pay  for  8,000  men,  though  if  the  bargain  was 
accepted,  she  w^ould  actually  have  but  4000  men  in  her  service. 
After  thus  stating,  in  his  opinion,  the  meaning  of  the  words,  he 
proceeded  to  shev/,  that  they  were  received  in  this  sense  by  .the 
Irish  parliament,  though  neither  of  the  offers  were  received  in 
the  terms  proposed,  and  quoted  the  speaker's  speech,  delivered 
at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  25th  of  December, 
1775,  in  vrhichhe  offers,  in  the  name  of  the  commons,  to  send 
the  4000  natives  out  of  the  kingdom,  without  putting  Great 
Britain  to  the  expence  of  replacing  them,  though  generously 
offered.     He  then  stated  the  complaint  in  the  following  words : 
"  that  the  Earl  of  Ilarcourt,  lord  lieutenant  general,  and  general 


APPENDIX.  ^9 

"governor  of  Ireland,  did,  on  the  23d  day  of  November  last, 
*'  in  breach  of  the  privilege,  and  in  derogation  of  the  honour  and 
"  authority  of  this  house,  send  a  v/ritten  message  to  the  House 
''  of  Commons  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  signed  with  his  own 
^'  hand,  to  the  follov/ing  eifect."  (Here  he  recited  the  message 
in  page  96.)  He  moved,  that  a  committee  be  a  ppointed  to  en- 
quire into  the  matter  of  the  said  complaint,  and  to  report  the 
same,  as  it  shall  appear  to  them,  to  die  house. 

Sir  George  Yonge  seconded  the  motion. 

Lord  Clare  said",  the  right  honourable  gentleman  v/ho  made 
the  motion,  had  been  lavish  of  lijs  encomiums  on  Ireland,  but 
did  not  offer  a  syllable  in  behalf  of  poor  Britain.  Ireland  re- 
tained a  proper  sense  of  freedom  ;  she  would  not  admit  fo- 
reigners, even  with  the  consent  of  parliament ;  her  principles 
were  sound,  her  manners  v/ere  pure :  her  counsels  were  uncon- 
taminated  ;  v/hiie  poor  degenerated  Britain  was  fallen  from  her 
former  greatness,  and  was  sunk  into  the  low^est  extreme  of  cor- 
ruption, folly,  and  want  of  spirit ;  yet  while  he  w^as  proud  to  hear 
his  country  so  highly  extolled,  he  could  not  help  lamenting  that 
fallen  Britain  had  not  one  friend  to  stand  forth  in  her  defence. 
His  lordship  having  continued  upon  the  two  propositions.  The 
offer  of  sending  foreigners  and  of  defraying  the  expence  signi- 
fied nothing :  no  such  offer  or  promise  was  intended  ;  it  was  all 
die  idle  reveries  of  a  gendeman,  vv^hom,  for  the  familiarity  of 
expression,  he  would  call  by  the  name  of  Mr.  Edmund  Sexton 
Perry.  He  knew  Mr.  Edmund  Sexton  Perry  very  well,  and  he 
knew^  him  to  be  a  good  sort  of  a  considerate,  honest,  sensible 
man,  but  however  sensible  Mr.  Perry  might  be,  the  house  was 
not  bound  by  his  interpretations.  The  honourable  mover  says, 
that  Mr.  Perry  went  to  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
delivered  a  cerfain  speech,  and  that  the  lord  lieutenant  acquiesced 
in  that  interpretation  of  the  message,  because  he  did  not  con- 
tradict it.  Would  he  have  Lord  Harcourt  rise  and  come  to 
Mr.  Perry  to  the  bar,  and  contradict  him,  by  telling  him  he 
never  meant  anv  such  thing  ?  I  dare  say  he  would  hardly  be  so 
unreasonable.  I  have  indeed  heard  it  asserted  by  some  of  my 
countrymen,  that  they  spoke  better  English  than  the  people  of 
his  country.  It  may  be  so,  but  it  is  the  first  time  I  ever  heard  it 
asserted,  that  they 'understood  it  better,  i  presume  that  Mr. 
Perry  thought  he  understood  the  message  ;  but  I  will  not^  allow 
that  either  Lord  Harcourt,  or  this  house,  are  bound  to  abide  by 
his  interpretation  ;  neither  can  I  be  persuaded  that  the  House  of 
Commons  of  Ireland  are  any  more  bound  than  we  are  by  his 
conceptions.  For  what  does  the  whole  amount  to?  Mr.  Perry, 
in  his  individual  capacity,  says  so  and  so.  Wliat  h  that  to  the 
House  of  Commons  ?   He  is  speaker  it  is  true,  hut  what  he  does- 


aoo  appendix:. 

out  of  the  house,  when  he  is  not  instructed,  is  no  more  the  act  of 
that  house,  than  if  it  had  been  done  by  any  other  person. 

Mr.  Conolly  replied  to  his  lordship,  that  he  was  an  Irishman 
as  well  as  the  noble  lord,  and  as  Ireland  was  to  be  the  subject  of 
that  day,  in  the  cocking  phrase,  he  was  ready  to  pit  himself 
against  him.  He  then  observed,  that  he  was  not  surprised  that 
the  noble  lord  was  in  such  extreme  good  humour  with  ministers 
on  both  sides  of  the  water,  as  his  lordship,  and  the  three  others, 
who  enjoyed  sinecure  employments,  had  a  present  made  them  in 
one  day  of  14,000/.  (meaning  the  arrangement  of  the  vice-trea- 
surers and  the  clerk  of  the  pells)  and  lest  a  possibility  should 
arise  of  any  defalcation  of  their  salaries,  parliament  was  so  good- 
humoured,  while  the}^  increased  the  salary,  to  take  upon  them- 
selves to  provide  payment  out  of  the  public  purse  for  deputies, 
who  were  to  do  the  duty.  It  was  therefore  no  wonder  that  his 
lordship  and  his  colleagues  should  be  merry,  while  Ireland  con- 
tinued to  be  sad;  to  see  the  salaries  of  sinecure  places  raised, 
v^hile  she  was  mortgaging  her  funds,  laying  on  new  duties,  and 
providing  for  deficiencies  of  grants.  He  gave  a  picture  of  Ire- 
land :  an  exhausted  treasury,  ruined  trade,  starving  manufac- 
turers, accumulating  pensions,  new  created  places,  state  op- 
pressions, daily  executions,  a  ruined,  mouldering  army,  encrea- 
sing  debts,  castle  jobs,  bands  of  lawless  rufiians  in  defiance  of 
laAV,  and  beyond  the  power  of  punishment;  in  short,  every 
public  evil  and  private  mischief,  that  ever  was  on  earth  to  curse 
and  debase  mankind.  He  did  not  rise  to  the  question  simply 
stated,  whether  the  message  were  really  a  breach  of  the  privi- 
lege of  the  Commons  of  England,  but  principally,  he  said,  to 
give  an  account  of  what  passed  in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons, 
when  Sir  John  Blaquiere  brought  the  message  from  the  lord 
lieutenant.  That  house  refused  the  offer,  he  said,  upon  two 
principles,  first,  because  they  thought  the  introduction  of  foreign 
troops  an  unconstitutional  and  dangerous  measure ;  and  second- 
ly, because  it  was  thought  that  the  ministry  had  no  mind  that 
they  should  have  them,  for  Sir  John  himself  voted  against  them. 
He  said,  Ireland  was  quite  defenceless,  that  the  12,000  nominal 
men  v/ere  only  10,800,  out  of  which  4000  were  to  be  sent 
awav ;  that  the  White  Bovs  were  governors  of  all  the  South 
of  Ireland,  where  four-iifths  of  the  people  were  Catholics  ;  that 
no  private  gentleman  could  be  sure  of  his  life,  sitting  there  in 
his  own  house,  for  one  half-hour,  that  m.ore  troops  were  really 
wanting,  instead  of  taking  those  away  they  had  already;  that 
men  had  their  ears  sawn  off,  and  others  were  buried  alive,  to 
the  disgrace  of  governm-ent,  that  could  not  or  would  not  protect 
the  people  ;  that  the  peasantry  were  in  such  a  state  of  poverty, 
that  no  revqlution  or  change  of  situation  could  possibly  be  to 
them  for  the  worse. 


APPENDIX/  101 

Right  honourable  Welbore  Ellis  said  the  meaning  of  the 
message  had  been  mistaken,  that  taking  the  expression  in  any 
light,  no  breach  of  privilege  could  be  deduced  from  it.  He 
recalled  to  the  rem.embrance  of  the  house,  that  in  1769,  when 
the  Irish  establishment  was' raised  from  12,000  to  15,000  men, 
his  majesty  passed  his  royal  personal  proniise  to  the  Irish  par- 
liament, that  there  should  never  be  less  than  12,000  men  in  Ire- 
land, except  in  cases  of  actual  invasion  or  rebellion  in  Great 
Britain.  Now,  the  Earl  of  Karcourt's  message,  he  contended, 
had  reference  to  this  promise  ;  as  the  present  want  of  troops 
was  not  within  those  exceptions,  it  certainly  was  his  majesty's 
first  business  to  be  absolved  from  that  promise,  by  the  parties 
to  whom  it  was  made  :  but  if  he  had  applied  first  to  the  Commons 
of  Great  Britain,  it  must  have  been  for  the  approbation  of  a 
measure  in  direct  breach  of  his  promise  to  Ireland.  He  com- 
pared it  to  the  king's  proposing  military  establishments  to  the 
house  ;  the  king  does  the  whole  by  his  prerogative,  and  leaves 
nothing  to  the  House  of  Commons  but  to  vote  the  money.  Is 
not  this  engaging  for  the  consent  of  parliament  ?  Yet  all  the 
world  knows  that  the  house  may  object  to  them,  and  consequent- 
ly they  cannot  be  effected  without  their  consent. 

Mr.  Gordon  thought  the  first  part  of  the  message  was  agreea- 
ble to  the  sense  now  put  upon  it  by  the  honourable  gentleman 
who  spoke  last :  but  the  other  part  seemed  a  little  obscure  at 
first  sight ;  yet  it  might  be  concluded,  that  as  a  measure  of  go- 
vernment, it  could  never  be  in  the  idea  of  the  minister  to  make 
such  an  attempt,  in  express  contradiction  to  the  disbanding  act 
of  King  William.  It  was  in  his  opinion,  a  fair  inference  to  say, 
that  the  expression  "enabled  so  to  do"  meant  the  previous  con- 
sent of  the  British  parliament.  If  he  thought  administration 
had  any  other  intention  in  view,  no  man  would  be  more  ready  to 
join  a  vote  of  disapprobation  and  censure.  He  condemned  the 
conduct  of  ministers,  respecting  the  indemnity  bill,  and  disap- 
proved of  introducing  foreigners  into  the  dominions  of  Great 
Britain,  without  the  consent  of  parliament. 

Mr.  Pov/ys  had  little  doubt,  that  the  message  under  conside- 
ration meant  more  than  it  expressed,  and  was  intended  as  an 
experiment  to  try  if  the  Irish  parliament  would  consent  to  re- 
ceive foreign  troops,  in  order  to  establish  a  precedent  which 
might  be  afterwards  employed  to  other  purposes. 

Lord  Middleton  said,  he  had  fortune  in  both  kingdoms,  but 
had  no  predilection  for  either  in  a  political  light,  because  he 
looked  upon  their  interest  to  be  mutual;  but  v/hatever  other 
gentlemen  might  think  of  the  message,  of  the  true  import  of 
which  it  Vv'as  im.possible  there  could  be  a  second  opinion,  he  had 
not  a  doubt  but  it  aimed  at  one  fixed  object,  that  v/as,  to  habi- 
tuate both  countries  to  a  submission,  which  must  in  the  end  re- 


102  APPENDIX. 

duce  the  parliament  of  eacli  to  be  the  mere  instrumental  agents 
of  the  crown,  without  the  least  degree  of  will  or  independence 
whatever.  It  was  a  scheme,  however  deep,  formed  neverthe- 
less, on  very  simple  princi}ijes,  and  went  directly  to  vest  in  the 
crown  the  virtual  power  of  taxing,  as  the  opportunity  might 
serve,  both  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  In  Ireland  the  mi- 
nister was  taught  to  ask  some  favour  ;  then  England  v/as  to  be  ' 
pledged.  In  England  again,  when  circumstances  recurred,  or 
were  impracticable,  Ireland  was  to  be  taxed,  in  order  to  main- 
tain the  supremacy  of  the  British  legislature. 

Mr.  Dunning  divided  the  message  into  two  parts.  On  the 
iirst  he  observed,  that  it  contained  no  condition  im.plied  or  ex- 
pressed. It  v/as  his  majesty's  intention  as  immediately  from 
his  own  mind,  declared  in  the  most  positive  terms  the  English 
language  is  capable  of  conveying.  It  was  a  complete  undertak- 
ing on  his  part  to  pay  for  the  4000  men,  if  the  Irish  House 
of  Commons  should  chuse  to  consent  or  accept  of  the  terms.  It 
was  impossible  in  the  nature  of  things,  that  any  man  possessed 
of  any  thing  he  could  properly  call  his  own,  or  binding  himself 
to  the  execution  of  any  act  within  his  power,  could  promise  in 
terms  more  clear,  positive,  or  unequivocal,  than  those  in  which 
this  part  of  the  message  was  conceived.  To  get  clear  of  this, 
he  said,  tv/o  modes  had  been  adopted,  both  with  equal  bad  suc- 
cess. One  of  those  was  a  naked  contradiction  to  the  obvious 
sense  of  the  words  ;  but  such  an  unsupported  denial  v/as  aban- 
doned in  the  very  instant  it  was  urged ;  for  the  noble  Lord 
(Lord  Clare)  and  the  honourable  gentleman  (Mr.  Ellis)  who 
asserted  at  random,  being  conscious  that  it  was  but  a  random 
assertion,  endeavoured  to  explain  it,  by  saying  that  the  affair 
was  conducted  precisely  in  the  manner  of  a  subsidiary  treaty. 
This  he  said  w^as  still  worse,  for  no  argument  v/as  better  than 
a  bad  one.  It  was  well  known,  that  the  king,  when  treating 
with  foreigners,  represented  the  state,  which  could  never  be  the 
case,  v.'hen  treating  with  one  part  of  his  subjects,  and  engaging 
for  another  ;  besides,  the  consequence,  had  the  offer  been  ac- 
cepted by  the  Irish  parliament,  would  have  clear!}'  shewn  the 
difference,  and  established  the  distinction  beyond  all  question. 
The  troops,  if  the  season  of  the  year  had  permitted,  might  be 
now  in  America  ;  the  foreigners  might  be  landed  in  Ireland. 
Great  Britain  v/as  pledged  ;  the  cause  in  which  the  troops  were 
to  be  eniployed,  and  the  necessary  arrangements  by  which  the 
measure  was  to  be  brought  about,  was  a  favourite  one  ;  so  that 
the  whole  business  might  be  effected  by  his  majesty's  bare  in- 
tention, as  completely  without,  as  with  the  consent  of  the  Bri- 
tish parliament.  The  second  part  of  the  message,  he  insisted, 
Mas  clear  and  explicit.  The  offer  was  to  replace  the  4000 
troops,  by  an  equal  number  of  foreign  Protestants,  "  if  it  be 


APPENDIX.  103 

*'  the  desire  of  piiriiameiit/'  Here  again  Vi as  clear  intention, 
and  oll^r  expressed,  with  the  condition  annexed,  that  was,  '^  if 
*'  it  be  the  desire,"  &c.  By  every  rule  of  legal  construction  or 
common  sense,  if  there  be  an  undertaking  accompanied  by  a 
condition,  if  the  condition  be  accepted  by  the  party  to  whom  it 
is  proposed,  the  bargain  is  from  that  instant  complete,  and  mu- 
tually binding  on  both  parties,  if  then  the  proposition  were  a 
positive  one,  and  it  had  been  accepted,  it  only  r:  mained  to  dis- 
cover whether  or  not  it  w^ere  the  commons  of  Great  Britain, 
whose  word  was  thus  pledged  without  being  consulted.  This, 
he  presumed,  would  require  very  little  proof.  No  man  would 
say  that  Hanover  v/as  to  bear  the  burden :  he  could  less  think 
that  any  of  his  majesty's  new  allies  were  to  do  so,  however  zea- 
lous they  might  be  for  chastising  his  rebellious  subjects  in  Ame- 
rica. The  civil  list,  he  suspected,  was  still  less  equal  to  afford 
so  heavy  a  disbursement.  Where  then  could  the  necessary 
means  of  paying  so  large  a  body  of  men  be  obtained  but  from 
the  British  parliament  ?  By  what  had  fallen  in  debate,  as  well  as 
general  declarations  made  at  the  time  this  business  was  first  men- 
tioned, he  understood  this  famous  message  had  been  disavowed 
by  the  minister,  and  his  friends  on  this  side  of  the  water.  He 
presumed  the  minister  on  the  other  side  did  not  venture  to  do  it 
entirely  on  his  own  judgment.  This  excited  his  curiosity  to 
know  where  it  originated.  It  v/ould  be  a  suliicient  answer,  if 
the  minister  either  here,  or  in  Ireland,  owned  it.  If  neither 
did,  but  the  advice  came  from  another  quarter,  he  should  be 
glad  to  know,  because  in  such  an  event  more  particularly,  it 
would  be  the  duty,  as  it  ought  to  be  the  wish,  of  the  house,  to 
sift  the  matter  to  the  bottom,  in  order  to  come  at  the  real  author 
or  authors. 

Lord  North  gave  a  long  narrative  of  the  increase  of  the 
cCstablishments  which  took  place  in  Ireland  in  1769,  and  of  his 
majesty's  promise  to  his  Irish  parliament,  that  12,000  m.en 
should  always  remain  within  that  kingdom,  except  in  the  event 
of  a  rebellion  in  this.  He  said,  the  roval  promise,  though  bind- 
ing on  his  majesty,  was  not  law,  therefore  sending  the  troops 
out  of  this  kingdom,  to  the  amount  of  any  number,  was  per- 
fectly legal.  His  lordship  said,  he  would  not  answer  the  gene- 
ral cfuestion  put  to  him  by  the  last  honourable  gentleman,  not 
chusing  to  gratify  mere  curiosit\',  at  the  expence  of  betraying 
the  secrets  of  the  cabinet.  He  avowed  the  having  co-operated 
with  the  rest  of  the  king's  servants,  in  giving  general  instruc- 
tions, but  Vv'ould  not  charge  his  memory  with  having  any  im- 
mediate hand  in  drav/ing  up  the  particular  letter  or  paper,  on 
which  the  present  measure  was  supposed  to  be  taken.  He  said, 
he  thought  it  was  perfectly  justifiable,  and  was  willing  to  share  in 
the  consequences.  Yet  he  could  not  see  how  it  was  fair  in  argii* 


104  APPENDIX. 

ment  to  charge  administration  here  v/ith  specific  measures  taken 
in  Ireland  ;  nor  could  he  conceive,  eidier  positively  or  by  im- 
plication, that  he  or  his  colleauges  in  office,  were  bound  in  any 
manner  by  what  passed  in  another  kingdom.  To  some  allusions 
made  by  Mr.  Dunning  and  Mr.  Gordon,  relative  to  the  Hano- 
verians being  sent  to  Gibraltar  and  Minorca,  and  the  fate  of  the 
indemnity  bill,  he  replied,  he  thought  the  measure  perfectly 
legal,  and  was  ready  to  meet  his  adversaries  on  that  ground 
whenever  they  thought  fit.  He  gave  a  history  of  the  indemnity 
bill,  and  in  a  humorous  way  proved  it  was  thrown  out  by  a  no- 
ble marquis  in  the  other  house.  If  introducing  foreign  troops 
were  an  improper  measure,  the  minister  in  Ireland  acted  per- 
fectly right,  for  he  declined  to  support  it;  he  finished  with  ob- 
servations on  the  German  resources,  and  the  poverty  of  the  civil 
list. 

Lord  John  Cavendish  rose  to  give  his  attestation  of  the  per- 
sonal worth  of  Lord  Harcourt.  He  observed,  that  his  lordship 
had  been  little  acquainted  with  public  business  till  his  late  ap- 
pointment ;  therefore,  if  it  were  his  own  measure,  he  was  much 
the  more  excusable  ;  but  he  believed  it  was  not.  However,  if 
it  were  not,  as  the  Irish  nation  had  been  too  wise  and  too  spirit- 
ed to  accept  of  one  part  of  the  proposal ;  and  as  ministers,  what- 
ever they  might  affect  to  the  contrary,  had  not  dared  to  send  a 
single  man  out  of  Ireland  on  such  an  authority,  the  matter  hard- 
ly deserved  the  time  and  attention  some  gentlemen  seemed 
willing  to  bestow  on  it.  The  people  of  Ireland  had  already 
done  half  the  business,  by  refusing  the  offer;  the  minister  had 
in  fact  done  the  other  half  from  his  own  fear ;  so  that  on  the 
whole,  he  did  not  desire  to  send  the  matter  to  a  committee,  but 
v/ished  to  come  to  some  decisive  resolution,  which  would  con- 
demn the  whole  transaction,  without  any  particular  reference  or 
application  to  those,  who  might  be  supposed  to  have  first  planned, 
or  endeavoured  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

Lord  George  Germaine  contended  that  whatever  might  have 
been  the  sense  of  the  message,  his  majesty's  servants  could  not 
be  supposed  to  be  strictly  answerable  for  its  contents.  He  said. 
Lord  Harcourt  might  have  mistaken,  or  exceeded  his  instruc- 
tions. He  did  not  know  he  had.  Or  he  might  have  conveyed 
his  meaning  in  the  clearest  terms ;  whether  he  did,  or  did  not, 
the  first  part  of  the  message  only  proposed  a  matter  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Irish  parliament,  clearly  and  legally  within  the 
constitutional  exercise  of  the  regal  power.  If  his  majesty  had 
not  given  his  royal  promise  to  keep  12,000  men  within  the  king- 
dom, he  might  have  ordered  the  whole,  or  any  part  of  the  troops 
on  that  establishment,  to  any  part  of  the  British  dominions  he 
pleased,  without  applying  to  the  parliament  of  cither  kingdom. 
He  said,  he  had  heard  a  gresit  deal  of  what  had  passed  in  debase 


APPENDIX.  lOS 

in  the  House  of  Commons  of  Ireland,  but  he  could  not  perceive 
what  direct  relation  it  bore  to  what  now  was  under  consideration. 
The  efficient  minister,  as  he  v/as  called,  was  likewise  much  spo- 
ken of;  Sir  John  Blacquiere  said  this,  and  Sir  John  Blacquiere 
said  that;  but  for  his  part,  what  Sir  John  Blacquiere  said  one 
way  or  the  other,  was  of  no  great  consequence.  He  knew  a  Sir 
John  Blacquiere,  and  had  been  in  conversation  with  him ;  but 
in  what  way  v/hat  he  said  could  be  made  a  ground  of  censure 
on  a  British  minister,  was  more  than  he  could  reconcile  to  the 
relation  they  really  stood  in  to  each  other,  if  they  stood  in  any. 
He  confessed,  the  measure  of  paying  for  8000  men,  when  we 
were  to  have  the  service  but  of  4000,  was  extremely  unoscono- 
mical,  and  he  thought  very  improper :  yet  if  4000  men  could 
be  had  upon  no  better  terms,  and  that  it  was  supposed  it 
might  be  more  proper  to  send  natives  than  foreigners  to  Ame- 
rica, the  measure  on  that  account,  and  that  alone,  might  be 
defended. 

Lord  Irnham.  As  I  am  just  returned  from  Ireland,  where 
I  have  attended  closely  to  the  proceedings  of  that  parliament,  it 
may  be  expected  from  me  to  say  something  on  the  present  ques- 
tion. I  shall  therefore  endeavour  to  shew  the  house,  whether 
the  honourable  gentleman  now  in  my  eye,  (Mr.  Conolly),  and  a 
member  of  that  parliament,  as  well  as  of  this,  has  given  you  a 
true  account  of  the  conduct  of  government  there  relative  to  the 
matter  now  before  you;  or  whether  the  representation  of  it 
by  the  gentlemen  who  oppose  the  right  honourable  member's 
motion,  ought  most  to  be  relied  on.  The  doubt  to  be  cleared 
up  is,  what  was  really  the  meaning  of  government  there  in  the 
message  sent  to  both  houses  of  parliament  ?  The  words  of  the 
message  have  been  already  read  to  you,  and  it  has  been  very 
ingeniously,  though  somewhat  variously  explained  by  the  gen- 
tlemen of  the  treasury  bench :  but  the  lord  lieutenant's  secre- 
tary, (who  as  a  noble  lord  on  that  bench,  and  other  gentlemen 
who  heard  him,  and  as  well  as  his  lordship,  have  held  that 
office,  well  know,  is  always  considered  as  the  minister  in  the 
Irish  House  of  Commons),  clearly  expressed  and  interpreted 
the  meaning  of  it;  which  was,  that  the  Irish  parliament  should 
consent  to  the  introducing  into  the  country  4000  foreign  Pro- 
testants, in  consideration  of  which,  they  should  assure  his 
majesty  of  their  readiness  to  spare  4000  men  of  the  troops  on 
the  Irish  establishment  for  the  service  of  America,  to  be  like- 
wise paid  by  Great  Britain  ;  and  it  was  expatiated  upon  by  him, 
and  all  those  who  spoke  on  the  side  of  government,  how  advan- 
tageous such  an  offer  must  be,  which  provided  equally  for  the 
safety  of  Ireland,  as  if  their  own  troops  had  remained  in  it, 
Qnd  v/ould  moreover  bring  80,000/.  of  English  money  into  thd 

VOL.  II.  o  . 


106  APPENDIX. 

kingdom.  The  speech  was  answered  by  addresses  from  both 
Jiouses....that  of  the  lords  immediately  to  the  king ;  that  of  the 
-commons  to  the  lord  lieutenant ;  in  substance  the  same  as  re- 
turning thanks  for  the  offer,  but  refusing  the  introduction  of 
the  foreign  troops,  proving  that  they  chose  to  defend  their  coun- 
try, even  in  its  present  precarious  situation,  by  the  exertion  of  their 
own  efforts,  rather  than  to  adopt  so  unconstitutional  and  dange- 
rous a  measure  ;  which  sentiment  of  theirs  certainly  did  them 
honour:  but  at  the  same  time  they  consented  by  address,  to  send  to 
.America  the  4000  additional  troops  requested  of  them,  both 
houses  understanding,  however,  (as  it  is  well  known)  that  an  act 
should  be  passed  to  legalize  the  terms  of  the  said  address,  as 
the  crown  had  precluded  itself  by  act  of  parliament  from  the 
right  of  sending  more  than  about  3000  men  out  of  that  kingdom, 
which  number  it  had  already  exceeded.  A  bill  was  accordingly 
brought  in,  wherein  were  inserted  two  clauses  calculated  to  effect 
that  purpose  ;  but  to  the  astonishment  of  the  public,  those  causes 
were  thrown  out  in  England :  and  an  act  was  again  passed,  bar- 
ring the  crown  ftrom  the  power  of  sending  any  more  troops 
abroad  than  would  leave  12,000  men  on  the  establishment  for 
the  defence  of  Ireland,  and  consequently  the  effect  of  the 
addresses  of  both  houses  was  thereby  destroyed,  whilst  at  that 
very  time  government  declared  its  resolution  to  send  those  4000 
men  to  America^  in  conformity  to  the  addresses  of  both  houses, 
and  signified,  that  they  did  not  consider  the  crown  as  bound  by 
the  act,  to  which  the  royal  assent  has  just  been  given,  to  keep 
12,000  men  in  that  kingdom,  under  pretence  of  its  not  being 
in  the  enacting  part,  though  in  the  preamble  of  the  act;  but 
whoever  reads  it,  will  find  that  compact  not  only  in  the  pream- 
ble, but  also  so  strictly  tied  to  that  part  of  the  act  which  grants 
the  subsidy,  (being  about  450,000/.)  that  if  the  crown  be  not 
bo.und  thereby,  above  two-thirds  of  the  concessions  from  the 
crown  to  the  subject  by  act  of  parliament  since  Magna  Charta, 
will  fall  to  the  ground,  and  the  crown  has  fo-rfeited  its  right 
to  those  subsidies.  I  remember  upon  this  being  hinted  at  by 
some  members  of  the  Irish  parliament,  too  sanguine  for  govern- 
ment, the  law  servants  of  the  crown  (men  of  great  abilities)^ 
avoided  the  question  on  that  ground.  As  to  the  present  lord 
lieutenant  of  Ireland,  of  whom  many  handsome  things  have  been 
said  by  gentlemen  on  both  sides  of  the  house,  those  qualities 
mentioned,  are,  I  apprehend,  relative  only  to  his  private  cha- 
racter, which  merely  as  such,  has,  I  think,  good  ingredients 
in  it :  but  we  don't  sit  hereto  discuss  private  characters  ;  his  mi- 
nisterial and  public  one  is  what  we  are  to  consider,  and  I  will 
speak  out.. ..the  talents  and  abilities  of  that  minister  of  the 
crown  are  by  no  means  equal  to  his  station.  Two  millions  and 
%  half  of  people  is  a  trust  of  too  great  v.' eight  for  him  to  sustain; 


APPENDIX.  105^ 

-dnd  he  has  sufficiently  avowed  his  incapacity  to  govern  them, 
by  delegating  all  his  power  to  his  secretary.  To  conclude,  the 
ineasures  pursuing  there  being  illegal,  must  displease  the  best 
and  soundest  part  of  his  majesty's  subjects ;  and  though  for 
certain  purposes  the  ministry  have  this  day  spoken  very  advan- 
tageously of  Ireland,  if  they  go  on  in  acting  as  they  do,  the^Mvill 
meet  with  the  united  efforts  of  that  country  in  opposition  to 
their  attempts:  and  then,  instead  of  panegyric,  they  will  call 
out  to  this  house  for  restraining  and  incapacitating  bills,  to 
punish  that  kingdom,  as  they  have  done  America.  Let  me 
therefore  recommend  to  the  noble  lord  now  at  the  helm,  to 
attend  vv^hilst  it  is  time,  to  that  alarmed  part  of  his  miijesty's 
most  affectionate  subjects,  and  to  forgive  me  if  I  heartily 
intreat  him  to  apply  his  utmost  care  to  rectify  the  errors  of 
government  in  that  kingdom.  In  the  present  case  now  before 
us,  the  conduct  of  administration,  relative  to  the  message  from 
Lord  Harcoui  t  to  the  Irish  parliament,  has  been  unconstitutional 
and  highly  biameable.  I  am  therefore  to  thank  the  right 
honourable  gentleman  for  the  motion,  and  to  express  my  hearty 
concurrence  in  it. 

Mr.  Fox  observed,  that  as  the  administration  of  both  king- 
doms were  totally  unconnected,  so  was  every  individual  who 
composed  them.  No  two  of  the  confidential  servants  of  the 
crown  who  spoke  agreed  in  a  single  sentiment.  Some  allowed 
the  message  to  import  what  was  stated  in  the  complaint ;  others 
acceded  to  a  part  of  it,  it  manifestly  intended :  but  in  this 
diversity  of  opinion,  there  was  one  thing  too  curious  to  pass 
unnoticed,  that  v/as  the  language  used  by  two  or  three  members 
of  administration,  which  was  describing  the  minister  of 
the  House  of  Commons  in  Ireland,  and  the  speaker,  under  the 
undefined  terms  of  one  Edmond  Sexton  Peny,  and  one  Sir 
John  Blacquiere. 

Mr.  Attorney  General  said,  the  motion  was  a  party  squib, 
not  worth  attending  to  ;  and  that  the  preamble  to  an  Irish  act  of 
parliament  did  not  bind  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain. 

Governor  Johnson  said,  the  n;inisters  here  throw  all  the 
blame  upon  the  ministers  in  Ireland. 

Lord  North  gave  a  great  encomium  of  the  a,dministration  of 
Ireland  since  the  appointment  of  the  present  lord  lieutenant ; 
observing,  that  no  better  proof  could  be  given  of  it,  than  that  it 
was  attended  w^ith  uncommon  success. 

Mr.  ConoUy  observed,  it  was  no  wonder  the  government  of 
that  kingdom  should  be  attended  v^nth  success,  when  265,000/. 
had  been  raised  on  a  ruined  impoverished  country.  (Here  he 
was  proceeding  to  shew  how  unable  the  Irish  v/ere  to  bear  such 
a  burthen  ;  and  to  give  a  detail  of  the  pensions  that  had  been 
lately  granted,  the  places  that  had  been  newly  created,   and  the 


108  APPENDIX. 

various  means  that  had  been  employed  to  influence  and  corrupt 
the  representatives  oi  the  people,  when  he  was  interrupted  by- 
Lord  North,  as  applying  to  matters  not  at  all  relating  to  the 
subject  of  the  debate.) 

Mr.  Fox  insisted,  that  the  matter  stated  by  his  honourable 
relation  was  perfectly  within  order ;  that  it  grew  directly  out  of 
the  subject  of  debate  ;  and  that  if  his  lordship  appealed  to  the 
success  of  administration  in  Ireland,  as  a  proof  of  the  wisdom 
or  mildness  of  the  government  there,  it  was  no  less  fair  in  argu- 
ment, than  consonant  to  order,  to  shew  the  true  causes  of  that 
boasted  success.  (Here  the  altercation  was  put  an  end  to,  by 
the  question  being  called  for.)  The  question  was  put  on  Mr. 
Townshend's  motion  for  a  committee.  The  house  divided  j 
for  the  motion  106,  against  it  224. 


No.  LXIX.  a. 


"  AN  ADDRESS  FROM  THE  BELFAST  FIRST  VOLUNTEER  C03I- 
"  PANY,  TO  THE  OFFICERS  AND  PRIVATES  OF  THE  SEVE- 
"  RAL  COMPANIES  TO  BE  REVIEWED  AT  BELFAST,  31ST 
"    OF    JULY,    1782....PAGE    333. 

"  Gentlemen, 

"  FROM  a  convection  that  the  present  is 
*'  a  critical  moment  for  Ireland,  inasmuch  as  we  conceive  that 
"  the  question  whether  we  shall  be  free  or  an  enslaved  people 
"  depends  on  it ;  w^e  humbly  presume  that  an  address,  in- 
"  duced  by  the  purest  motives,  will  not  be  held  presumptuous, 
''  and  that  every  reasonable  allowance  will  be  made  for  us  by  the 
"  liberality  of  our  fellow  subjects  and  soldiers,  the  volunteers  of 
"Ulster. 

"  The  struggles  which  this  loyal  nation  has  lately  made  to- 
"  ward  casting  off  the  usurpation  of  a  country  which  cannot 
"  justly  claim  a  single  right  to  which  Ireland  is  not  by  charter, 
<'  justice,  and  nature,  equally  entitled,  have  excited  the  admi- 
"  ration  of  every  state  in  Europe.  But  at  this  period  of  Irish 
^'  virtue,  were  we  contentedly  to  sit  down  with  any  thing 
*'  short  of  complete  freedom,  we  should  render  ourselves  odious 
"  to  millions  yet  unborn,  who  would  tax  us  with  having  meanly 


APPENDIX.  109 

'*  soM  an  opportunity  of  rescuing  the  land  from  the  yoke  of 
"  slavery  at  such  an  sera  as  the  revolution  of  centuries  may  not 
*'  again  produce. 

''  The  designs  of  ambitious  men  may  for  a  time  mislead,  but 
"  cannot  long  delude  a  people  of  that  sound  plain  understanding 
"  by  which  even  the  inferior  classes  of  the  men  of  Ulster  have 
"  ever  been  distinguished.  With  such  men,  simple  ungarnished 
*'  truths,  level  to  every  capacity,  raust  have  their  weight,  and 
"  will,  it  is  presumed,  rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  the  dignity  and 
''  independence  of  their  nation. 

*'  The  intention  of  this  address  is  with  all  hum.ility  to  impress 
"  the  foUovv'ing  great  and  serious  truths  :....That  the  rights  of 
"  this  kingdom  are  not  yet  secured,  nor  even  acknowledged  by 
"  Britain,  partly  owing  to  the  delusions  of  many  sincere  friends, 
"  to  the  perfidy  of  pretended  ones,  and  to  an  error  committed 
'^  through  precipitancy  by  our  representatives  in  the  senate.  That 
"  unless  a  spark  of  that  sacred  ^ame,  which  but  a  few  days  ago 
"  glowed  in  every  breast  in  Ulster,  be  again  excited  ;  the  glo- 
''  rious  attempt  of  this  country  to  procure  its  emancipation,  in- 
"  stead  of  producing  any  real  permanent  good,  will  too  probably 
"  be  the  means  of  depriving  us  of  our  riglits  for  ever. 

"  Let  us  then  trace  the  growth  and  progress  of  our  late  spirit, 
"  and  let  the  claims  asserted  at  Dungannon,  on  the  15th  of  Fe- 
"  bruary,  be  the  ground-work  of  our  enquiry. 

"  The  spirit  of  that  great  day's  proceedings,  Vvhich  v»'as  re- 
"  echoed  from  every  quarter,  may  easily  be  collected  from  the 
*'  following  quotations  :.... Your  representatives  there  assembled, 
"  declared,  '  That  a  claim  of  any  body  of  men  other  than  the 

*  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland,  to  make  laws  to  bind  this 

*  kingdom,  is  unconstitutional  and  a  grievance. 

'  That  the  ports  of  this  kingdom  are  by  right  open  to  all  fc- 
'  reign  countries  not  at  war  with  the  king ;  and  that  any  burden 

*  thereupon,  or  obstruction  thereto,  save  only  by  the  parliament 

*  of  Ireland  is  unconstitutional  and  a  grievance.' 

"  A  moment's  reflection  will  shew,  that  the  first  of  these  two 
"  resolves  clearly  applies  to  a  denial  of  the  pretended  right  of 
"  Britain  to  internal  legislation  for  this  country ;  and  the  latter 
''  resolve  as  decidedly  determines  with  respect  to  external  le- 
"  gislation,  as  our  right  to  a  freedom  of  commerce  is  its  very 
"  soul  and  basis. 

"  If  it  appear  that  these  demands  of  Ireland,  which  arose 
*'  from  your  own  act,  and  from  which  you  cannot  recede  with- 
*'  out  drawing  down  eternal  dishonour  on  your  posterit)",  have 
"  completely  and  without  equivocation  been  acceded  to,  then 
"  the  present  discontents  and  jealousies  are  groundless  and 
"  should  cease  ;  but  if  a  candid  disquisition  evinces  the  contra^ 
"  ry,  the  voice  of  Ireland  should  again  be  raised,  and  rather 


no  APPENDIX. 

**  than  the  pride  of  a  sister  (in  an  honourable  connection  with 
''  whom  we  will  ever  glory)  should  trample  on  the  dearest  rights 
''  of  our  nature,  we  should  meet  our  danger  like  men  deserving 
"  to  be  free,  and  by  acting  with  the  boldness  of  conscious  virtue 
*'  and  true  dignity,  we  would  probably  secure  for  ages  the  inte- 
"  rest,  peace^  and  affections  of  the  two  kingdoms. 

"  Our  Houses  of  Lords  and  Commons,  forced  into  the  tem- 
*'  porary  practice  of  virtue  by  the  demands  of  an  armed  people, 
*'  complained  of  the  British  Declaratory  Law  of  6th  of  George 
"  I.  and  of  the  powers,  as  the  lords  said,  and  of  the  claims  of  it, 
"  according  to  the  commons. 

"  Every  one  must  recollect  in  what  manner  demands,  on  the 
"  accuracy  of  which  the  settlement  of  the  rights  of  three  millions 
*'  depend,  was  precipitated.  Imperfect,  however,  as  they  were, 
''  their  general  tenor  went  to  demand  an  eternal  renouncement 
'*  of  all  power  of  legislation  for  this  country,  however  marked 
*'  by  the  futile,  groundless,  and  insidious  distinction  of  external 
"  and  internal. 

"  In  the  address  of  our  commons  to  the  king,  we  find  the 
"  following  animated  expressions  to  this  point: 

"  There  is  no  body  of  men  competent  to  make  laws  to  bind 
"  this  kingdom  except  the  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland ; 
"  nor  any  other  parliament  which  hath  any  authority  or  power 
*'  of  any  sort  whatsoever  in  this  country,  save  only  the  parlia- 
"  ment  of  Ireland.  To  assure  his  majesty,  that  we  humbly 
"  conceive  that  in  this  right  the  very  essence  of  our  liberties  ex- 
"  ists  ;  a  right  which  we,  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Ireland, 
*'  do  claim  as  their  birthright,  and  which  we  cannot  yield  but 
"  with  our  lives." 

"  Let  us  examine  how  this  claim,  so  solemnly  advanced  by 
"  the  representatives  of  a  nation,  was  received,  and  what  effects 
"  it  produced  on  our  repenting  sister. 

"  Mr.  Fox,  a  man  of  the  first  abilities  in  Europe,  who  was 
'^  the  ostensible  minister  of  that  day,  moved  for  a  repeal  of  the 
"  6th  of  George  the  First  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  a 
"  repeal,  which  has  since  drawn  such  floods  of  gratitude  and  ill- 
*'  timed  applause  from  the  open,  sincere,  unsuspecting  hearts  of 
"  Irishmen.  In  a  speech  in  which  his  great  abilities  were  fully 
''  employed,  introductory  of  the  Irish  business  to  the  parliament 
"  and  people  of  Great  Britain,  a  business  of  which  he  was  the 
*'  avowed  patron,  in  the  very  same  breath,  v/ith  which  he  urged 
"  the  justice  of  our  demands,  asserted, '  that  he  always  made  a 
'  distinction  between  internal  and  external  legislation,  and  though 
'  it  would  be  tyranny  to  attempt  to  enforce  the  former  in  coun- 
*■  tries  not  represented  in  the  British  parliament,  yet  he  was 
^  clear  that  the  latter  was  in  reason  and  policy  annexed  to  the 
^  British  legislature.'     A  little  after  he  presents  a  just  though 


APPENDIX.  Ill 

"  dreadful  view  of  that  very  species  of  usurpation  which  he  dig- 
"  nified  by  giving  it  the  air  of  a  right,  though  he  little  intends 
"  that  it  should  be  seen  in  so  clear  a  light  as  it  has  been  by  every 
''  thinking  man  in  this  country  :....Kis  words  are  'but  fatally  for 
'  this  country  this  power  of  external  legislation  had  been  em- 
'  ployed  against  Ireland  as  an  instrument  of  oppression  to  esta- 
'  blish  an  impolitic  monopoly  in  trade,  to  enrich  one  country  at 
'  the  expence  of  the  other.'  Could  a  more  striking  illustration 
"  of  the  abominable  state  of  subjection  to  which  we  were  ac- 
"  cording  to  his  assertion  reduced,  and  still  are  subject,  be 
"  given  ?  This  picture  drawn  in  a  British  House  of  Commons, 
"  exhibits  a  nation  deprived  of  even  the  shadow  of  constitution, 
*'  and  consequently  its  dearest  interests  lying  at  the  mercy  or 
"  rather  caprice  of  a  neighbouring  nation  ;  of  a  nation  whose 
"  policy  it  had  ever  been  to  check  and  destroy  in  the  bud,  every 
"  prospect  of  gain  and  commercial  advantage,  which  did  not 
"  directly  tend  to  her  own  opulence  or  did  not  gratify  her  own 
*'  lust  for  power. 

"  We  might  defy  the  most  descriptive  pen  to  delineate  the 
"  features  of  the  most  abject  slavery  with  more  truth  and  ac- 
"  curacy. 

"  We  do  not  mean  to  tax  the  then  premier  with  any  miscon- 
"  duct  as  a  British  minister,  as  we  cannot  but  suppose  he  fairly 
"  represenied  the  sentiment  of  the  cabinet ;  the  sentiment  of  an 
.*'  administration  uncommonly  popular,  and  of  the  bulk  of  the 
"  British  nation ;  for  we  are  well  av/are  that  a  man  situated  as 
''  he  was,  durst  not,  as  premier,  utter  a  sentiment  not  according 
"  with  that  of  his  colleagues  ;  also  that  his  chance  for  remaining 
"  long  in  office  depended  on  his  acting  up  to,  and  holding  such 
*'  language  as,  considering  the  circumstances  of  the  times,  would 
"  be  most  pleasing  to  the  country  to  which  he  belonged.  Mr. 
"  T.  Pitt,  who  seconded  the  motion  of  Mr.  Fox,  further  ad- 
"  vanced,  '  that  he  knew  no  difference  between  internal  and  ex- 
'  ternal  legislation,  and  that  he  would  not,  to  his  last  breath, 
*  think  otherv^^ise.'  Lord  Beauchamp  was  the  only  man  who  con- 
*'  tended  against  the  claim  of  externally  legislating  for  us,  and 
"  who  foresaw  that  any  thing  short  of  a  relinquishment  of  that 
"  claim  as  well  as  the  other,  could  not  be  satisfactory  to  this 
"  country.  A  fev/  days  after  the  minister  said,  that  the  first 
"  men  of  Ireland  were  content  with  a  repeal  alone.  In  that 
*'  shape  the  law  passed,  and  v/e  were  persuaded  in  the  second 
"  address  to  admit  the  idea,  not  indeed  of  a  simple  repeal  but  a 
"  repeal  without  stipulation  or  condition,  and  which  might  have 
*'  been  full  and  sufficient  if  properly  worded, 

"  We  have,  from  these  circumstances,,  every  presumptive  evi- 
"  dence,  that  it  never  was  the  intention  of  Britain  or  of  British 
**  ministers  to  relinquish  the  right,  and  that  their  favour  extend- 


112  APPENDIX. 

"  cd  no  farther  than  to  a  suspension  of  its  exercise,  which  in  her 
"  then  debilitated  state  she  could  not  enforce. 

"  We  have  here  avoided  mentioning  the  very  cogent  reasons 
''  advanced  by  the  Right  Honourable  H.  Flood,  and  the  great 
*'  view  he  has  opened  of  the  question  to  the  kingdom  at  large : 
*'  we  must,  however,  pay  him  that  tribute  of  praise,  that  no  man 
"  yet  has  been  hardy  enough  (save  Mr.  Dobbs)  to  meet  him  on 
"  that  subject,  either  in  parliament  or  in  the  public  prints.  As 
*'  to  that  gentleman's  impregnable  '  fortress,  founded  on  a  rock,' 
"  we  presume  it  could  be  taken  without  much  difficulty :  but  as 
"  it  is  purposely  erected  to  withstand  the  abilities  of  the  greatest 
''  man,  and  perhaps  the  most  profound  constitutional  historian  in 
*'  the  British  empire,  we  shall  not  here  presume  to  attack  it. 

"  It  is  very  foreign  from  our  intention  to  attempt  to  open  new 
*'  grounds  of  controversy  with  England;  but  we  ardently  wish,and 
"  will  never  cease  to  hope,  that  the  people  of  this  kingdom  will,  by 
"  vperseverance  and  an  exertion  of  spirit,  bounded  by  loyalty  to 
"  our  prince  and  a  love  of  the  British  constitution,  according  to 
"  its  purest  principles,  very  speedily  obtain  the  wishes  expressed 
*'  by  its  inhabitants  in  every  capacity,  and  by  the  addresses  of  its 
*'  own  parliament  to  its  sovereign.  As  to  volunteers,  it  is  evi- 
"  dent  that  their  honour  is  bound  by  the  determination  of  their 
*'  first  and  only  glorious  meetings  in  their  different  provinces, 
*'  and  that  they  cannot  retract  without  ignominy  and  contempt. 
"  Let  a  reflection  on  the  miraculous  effects  your  own  spirit,  dis- 
"  played  rtt  one  of  vour  Dungannon  meetings,  produced  on  all 
*'  descriptions  of  men,  as  well  the  courtier  as  the  timid  friend, 
*•'  teach  you  that  even  unanimity  among  ourselves,  as  well  as  a 
"  lasting  and  happy  connection  between  the  two  contending 
'^  parties,  can  only  be  obtained  by  again  speaking  out  with  that 
''  spirit,  which  characterised  Irishmen  on  the  15th  of  February, 
"  1782,  and  which  rendered  it  a  day  that  will  make  an  eminent 
"  figure  in  the  annals  of  the  empire. 

*'  Recollect  that  Ulster  led  the  way,  that  the  other  provinces 
"  followed  the  great  example  v/ith  redoubled  vigour,  and  that  we 
**  cannot  doubt  they  will  do  so  again ;  that  discontents  against 
*'  men  and  measures  are  gone  forth,  and  are  hourly  encreasing; 
"  that  the  first  meeting  of  Ulster  is  equally  the  pride  of  every 
"  man  in  Ireland ;  and  the  last  one  pretty  generally  reprobated 
"  as  premature,  ill-judged,  and  not  conveying  the  sense  of  the 
*'  constituent  body.  Such  reflections  will  convince  every  im- 
"  partial  man,  that  a  speedy  meeting  on  the  hill  of  Dungannon, 
"  (the  delegates  being  previously  instructed  by  the  people,  in 
"  whom  only  true  spirit  exists,  and  taught  only  to  echo  their 
*'  sentiment)  can  alone,  in  the  present  mutilated  state  of  our  af- 
"  fairs,  so  lately  promising  every  blessing,  give  us  the  chance  of 
"  a  free  constitution.  Do  not  forget  that  Connaught  has,  in  her 
i 


APPENDIX.  113 

^'*  address  to  his  majesty,  laid  down,  in  the  most  pointed  terms 
*'  that  language  could  convey,  the  very  principle  which  we  here 
"  endeavour  to  establish  and  maintain ;  where  she  informs  his 
"  majesty,  that  a  revival  of  the  claims,  either  of  external  or  in- 
"  ternal legislation,  would  forever  sever  the  two  countries. 

"  If  you  follow  her  steps  in  that  point,  what  can  possibly  bs 
"  dreaded  ?  You  will  at  that  instant,  with  her,  compose  a 
"  large  majority  of  the  armed  force  of  Ireland :  and  no  man 
"  who  has  not  sinister,  dishonest  views,  can  pretend  to  allege 
"  that  perfect  unanimity  would  not  prevail  over  the  v>'hole  king- 
"  dom,  as  it  did  when  there  was  much  less  chance  or  expecta- 
"  tion  of  it. 

"  The  British  legislature  in  claiming  a  right  to  external 
"  legislation  for  this  country,  assumes  an  absolute  control  over 
*'  our  commerce  and  foreign  trade  :  and  consequently  can,  if 
"  vv^e  admit  her  claim,  prevent  us  from  forming  any  commercial 
"  connection  with  any  nation  on  the  globe  however  well 
"  calculated  our  produce  or  manufactures  may  be  to  serve 
"  such  nation.  When  such  a  preposterous  claim  is  made, 
"  will  any  man,  in  his  right  reason,  say  that  this  is  enjoying 
"  equal  liberty  ;  or  that  we  have,  under  such  base  restraint, 
''  received  what  Britain  was  pleased  to  term  a  free  trade,  when 
"  the  moment  of  her  depriving  us  of  a  commerce,  even  with 
"  foreign  nations,  depends  merely  on  her  own  caprice,  or  her 
*'  own  interest  ? 

*'  Slavery  cannot  be  of  a  deeper  complection  ! 

"  It  may  be  alleged,  that  this  is  the  price  we  pay  for  the  pro- 
"  tection  of  the  British  flag.  But  let  us  not  deceive  ourselves. 
"  Ireland  is,  and  ever  was,  one  of  the  best  pillars  of  the  empire 
''  and  contributes  more  to  the  aggrandizement  of  Britain  than 
"  any  other  country  she  is  connected  with.  But  independently 
*'  of  this  circumstance,  will  any  man,  not  enamoured  with  the 
"  horrors  of  bondage,  dare  to  assert  that  the  loss  of  civil  liberty 
*'  should  be  the  price  of  any  protection  w  hatever ! 

"  We  take  the  liberty  of  submitting  three  resolutions  to  your 
"  deliberation,  which  we  will  move  through  our  delegate  the  day 
*'  after  the  Belfast  review,  when  addresses  to  the  reviewing 
"  general  will  be  moved  for. 

''  Previous  to  that  day,  we  hope,  you  will  instruct  your  dele- 
"  gate,  which  will  attend  the  meeting,  whether  you  chuse  that 
*'  he  should  give  3'our  assent  or  dissent  to  them. 

"  1st  Resolve^  That  a  Dungannon  meeting  be  held  on  the.... 
"  day  of.... for  the  purpose  of  considering  whether  any,  and  which 
"  of.  the  demands  of  the  province  of  Ulster  of  the  15th  of 
"  February,  1782,  have  not  yet  been  complied  with.  If  any  are 
**  found  not  yet  complied  with,  prudent  measures  maybe  adopted 

VOL.    II.  p 


114  APPENDIX. 

"  for  obtaining  them,  as  also  for  obtaining  an  Irish  statute, 
"  declaring  that  the  sole  right  of  both  external  and  internal 
"  legislation  is  vested  in  our  own  parliament,  and  in  no  other, 
"  as  its  receiving  the  assent  of  a  prince,  in  whom  the  two  crowns 
"  are  united  would  be  held  a  strong  security,  and  would  admi- 
'^  nister  general  satisfaction. 

"  "Zd  Resolve^  That  it  is  not  the  sense  of  this  nieeting  that 
*'  a  simple  repeal  of  the  6th  of  George  I.  can  be  accepted 
**  as  a  sufficient  renunciation  of  the  claim  of  external  and  internal 
*'  legislation  formerly  exercised  over  this  country. 

"  2>d  Resolve^  In  order  to  guard  against  an  undue  use  of 
*'  delegated  power,  that  it  be  held  a  general  principle,  tliat  no 
"  resolutions  or  addresses,  which  may  be  adopted  at  any  future 
"  assemblies  of  delegates,  can  be  considered  as  being  the  reso- 
*'  lutions  and  addresses  of  such  volunteer  companies,  until  the 
*'  chairman  shall  have  transmitted  copies  of  their  proceedings 
"  to  all  the  companies  for  whom  delegates  appeared,  each  of 
"  which  corps  shall  deliberate  collectively  upon  such  proceed- 
"  ings,  and  return  to  the  chairman  on  or  before  a  limited  day, 
"  their  several  approbations  or  disapprobations  of  each  resolu- 
*'  tion  and  of  each  address.  That  as  soon  as  it  has  been  ascer- 
"  tained,  which  resolutions  and  which  addresses  are  agreeable 
"  to  the  majority,  then,  and  not  before,  such  resolutions  shall  be 
*'  held  binding  to  the  constituent  body,  and  the  addresses  shall 
"  then  be  presented  or  transmitted.  That  such  chairman  shall, 
*'  in  the  public  prints  of  the  province,  publish  such  assents  or 
"  dissents  of  corps  to  each  resolution  and  each  address. 
"  We  have  the  honour  to  be, 
"  Gentlemen, 

"  Your  fellow  subjects  and  soldiers. 

"  (Signed  by  order  of  the  Company)  Waddell  Cunningham. 
"  Belfast^  July  18,  l^SS. 


AN  ADDRESS  FROM  FRANCIS  DOIBS,  ESQ^.  TO  THE  OFFICERS 
AND  PRIVATES  OF  THE  SEVERAi  COMPANIES  TO  EE  RE- 
VIEWED   AT    BELFAST,    THE     SlST    OF    JULY,    1782... .P.    S^io, 

Gentlemen, 

FROM  the  fullest  conviction,  that  this  is 
a  critleal  moment  for  Ireland,  and  that  your  conduct,  at  the 


APPENDIX.  115 

ensuing  review,  will  lead  to  the  peace,  honour  and  prosperity,  or 
to  the  devastation,  ignominy  and  destruction  of  Ireland,  I  now 
address  you. 

You  are  addressed  Trorn  the  Belfast  first  company,  and,  if  they 
are  right,  the  emancipation  of  your  country  is  not  obtained.  If 
they  are  right,  you  are  betrayed  by  every  man,  whom  you  have 
long  looked  up  to,  as  v/ell  as  by  those,  who  were  but  lately  in 
your  confidence.  If  the  first  Belfast  be  right,  a  Charlemont, 
who  has  devoted  his  life  to  your  rights.. ..a  Grattan,  whom  you 
almost  adored... .a  Brownlow....a  Stev/art....an  Ogle.. ..a  Yelver- 
ton....a  Burgh.. ..a  Bagnell....in  short,  every  member  of  the 
senate,  u'ho  has  distinguished  himself  in  your  cause,  the  cause 
of  liberty,  have  sold  you ;  and  six  gentlemen,  which  was  the 
number  that  divided  against  the  resolution  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  on  Friday  the  19th  inst.  (''  that  the  exclusive  right 
of  legislation,  as  well  external  as  internal  in  the  parliament  of 
Ireland,  was  acknov/ledged  unequivocally  by  Great  Britain") 
are  the  only  friends  of  their  country. 

Two  resolutions,  namely,  "■  That  a  claim  of  any  body  of 
"  men,  other-  than  king,  lords,  and  commons  of  Ireland,  to 
"  make  laws  to  bind  this  kingdom,  is  unconstitutional,  and  a 
''  grievance* 

"  That  the  ports  of  this  kingdom  are,  by  right,  open  to  all 
*'  foreign  countries,  not  at  war  with  the  king,  and  that  any  bur- 
*'  then  thereupon,  or  obstruction  thereto,  save  only  by  the  par- 
*'  liamentof  Ireland,  is  unconstitutional,  and  a  grievance".... were 
among  the  resolutions  at  Dungannon.  I  admit  with  the  first 
Belfast,  that  these  resolutions  exclude  England  from  either 
making  kuvs  Internalky  or  externally,  for  Ireland.  I  would  shed 
the  blood  of  that  heart,  which  has  uniformly  beat  high  in  your 
cause,  radic  r  tlian  submit  to  either ;  but  I  contend  for  it,  and  I 
will  give  you  my  reasons,  that  as  far  as  it  is  possible  to  be  se- 
cured, you  are  secure,  and  that  all  that  has  been  set  up,  after  the 
faith  of  the  nation  v/as  pledged,  if  obtained,  w^ould  not  add  an 
atom  to  your  security. 

Dungannon  resolutions  spread  through  the  kingdom,  and  the 
unanimit}'  that  marked  them,  declared  their  justice.  England 
felt  it,  and  the  lord  lieutenant  was  instantly  changed.  The  new 
lord  lieutenant  asked  for  3^our  demands....every  thing  demanded 
at  Dungannon  was  demanded  by  parliament.... Every  tliing  de- 
manded by  parliament  was  complied  vrith....And  parliament 
expressed  its  full  and  ample  satisfaction. ...Then,  and  not  till 
then. ...then,  when  the  honour,  faith,  and  every  thing  dear  to  the 
character  of  a  nation  were  pledged,  it  was  suggested,  that  a  re- 
peal was  not  satisfactory,  and  that  a  declaration  from  England, 
renouncing  all  right  to  bind  us,  must  be  obtained.  The  language 
of  better  security  v/as  held  out.. ..the  language  of  legal  security 


116  APPENDIX. 

was  held  out.. ..let  us  try  whether  this  be  any  thing  but  words. 
If  there  is  meaning,  if  there  is  security,  if  there  is  honour,  if 
there  is  justice,  if  there  is  magnanimity  in  it,  let  us  contend  for 
jt.  But  if  there  is  no  security,  no  honour,  no  justice,  no  mag- 
nanimity in  it,  let  us  treat  it  with  contempt. 

Let  us  first  examine  this  act,  which  is  just  repealed.  The 
6th  of  Geo.  I.  amongst  other  things,  says,  *'  That  England  had, 
"  hath,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  a  power  to  make  laws  to  bind 
"  Ireland."  What  does  the  repeal  then  say  ?  Does  it  not  say, 
that  they  have  given  up  what  the  act  contains  ?  Does  it  not 
say,  that  they  had  rwt,  have  not,  nor  of  right  ought  to  have,  a  power 
to  make  laws  to  bind  Ireland  ?  What  does  Lord  Abingdon's 
speech  say,  that  is  so  much  taken  notice  of,  for  the  bill  con- 
tained in  that  speech  was  not  seconded,  does  not  lie  on  the 
table,  is  not  mentioned  in  the  minutes  of  the  day.... I  ask,  what 
does  that  speech  say  ?  For  it  is  no  more  than  a  speech.  It  says, 
*'  That  England  now  has  no  right  to  make  laws  for  Ireland, 
"  externally  or  internally,  because  the  6th  of  George  I.  is  re- 
''  pealed,"  and  therefore,  he  moves  for  leave  to  bring  in  his  bill, 
which  was  treated  with  such  contempt,  that  it  v/as  not  even 
scccnded.  If  such  a  bill  v/as  to  pass,  then,  indeed,  your  indig- 
nation would  be  called  for.. ..then,  indeed,  I  would  be  among 
the  first  to  rouse  you  to  arms. 

Let  us  now  examine  a  declaration,  on  the  part  of  England, 
renouncing  all  right.  In  the  first  place,  vre  deny,  that  England 
ever  bad  a  right,  and  I  submit  to  you  v/hether  the  calling  for 
renunciation  is  not  saying,  England  has  a  right.  What  has  she 
to  renounce  ?  Is  it  nothing  she  has  to  renounce  ?  If  you  call  on 
her  to  renounce  a  right,  do  you  not  admit  that  right  ?  Do  you  not 
furnish  her,  at  a  future  day,  with  an  argument  against  your- 
selves? But  grant,  that  renunciation,  or  declaration  from  England 
would  not  admit  her  right,  where  is  its  security  ?  Can  she  not, 
the  next  hour,  if  she  thinks  proper,  make  a  declaration,  or  a  law 
directly  opposite  ?  If  then  she  can,  it  is  a  security,  that,  for  my 
part,  I  v.ould  not  give  a  farthing  for. 

But  it  is  said,  it  would  be  a  better  security.  I  deny  it,  where 
there  can  be  no  security,  but  honour  and  faith,  there  can  be  no 
degrees  of  security  ;  it  being  fully  understood  what  is  the  inten- 
tion of  the  parties  in  matters  of  honour  and  faith,  is  all  that  is 
necessary.  Now,  does  any  man  doubt,  that  it  is  fully  under^ 
stood  between  England  and  Ireland,  that  we  are  satisfied,  because 
we  hold  that  England  is  bound  by  every  tie  of  honour  and  faith 
never  to  attempt  to  make  laws,  externally  or  internally,  to  bind 
us.  As  I  said  before,  no  declaration  or  law  she  could  make, 
if  she  had  a  mind  to  be  perfidious,  can  prevent  her  again  re- 
J^ealing  or  again  enacting.  The  mistake  is  here.  You  talk  of 
nations  as  you  talk  of  men. ...but  there  is  no  tribunal,  to  which 
nations  can  appeal,  to  prove  their  better  security,  but  Heaven. 


APPENDIX.  nr 

Now,  let  me  suppose,  that  men  have  no  other  tribunal....  A  man 
owed  me  mone}-,  and  he  gave  me  his  note,  that  he  would  pay 
me,  and  I,  afterwards,  demanded  his  bond,  though  there  was 
no  tribunal  on  earth,  that  could  enforce  the  payment  of  either. 
Would  the  bond,  however  high  sounding,  be  a  better  security 
than  the  note,  when  there  was  no  tribunal  that  could  enforce 
feither  ?  The  same  observation  will  hold  with  respect  to  a  re- 
peal, declaration,  and  renunciation.  There  is  no  earthly  tribu- 
nal that  can  decide.  We  have  the  honour  and  faith  of  England. 
We  can  have  no  more.  I  again,  and  again,  repeat  it,  if  Eng- 
land is  perfidious,  our  appeal  must  be  to  Heaven,  and  our  argu- 
ments must  be  our  arms. 

But  we  ought  to  have  a  legal  securit}'.  What  is  a  legal  se- 
curity r  Is  it  not  a  security,  that  an  acknowledged  legal  court 
can  try,  and  gi\'e  judgment  upon  ?  Now  how  can  there  be  a  le- 
gal security  between  nation  and  nation  ?  Where  is  the  court  you 
can  go  before  to  plead  and  enforce  your  security  ?  If,  then, 
there  is  no  court  on  earth,  to  which  you  can  go,  there  can  be  no 
legal  security.  The  words  are  sounds  and  not  sense,  and  I 
trust  will  not  mislead  your  honest  judgments. 

What  is  now  the  fact  ?  No  one  law  made  in  England,  that  is 
not  recognized  by  our  parliament,  is  binding  here.  No  one  law 
affecting  your  external  commerce  made  by  England,  and  not  re- 
cognized by  your  parliament,  is  binding  on  our  trade.  The 
exertion  of  the  whole  claim  is  laid  aside,  and  you  are  now,  as 
free  as  any  nation  under  Heaven. 

Conversations,  in  the  House  of  Commons  of  England,  arc 
talked  of.... I  do  not  care,  if  fifty  t3'rants  there  wished  to  enslave 
us,  whilst  the  legislature,  as  a  legislature,  repeals  the  law,  which 
says,  she  has  a  right  to  bind  us.  "Do  we  mind,  in  houses  of 
parliament,  the  absurdities  of  a  few  individuals  ?  Do  we  take 
the  rash,  the  foolish,  the  mad  expressions  of  individuals,  as  the 
determination  of  the  senate  ?  The  argument  may  mislead,  but 
it  must  appear  insignificant,  in  my  apprehension,  to  every  man 
of  common  understanding. 

A  bill  declaratory  of  our  rights  was  moved  for  lately,  and  re- 
jected ;  because  totally  unnecessary,  and  because  it  would  be 
mvolving  a  new  question,  after  the  lords  and  commons  had  pub- 
licly pledged  themselves  to  be  satisfied,  and  the  people  had  as- 
sented. 1  will  admit,  that  that  bill  could  have  done  no  harm, 
and  I  would  have  voted  for  it,  had  I  had  the  honour  of  a  seat  in 
parliament,  had  it  been  introduced  before  the  nation  had  ex- 
pressed its  contentment.  But  I  think  it  a  matter  of  perfect  in- 
significance as  to  real  security  ;  and  I  now  should  think  the  in- 
troducing it,  would  be  the  first  breach  of  faith,  on  the  part  of 
Ireland.  You  have  expressed,  that  you  are  satisfied.. ..You  have 
expressed,  that  you  are  satisfied,  because  England  has  for  ever 


118  APPENDIX. 

relinquished  all  claim,  or  right  to  bind  you  in  any  shape  whatso- 
ever. What  then  would  your  conduct  now  be,  if,  after  this,  you 
required  more  ?  It  would  be  inconsistent,  (with  your  pardon  for 
the  expression)  it  would  be  absurd. 

Every  thing  is  to  be  urged  to  re-comniit  the  nation....!  am 
the  only  man,  it  is  said,  that  has  been  bold  enough,  to  meet  Mr. 
Flood  in  argument  either  in  or  out  of  parliament ;  it  is  well  they 
dated  their  paper  the  18th  of  July,  for  I  heard  Mr.  Grattan,  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  19th,  answer  Mr.  Flood.... I  saw 
almost  every  man,  that  I  have  been  taught  by  you  to  look  up 
to,  as  your  friends,  and  as  the  friends  of  Ireland,  with  Grattan 
....I  saw  Mr.  Flood  and  five  others  against  the  resolution  of  that 
day....I  believe  Mr.  Grattan  will  publish  v/hat  he  recollects  of 
his  speech,  and  let  it  say  for  itself  and  its  cause,  v/hat  my  abili- 
ties do  not  enable  me  to  do. 

The  resolutions  of  Connaught  are  mentioned,  and  it  is  said 
they  inform  his  majest)^,  that  a  revival  of  the  claims,  either  of 
external  or  internal  legislature  would  for  ever  sever  the  two 
countrie,s....Who  denies  it  ?  I  spoke  it  lately  to  the  first  minis- 
ters of  England,  and  I  have  evidence,  that  I  did,  if  you  choose 
to  call  for  it... .Has  not  Ulster  done,  in  fact,  the  same  thing 
when  these  words  were  introduced  into  our  address  presented 
to  the  Irish  king,  in  the  presence  of  his  English  courtiers,  sur- 
rounded by  his  British  subjects,  and  their  parliament  then  sit- 

"  The  address  of  the  Irish  parliament  having  disclaimed  any 
power,  or  authority  of  any  sort  whatever,  in  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain  over  this  realm,  we  shall  consider  an  unqualified, 
and  unconditional  repeal  of  the  statute  6th  George  I.  by  the  Bri- 
tish parliament,  in  piu'suance  of  the  said  addresses  a  complete 
renunciation  of  a  principle,  hostile  to  the  rights  of  Ireland,  and 
of  all  the  claims  contained  in  the  said  statute,  and  as  such  we 
will  accept  it,  and  deem  it  satisfactory.'^ 

What  has  Connaught  done  that  we  have  not  done  ?  I  love  and 
honour  Connaught,  and  I  trust  that  we  shall  never  deviate  from 
their  proceedings. 

I  now  submit  to  you  two  lines  of  conduct.  By  dissenting 
from  the  unanimous  vote  of  your  House  of  Lords,  v/hich  says, 
that  a  repeal  of  the  6th  George  I.  is  a  complete  dereliction  of 
all  claim,  to  make  laws,  internally  or  externally,  for  this  country  ; 
by  dissenting  from  your  House  of  Commons,  where  six  mem- 
bers only  were  found  to  object  to  a  resolution,  that  England  had 
completely  renounced  all  right,  internally,  or  externally,  for  le- 
gislating for  us  ;  by  dissenting  from  the  unanimous  voice  of 
Dungannon,  from  the  voice  of  Leinster,  from  the  voice  of  Con- 
naught, and  probably  from  the  voice  of  Munster ;  you  open  all 
anew,  you  undo  all  that  has  been  done,  you  risk  every  hazard  of 


APPENDIX.  119 

a  bloody  civil  war,  and  if  you  succeed,  you  get  that,  which  is 
not,  cannot,  nor  will  be  a  real  security.  You  render  the  name 
of  Ireland,  and  particularly  of  Ulster,  contemptible.  You  make 
yourselves  insignificant,  for  who,  after  this  changeability,  wili 
confide  in  you?  Who  will  rely  upon  the  opinion  of  this  day  be- 
ing the  opinion  of  to-morrow  ?  Remember,  I  call  upon  vou  to 
remember,  that  our  honour  and  dignity  as  a  nation,  are  at'stake. 
There  is  another  line  of  conduct  in  your  power,  think  well  of 
it,  and  then  decide. 

By  agreeing  with  your  lords  and  commons,  by  agreeing  with 
the  unanimous  voice  of  the  delegates  at  Dungannon,  by  agi^ee- 
ing  with  Connaught,  with  Leinster,  and  with  the  probable  voice 
of  Munsier,  by  being  unanimous  in  the  construction  of  the  con- 
duct of  England,  and  that  she  has  for  ever  relinquished  all  rights, 
internally  or  externally,  to  make  laws  to  bind  this  countrv ; 
you  bind  yourselves  together,  you  bind  England,  as  far  as  ho- 
nour and  faith  can  bind  her  (and  you  can  bind  her  no  farther), 
never  to  infringe  upon  your  rights.  By  this  conduct,  Ireland^ 
to  a  man,  will  unite  at  the  first  infringement,  and  by  uniting  stop 
it.  Public  propriety  and  consistency  will  gain  you  every  honour 
and  give  you  real  and  true  stability.  Whilst  we  have  force,  we 
are  safe,  when  we  have  not,  we  are  at  the  mercy  of  those  who 
have  ;  this  being  the  case,  I  shall  submit  to  you  the  following 
resolutions.  AVeigh  them  fairly  with  the  other  resolutions,  and 
see  which  establishes  the  honour  and  rights,  consistency,  faith 
and  prosperity  of  your  country. 

Resolved^  That  as  our  parliament  has  demanded  all  that  the 
resolutions  of  the  15th  of  February,  1782,  at  Dungannon,  re- 
quired, and  in  that  demand  expressed,  "  That  there  is  no  body 
"  of  men  competent  to  make  laws  to  bind  this  kingdom,  except 
**  the  king,  lords  and  commons  of  Ireland,  nor  any  other  parlia- 
"  ment,  which  hath  any  authority,  or  power  of  any  sort  whatso- 
"  ever  in  this  country,  save  only  the  parliament  of  Ireland."  To 
assure  his  majesty,  that  we  humbly  conceive,  that,  in  this  right 
the  very  essence  of  our  liberties  exists,  a  right,  which  we,  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  do  claim  as  their  birthright,  which 
we  cannot  yield  but  with  our  lives.  And  then  required  the  re- 
peal of  the  6th  George  I.  and  have  since  declared  that  repeal  to 
be  a  full  and  unequivocal  renunciation  on  the  part  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, to  make  laws  to  bind  Ireland  either  externally  or  internal- 
ly. We  therefore  conceive  Great  Britain  so  bound  for  ever  to  us 
and  our  posterity,  as  that  vre  shall  consider  the  slightest  attempt 
on  the  part  of  England  to  make  laws  externally  or  internally,  to 
bind  Ireland,  as  the  signal  for  irrevocable  separation,  therefore 
we  do  not  deem  an}-  meeting  at  Dungannon  necessary  at  present. 

Resolved^  That  we  will  not  suppose  it  possible,"^  that  Great 
Britain  should  ever  break  through  the  faith  and  honour,  which 


120  APPENDIX. 

she  has  now  pledged  to  us ;  but  as  power  is  the  only  true  and 
real  security  to  a  nation,  we  will  continue  in  the  exercise  of 
arms,  and  recommend  it  to  our  latest  posterity,  to  imitate 
our  example,  remembering  that  freedom  can  only  be  preserved 
by  arms  of  freemen. 

I  have  only  to  add,  that  as  to  all  insinuations  of  the  motives  of 
my  conduct,  I  despise  them. ...I  have  uniformly  acted  with  those 
men,  that  I  thought  the  best  men  in  this  kingdom,  with  those 
men  whom  your  opinions  had  sanctioned.. ..If  I  fall  before  popu- 
lar indignation.... I  fall  with  almost  every  man  in  this  kingdom, 
whose  public  conduct  has  met  your  approbation.. ..and  I  fall  with 
what  is  more  to  me  than  all.. ..with  the  consciousness  of  having 
exerted  every  nerve  and  every  power  of  mine,  to  lead  you  to 
glory,  honour  and  prosperity,  and  when  you  had  obtained  that 
glory,  honour  and  prosperity,  I  exerted  myself,  successfully,  as 
I  thought,  to  prevent  your  doing  that  I  deemed  would  lead  you 
to  destruction. 

Whatever  you  may  think  of  me, 
I  know  that  I  am. 

And  ever  have  been, 

Your  faithful,  your  devoted. 

And  most  grateful  servant, 

Francis  Dodbs. 


KA-D    OF    APPENDIX    TO    VOL.    II. 


Printed  and  Published  by  W.  F.  M'Laug-hlin, 
and  Bartholomew  Graves,  Pliiladelphia. 


DATE  DUE 

GAVLORD 

BOSTON  COLLEGE 


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PLOVJDEN, 


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Chestnut  Hill,  Mass.  02167 


